9  * 


A 


THE 

HISTORY 

OP 

PHILIP'S  WAR, 

COMMONLY    CALLED 

THE   GREAT   INDIAN    WAR,    OF   1670 
AND   1676. 


OF  THIS  FBENOH  AND  INDIAN  WARS  AT  THE  EASTWARD, 
IN  1689,  1690,  1692,  1^96,  AND  1704. 


BY  THOMAS  CHURCH,  Es*. 


WITH 

NUMEROUS  NOTES 

TO   EXPLAIN    THE     SITUATION    OF    THE     PLACES    OF     BATTLES,   TB» 

PARTICULAR     GEOGRAPHY     OF     THE     RAVAGED     COUNTRY, 

AND   THE    LIVES     OF    THK     PRINCIPAL     PERSONS 

ENGAGED    IN    THOSE    WARS. 

ALSO, 

AN  APPENDIX, 

Containing  an  account  of  the  treatment  of  the  natives  by  th'e  early  voyag 
ers,  the  settlement  of  N.  England  by  the  forefathers,  the  Pequot 
War,  narratives  of  persons  carried  into  captivity,  anecdotes 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  most  important  late  Indian 
wars  to  the  time  of  the  Creek  War. 


BY  SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE. 


SECOND  EDITION  WITH  PLATES. 


The  unexampled  achievements  of  our  fathers  should  not  be  forgotten. 

WASHINGTON. 

What  wars  they  wag'd,  what  seas,  what  dangers  past, 
What  glorious  empire  crown'd  their  toils  at  last CAHOXWS. 


EXETER,  N.  H. 

PUBLISHED  BY  J.  &  B    WI 


DISTRICT  OP  MASSACHUSETTS— TO  WIT: 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  eighth  day  of  January,  A.D. 

(L.  S.)  1827,  in  the  fifty-first  year  of  the   Independence  of  the   United 

States   of  America,  Samuel  G.  Drake,   of  the  said  District,  has 

deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  Book,  the  right  whereof  he  claims  as 

proprietor  in  the  words   following,  TO  WIT  : 

"  The  History  of  Philip's  War,  commonly  called  the  Great  Indian  War 
of  1675  and  1676.  Also,  of  the  French  and  Indian  Wars  at  the  Eastward, 
in  1689, 1690, 1692,1696,  and  1704.  By  Thomas  Church,  Esq.— With  nu 
merous  notes  to  explain  the  situation  of  the  places  of  Battles,  the  particular 
Geography  of  the  ravaged  Country,  and  the  lives  of  the  principal  persons 
engaged  in  those  wars.  Also,  an  Appendix,  containing  an  account  of  the 
Treatment  of  the  Natives  by  the  early  voyagers,  the  settlement  of  N. 
England  by  the  Forefathers,  the  Pequot  War,  narratives  of  persons  carri 
ed  into  captivity,  anecdotes  of  the  Indians,  and  the  most  important  late 
Indian  Wars  to  the  time  of  the  Creek  War.  By  Samuel  G.  Drake.  Se 
cond  Edition  with  plates. 

The  unexampled  achievements  of  our  fathers  should  not  be  forgotten. 

Washington, 

What  wars  they  wag'd,  what  seas,  what  dangers  past, 
What  glorious  empire  crown'd  their  toils  at  last.  Camocna." 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled 
•'  An  Act  for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies 
of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Cop 
ies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned :"  and  also  to  an  Act  entitled 
"  An  Act  supplementary  to  an  Act  entitled.  An  Act  for  the  Encourage 
ment  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and  Books  to 
the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Copies  during  the  times  therein 
mentioned  :  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  Arts  of  Designing, 
Engraving  and  Etching  Historical  and  other  prints." 


mm*  w  nAVi<;  I  Clerk  °fthe  Distric* 
JOHN  W.  DAVIS,  J   Qf  Massachusettt. 


C> 


THE  EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 


c 


HURCH'S  History  of  "  King  Philip's  War,"  &c. 
was  first  published  at  Boston,  in  1716,  in  quarto.  It 
was  reprinted  in  Newport,  in  1772,  in  octavo.  I  have 
never  met  with  a  copy  of  the  first  edition,  therefore 
I  copy  from  the  second.  This  is  now  very  scarce 
and  rarely  to  be  met  with.  It  is  however  preserved 
in  some  private  libraries  in  the  old  colony,  in  the  Athe- 
neum  at  Boston,  and  other  literary  institutions  there 
and  elsewhere. 

The  lamentable  manner  in  which  Hutchinson  in 
his  History  of  Massachusetts  passed  over  the  Indian 
wars,  causes  us  much  regret,  and  a  desire  to  catch 
at  every  thing  that  can  give  any  light  upon  them.  He 
is  particular  in  relating  the  witch  affairs  of  the  co 
lony,  but  when  we  have  followed  him  into  Philip's 
war;  being  led  at  first  with  interesting  particulars, 
he  stops  short  and  says,  "  It  is  not  my  design  to  enter 
into  every  minute  circumstance  of  the  war."  But 
does  not  tell  us  why.  This  is  the  more  to  be  la 
mented,  as  his  means  were  more  ample  for  such  his 
tory  than  can  now  be  had. 

In  1825  I  published  a  small  edition  of  this  history, 
containing  however  but  few  additions  to  the  old, 
which  being  immediately  taken  up,  occasioned  the 
early  appearance  of  this.  In  an  early  period  it  was 
designed  to  publish  the  work  as  it  now  appears.  Ac- 
*cordingly  many  valuable  papers  and  rare  works  had 
been  collected,  but  not  used  in  the  first  edition,  on 


IV  THE  EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 

account  of  the  magnitude  and  early  promise  of  the 
work. 

The  papers  had  been  much  forwarded  previous  to 
the  Courtstreet  fire,  of  10  November,  1825,  in  the 
time  of  which  a  trunk  was  stolen,  containing  many 
of  the  manuscript  notes,  relating  particularly  to  the 
biography  of  the  principal  persons  that  figured  in 
the  Indian  wars.  These  in  many  instances  I  could 
not  restore,  which  is  very  much  regretted ;  though 
not  more  than  my  want  of  information  on  subjects 
in  general. ..  But  a  consciousness  is  felt,  that  some 
thing  though  small,  is  redeemed  from  oblivion,  which 
will  be  thought  valuable  by  posterity. 

Of  such  gentlemen  as  have  had  the  opportunities 
of  many  years  to  examine  the  history  of  our  country, 
together  with  every  advantage  from  access  to  all  pub- 
lick  and  private  documents,  I  have  every  indulgence 
to  ask. 

In  regard  to  the  accurate  performance  of  the  work, 
I  can  only  observe,  that  a  scrupulous  regard  to 
accuracy  has  been  paid ;  yet,  errours  may  have 
been  committed,  but  in  no  case  inadvertently.  And 
as- our  most  authentick  historians  have  failed  in  many 
of  these  points,  perfection  will  riot  be  expected  in  me. 
The  same  indulgence  for  the  commission  of  literal 
errours,  as  for  others,  is  solicited,  though  the  excuse 
for  such  cannot  be  so  good ;  but  if  every  thing  be  found 
simple,  and  easy  to  be  understood,  my  chief  aim  is 
answered.  For  so  "  all  historical  memoirs  (says  Dr. 
Colman)  should  be  written."  In  a  number  of  parti 
culars  I  have  deviated  from  common  usage ;  but  in 
none  without  good  reasons,  and  to  me  satisfactory. 
As  one  instance  it  is  observed,  that  compound  names 
of  places,  in  general,  are  written  like  simple  names. 
For  this  deviation  from  general  custom,  no  apology 
will  be  expected  of  me,  as  it  has  been  proved  to  be 
preferable  by  a  writer  of  great  eminence.* 

*  Joel  Barlow,  Esq.     See  his  Columbiacl,  printed  1807, 
Philadelphia,  4to. 


THE  EDITOR'S  PREFACE.  V 

In  correcting  the  text,  superfluous  words  are  some 
times  left  out ;  but  this  [ — ]  sign  is  substituted,  and 
the  word  or  words  omitted  are  given  in  the  margin 
included  by  the  same  marks.  When  a  word  is  al 
tered,  it  is  also  included  in  brackets,  and  the  word 
given  in  the  margin  as  it  stood  in  the  original,  and 
included  in  the  same  way.  All  words,  presumed  to 
be  wanting,  are  inserted  between  brackets  without 
reference  to  the  margin,  and  are  by  the  present  editor. 
All  notes  included  by  the  parenthesis  were  by  the 
former  editor,  and  attached  to  the  old  edition. 

I  should  take  it  as  a  great  kindness,  should  any 
person  communicate  to  me  any  information  where  it 
is  presumed  to  be  wanting  in  the  notes  to  this  work  ; 
or  point  out  any  errours  in  what  is  already  done,  that 
future  editions  may  be  more  perfect. 

It  being  the  particular  design  of  this  edition  to 
render  it  uniform  and  consistent  with  respect  to  ar 
rangement  and  u  originality"  of  expression,  few  lib 
erties  have  been  taken  with  the  composition  ;  few  in 
deed,  unless  pointed  out  as  above  expressed.  In 
some  instances  however,  some  connective  particles 
have  been  dropped  and  the  signs  omitted.  But  in 
such  cases  what  is  omitted  was  superfluous  tautology. 
Therefore  the  reader  may  be  assured  that  the  text  is 
correctly  copied.  Frdm  the  present  appearance  of 
the  work,  its  former  erroneous  composition  is  too 
easily  discovered ;  yet  it  is  some  consolation,  that  in 
numerable  errours  have  been  detected,  and  general 
ly,  inasmuch  as  the  design  of  the  subject  would  admit, 

It  was  thought  advisable  to  accompany  the  work 
with  an  Appendix,  wherein  something  new,  or  of  later 
date  might  be  given,  as  young  persons  generally 
prefer  new  things  to  old.  It  was  rather  difficult  to 
make  the  selection  for  this  part,  not  for  want  of  ma 
terials,  but  because  they  were  so  numerous  ;  and  so 
many  seem  to  deserve  the  same  attention.  But  the 
articles  are  authentick,  and  as  interesting,  H  is  pre- 
vumed,  as  can  be  found. 


VI 


THE  EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 


As  there' are  different  editions  of  many  of  the  au 
thors  cited  in  this  work,  for  the  convenience  of  re 
ference,  a  table,  containing  the  chief  of  them,  is 
here  given. 


Title 

Author 

Where  print 
ed 

When 

No.  of 
vols. 

Form 

American  Annals 

A.  Holmes 

Cambridge 

1805 

2 

8  vo 

American  Biography 
American  Biography 
Annals  of  Newengland 

J.  Belknap 
W.  Allen 
T.  Prince 

Boston 
Cambridge 
Boston 

1794,  1798 
1809 
1826 

2 
1 

I 
8 
8 

Antiquarian  Researches 

E.  Hoyt 

Greenfield 

1824 

1 

8 

Annals  of  the  Revolution 

J    Morse               'Harttord 

1824 

1 

8 

History  of  America 
iistory  of  Connecticut 

W.  Robertson      |  Philadelphia 
B.  Trumbull        |Newhaveu 

1821 
1818 

2 
2 

8 
8 

iistory  of  Massachusetts 

P.   Hutchinson 

Salem 

1795 

2 

8 

iistory  of  Maine 

J.  Sullivan 

Boston 

1795 

1 

8 

iistory  of  Massachusetts 

G.  R.  Minot 

Boston 

1798,1803 

2 

8 

History  of  Maryland 

f.  L.  Bozman 

Baltimore 

1811 

1 

8 

iistory  of  Newengland 
iistory  of  Newengland 

J.  Winthrop 
f.  Adams 

Boston 
Boston 

1825,1826 
1799 

2 
1 

8 
8 

iistory  of  Newengland 

Morse  &  Parish 

Charlestown 

1804 

1 

12  mo 

lisiory  of  Newhampshire 
iistory  of  Newyork 

J.  Belknap 
W.  South 

Phil.  &  Boston 

Albany 

1812.1813 

ISM 

3 

1 

8  V5 

8 

iistory  of  Pennsylvania 

R.  Pi-oud 

Philadelphia 

1797,  1798 

2 

8 

iistory  of  Northcarolina 

H.  Williamson 

Philadelphia 

1812 

2 

8 

listory  of  U.  States 

B.  Trunibull 

Boston 

1810 

1 

8 

list»ry  of  Vermont 

S.  Williams 

Turlington 

1809 

2 

8 

Hist.  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

Boston 

from  1792 

20 

8 

Hist.  Col.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc. 

Newyork 

1811  to  14 

2 

8 

Eiist  Col.  Newhampshire 

Farmer  &.  Moore 

Concord 

1822,3,  4 

3 

8 

Hist.  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc. 

Concord 

1st  in  1  824 

1 

8 

lumphreys'  Works 
Magnalia  C.  A. 

D.  Humphreys 
C.  Mather 

Newyork 
Hartford 

1804 
1820 

1 
2 

8 
8 

tfar.  of  Indian  Wai's" 

W.  Hubbard 

Brattleboro. 

1814 

1 

12  mo 

Newengland  Biography 
tfewengland's  Memorial 

J.  Eliot 
N.  Morton 

Boston 
Newport 

1809 
1772 

1 
1 

8  vo 
8 

Newhampshire  Gazetteer 

Farmer  &,  Moore 

Concord 

1823 

1 

12  mo 

Sum.  Hist.  Mass,  bar 

W.  Douglass 

Boston 

1749 

2 

8  vo 

Travels  throughout  IV.  A. 

J.  Carver 

London 

1781 

1 

8 

Venders  Invisible  World. 

R.  Calef 

Salem 

1796 

I 

12  mo 

Vars  of  Newengland. 

S.  Penhallow 

Boston 

172G 

1 

12 

In  addition  to  the  above  list,  many  works  have 
been  consulted,  but  the  assistance  from  them  has 
been  smaller.  Some  of  the  most  important  are  Hub- 
bard's  History  of  Newengland,  Stiles'  History  of  the 
Judges,  Whitney's  History  of  Worcester,  and  the 
Histories  of  several  of  the  southern  states.  The  free 
use  I  have  made  of  every  author's  works  is  amply  ac 
knowledged  in  the  notes.  Reference  is  made  to  some 
late  editions  of  works  in  preference  to  the  first,  not 
only  as  they  are  more  uniform,  but  because  they  will 
be  often^r  met  with.  But  in  most  cases  such 


THE  EDITOR'S  PREFACE.  vii 

have  been  compared  with  the  originals.  To  two 
works  in  particular,  it  was  thought  most  advisable ; 
namely,  Penhallow's  "  Wars  of  N.  England,"  and 
Prince's  Annals.  The  first  of  these  is  now  reprinted 
in  the  I  Vol.  of  the  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.,  which, 
though  not  so  perfect  as  it  might  have  been,  is,  on  the 
whole,  a  work  to  be  prized.  A  handsome  edition  in 
octavo  of  the  valuable  Annals  was  published  last 
year,  by  Messrs.  Cummings,  Milliard,  and  Company, 
Boston.  Though  this  is  not  exactly  reprinted,  yet,  no 
thing  is  altered,  that  I  have  met  with,  but  for  the  bet 
ter  ;  and,  excepting  a  few  typographical  errours,  is 
splendidly  executed. 

Having  already  drawn  out  my  preface  to  too  great 
a  length,  the  whole  is  submitted  without  any  apolo 
gy.  And  the  publisher  takes  this  opportunity  of 
giving  his  grateful  respects  to  all  his  patrons,  and 
with  pleasure  subscribes  himself,  their  much  obliged 
and  sincere  friend. 

SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE. 

Boston,  2  January,  1837. 


[The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  the  title  page 
of  the  old  edition.] 


THE 

ENTERTAINING 

HISTORY 

OF 

KING  PHILIP'S  WAR, 

WHICH    BEGAN    IN    THE    MONTH    OF    JUNE,    1675. 
AS    ALSO    OF 

EXPEDITIONS 

MORE  LATELY  MADE 

AGAINST    THE    COMMON    ENEMY,  AND    INDIAN    REBELS,  IN    THE 
EASTERN    PARTS   OF    NEW-ENGLAND: 

WITH    SOME    ACCOUNT    OF    THE    DIVINE    PROVIDENCE 
TOWARDS- 

COL.  BENJAMIN  CHURCH: 

BY  THOMAS  CHURCH,  Esq..  HIS  SON. 

SECOND  EDITION. 
BOSTON  :  PRINTED,  1716. 

NEWPORT,    RHODE-ISLAND  :    REPRINTED    AND   SOLD    BY 
SOLOMON   SOUTHWICK,   IN    ftUEEN-STREET,  1772. 


TO  THE  READER. 


X  HE  subject  of  this  following  narrative,  offering  it 
self  to  your  friendly  perusal,  relates  to  the  former  and 
later  wars  of  Newengland,  which  I  myself  was  not  a 
little  concerned  in:  For  in  the  year  1675,  that  unhappy 
and  bloody  Indian  war  broke  out  in  Plymouth  colo 
ny,  where  I  was  then  building,  and  beginning  a 
plantation,  at  a  place  called  by  the  Indians,  Sog- 
konate,  and  since,  by  the,  English,  Little  Compton. 
I  was  the  first  Englishman  that  built  upon  that  neck, 
which  was  full  of  Indians.  My  head  and  hands  were 
full  about  settling  a  new  plantation,  where  nothing 
was  brought  to;  no  preparation  of  dwelling  house,  or 
outhouses,  or  fencing  made;  horses  and  cattle  were 
to  be  provided,  ground  to  be  cleared  and  broken  up; 
and  the  utmost  caution  to  be  used,  to  keep  myself 
free  from  offending  my  Indian  neighbours  all  round 
about  me.  While  I  was  thus  busily  employed,  and 
all  my  time  and  strength  laid  out  in  this  laborious 
undertaking,  I  received  a  commission  from  the  go 
vernment  to  engage  in  their  defence  :  And  with  my 
commission  I  received  another  heart,  inclining  me 
,to  put  forth  my  strength  in  military  service  :  And 
through  the  grace  of  God  I  was  spirited  for  that 
work,  and  direction  in  it  was  renewed  to  me  day  by 
day.  And  although  many  of  the  actions  that  I  was 
concerned  in  were  very  difficult  and  dangerous,  yet, 
myself,  and  those  who  went  with  me  voluntarily  in 
the  service,  had  our  lives,  for  the  most  part,  wonder 
fully  preserved  by  the  overruling  hand  of  the  Al 
mighty  from  first  to  last ;  which  doth  aloud  bespeak 
our  praises :  And  to  declare  his  wonderful  works  is 
our  indispensable  duty. 


I  TO  THE  READER 

I  was  ever  very  sensible  of  my  own  littleness,  and 
unfitness  to  be  employed  in  such  great  services.  But 
calling  to  mind  that  God  is  strong,  I  endeavoured 
to  put  all  my  confidence  in  him,  and  by  his  Almighty 
power,  was  carried  through  every  difficult  action; 
and  my  desire  is,  that  his  name  may  have  the  praise. 
It  was  ever  my  intent,  having  laid  myself  under  a 
solemn  promise,  that  the  many  and  repeated  favours 
of  God  to  myself  and  those  with  me  in  the  service 
might  be  published  for  generations  to  come.  And 
now  my  great  age  requiring  my  dismission  from  ser 
vice  in  the  militia,  and  to  put  off  my  armour,  I  am 
willing  that  the  great  and  glorious  works  of  Almighty 
God,  to  us,  children  of  men,  should  appear  to  the 
world :  And  having  my  minutes  by  me,  my  son  has 
taken  the  care  and  pains  to  collect  from  them  the  en 
suing  narrative  of  many  passages  relating  to  the 
former  and  latter  wars ;  which  I  have  had  the  perusal 
of,  and  find  nothing  amiss,  as  to  the  truth  of  it,  and 
with  as  little  reflection  upon  any  particular  person, 
as  might  be,  either  alive  or  dead. 

And  seeing  every  particle  of  historical  truth  is 
precious,  I  hope  the  reader  will  pass  a  favourable 
censure  upon  an  old  soldier,  telling  of  the  many  ren 
counters  he  has  had,  and  yet  is  come  off  alive. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  remember  what  a  great  number 
of  families,  in  this  and  the  neighbouring  provinces, 
in  Newengland,  did,  during  the  war,  enjoy  a  great 
measure  of  liberty  and  peace  by  the  hazardous  sta 
tions  and  marches  of  those  engaged  in  military  exer 
cises  ;  who  were  a  wall  unto  them  on  this  side  and 
on  that  side. 

I  desire  prayers,  that  I  may  be  enabled  well  to 
accomplish  my  spiritual  warfare,  and  that  I  may  be 
more  than  conqueror  through  Jesus  Christ's  loving 

me. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH- 


THE  LIFE  OF  COL.   CHURCH* 


VVOLONEL  BENJAMIN  CHURCH  was  born  in  1639,  at 
Duxbury,  near  Plymouth,  of  reputable  parents,  who 
lived  and  died  there.  His  father's  name  was  Joseph, 
who,  with  two  of  his  brethren,  came  early  into  New- 
england,  as  refugees  from  the  religious  oppression 
of  the  parent  state.  Mr.  Joseph  Church,  among  other 
children,  had  three  sons,  Joseph,  Caleb,  and  Benja 
min.  Caleb  settled  at  Watertown,  the  other  two  at 
Seconet,  or  Little  Compton.  Benjamin,  the  hero 
of  this  history,  was  of  a  good  stature,  his  body  well 
proportioned,  and  built  for  hardiness  and  activity. 
Although  he  was  very  corpulent  and  heavy  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  life,  yet,  when  he  was  a  young  man 
he  was  not  so ;  being  then  active,  sprightly  and 
vigorous.  He  carried  dignity  in  his  countenance 
— thought  and  acted  with  a  rational  and  manly  judg 
ment — which,  joined  with  a  naturally  generous,  obli 
ging  and  hospitable  disposition,  procured  him  both 
authority  and  esteem.  He  married  Mrs.  Alice  South- 
worth,  by  whom  he  had  a  daughter,  Mrs.  Rothbotham, 
and  five  sons,  viz.,  Thomas  Church,  the  author  or 
publisher  of  this  history,  and  father  of  the  honourable 
Thomas  Church,  Esq.,  now  living  in  Little  Compton; 
Constant  Church  a  Captain  under  his  father  in  the 
eastern  expedition,  and  in  the  militia;  and  of  a  mili- 

*  The  life  of  Church  was  not  added  to  the  first  edition.- - 
But  to  the  second  it  was,  and  was  the  last  article  in  the 
book;  excepting  a  Latin  ode  of  one  page,  which  is  now  omit 
ted.  This  life  containing  some  prefatory  remarks,  it  was 
thought  proper  to  place  it  at  the  beginning  of  the  work.  It 
was  judged  best  to  omit  the  above  -mentioned  Latin  ode  to 
give  place  to  more  interesting  articles.  What  follows  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  page.  Ode  Heroica  (a  ncpote 
Jlerois  cornposita}  Biographice  pracedenti  dffigenda  sit. 


LIFE  OF  COL.  CHURCH: 

tary  and  enterprising  spirit;  Benjamin  Church,  who 
died  a  bachelor ;  Edward  Church,*  whose  only  son 
now  living,  is  Deacon  Benjamin  Church f  of  Boston, 
who  furnishes  these  memoirs  of  the  family;  and 
Charles  Church,  who  had  a  numerous  issue. 

Colonel  Church  was  a  man  of  integrity,  justice,  and 
uprightness,  of  piety  and  serious  religion. {  He  was 
a  member  of  the  church  of  Bristol  at  its  foundation, 
in  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lee's§  day.  He  was  constant  and  de 
vout  in  family  worship,  wherein  he  read  and  often  ex 
pounded  the  scriptures  to  his  household.  He  was  ex 
emplary  in  observing  the  Sabbath,  and  in  attending 
the  worship  and  ordinances  of  God  in  the  sanctuary. 
He  lived  regularly,  and  left  an  example  worthy  of 

*  He  was  also  a  Captain  under  his  father  in  the  last  eastern 
expedition. 

t  Probably  the  same  whose  name  is  found  associated  with 
the  venerable  JAMES  OTIS,  SAMUEL  ADAMS,  JOSEPH  WAR 
REN,  and  others,  as  a  "  Committee  of  correspondence"  in  the 
memorable  revolution,  and  to  which  he  probably  belonged 
when  he  wrote  this  account  of  the  family.  See  American 
Annals,  II,  300.  Also  the  standing  which  he  appears  to  have 
maintained  among  the  fraternity  of  Masons,  speaks  his  emi 
nence. 

| What  is  here  said  of  the  Colonel,  is  placed  after  his  son 
Edward,  by  a  writer  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections  ; 
where  this  account  appears  to  be  copied.  It  must  be  an  er- 
rour  in  the  copyist,  and  one,  too,  which  it  required  some  pains 
to  commit ;  not  but  that  the  son  (for  aught  I  know)  deserved 
as  high  encomiums,  but  we  have  no  right  to  bestow  such 
upon  the  son,  at  the  father's  expense.  But  thus  much  were  it 
intentional. 

§  Rev.  Samuel  Lee,  the  first  minister  of  Bristol,  R.  I.  He 
was  born  in  London,  1625,  came  to  this  country  in  1686; 
but  in  two  or  three  years  came  to  the  conclusion  to  return  to 
his  native  country.  Before  he  sailed,  he  told  his  wife  that 
he  had  discovered  a  star,  which,  according  to  the  laws  of  As 
trology,  presaged  captivity,  which  unfortunately  came  to 
pass.  He  sailed  in  1691,  and  in  his  passage  was  taken  by 
the  French,  and  carried  into  France,  where  he  died  the 
fame  year.  See  Allen's  Biog.  381.  Dr.  C.  Mather  repre 
sents  him  as  possessing  very  extraordinary  learning.  S*« 
Magnalia  Christ i  Americana,  I,  548. 


LIFE  OF  COL.  CHURCH.  Xin 

the  imitation  of  his  posterity.  He  was  a  friend  to  the 
rivil  and  religious  liberties  of  his  country,  and  great 
ly  rejoiced  in  the  revolution.*  He  was  Colonel  of 
the  militia  in  the  county  of  Bristol.  The  several 
offices  of  civil  and  military  trust,  with  which  he  was 
entrusted  from  time  to  time,  through  a  long  life,  he 
discharged  with  fidelity  and  usefulness. 

The  war  of  1675,  was  the  most  important  Indian 
war,  that  Newengland  ever  saw.  PHILIP  or  Meta- 
cometf  (a  son  of  good  oldMASSASOIT,{  and  his  se 
cond  successor)  had  wrought  up  the  Indians  of  all  the 
tribes  through  Newengland,  into  a  dangerous  com- 

*  By  William  and  Mary. 

t  Though  the  chiefs  of  savage  nations  are  generally  called 
Kings,  yet  says  Smith,  they  "  have  no  such  dignity  or  office 
among  them."  Hist.  N.  Y.  197.  Philip,  at  different  periods 
of  his  life,  was  known  by  different  names,  as  at  nrst,  he 
was  called  Metacomet  or  Mel  acorn.  See  Morton,  171, 
f72.  This  celebrated  chief  has  been  called  by  some,  though 
wrongly  I  contend,  King  of  the  Narragansets.  He  was 
King  or  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  or  Pokanokets,  the  situa 
tion  of  whose  country  will  be  described  in  my  first  note  to 
"  Philip's  War."  It  is  true  that  these  Indians  as  well  as  the 
Narragansets  themselves  inhabited  about  the  bay  of  that 
name,  but  they  had  their  King  as  well  as  the  Pokanokets, 
and  were  independent  of  each  other. 

Different  opinions  seem  to  have  prevailed  with  regard  to 
this  chief's  pedigree;  that  is,  whether  he  were  a  son  or 
grandson  of  Massassoit.  Prince  and  Trumbull  inform  us 
that  he  was  his  grandson;  Hutchinson  and  Belknap,  that  he 
was  his  son.  Why  these  respectable  authors  saw  cause  to 
differ,  and  not  inform  us,  is  not  easy  to  tell.  These  are  not 
all  the  authors  on  each  side,  but  most  readers  are  apprised 
of  this,  no  doubt,  before  I  had  taken  this  trouble  to  inform 
them. 

|  Prince,  in  his  text,  writes  Masassoit ;  but  adds  this  note. 
"  The  printed  accounts  generally  spell  him  Massasoit ;  Gor- 
ernour  Bradford  writes  him  Massasoyt,  and  Massasoyet ;  but 
1  find  the  ancient  people  from  their  fathers  in  Plymouth  col 
ony,  pronounce  his  name  Ma-sas-so-it."  N.  E.  Chron.  187. 
However,  the  most  preferable  way  seems  to  be  Massassoit. 
Some  account  of  the  life  of  this  constant  friend  of  the  Pil 
grims  will  be  found  in  the  course  of  this  history. 
2 


XIV  LIFE  OF  COL.  CHURCH. 

bination  to  extirpate  the  English.  It  was  one  of 
the  last  works  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies,  (a  council  [in]  which  subsisted  the  great 
security  ofNewengland,  from  1643  to  1678)  to  break 
up  this  confederacy.  An  army  of  one  thousand  Eng 
lish  was  on  foot  at  once,  under  the  command  of 
Governour  Winslow.  Whoever  desires  further  in 
formation  concerning  this  war,  may  consult  Mr.  Hub- 
bard's*  history  of  it.  The  part  Colonel  Church 
acted  in  it  is  exhibited  in  this  plain  narrative,  given 
by  his  son,  two  years  before  his  father's  death. 

Colonel  Church  perfectly  understood  the  manner 
of  the  Indians  in  fighting,  and  was  thoroughly  ac 
quainted  with  their  haunts,  swamps,  and  places  of 
refuge,  on  the  territory  between  Narraganset  and 
cape  Cod.  There  he  was  particularly  successful ; 
on  that  field  he  gathered  his  laurels.  The  surprisal 
and  seizure  of  ANNAWON  was  an  act  of  true  boldness 
and  heroism.  Had  the  eastern  Indians  been  sur 
rounded  with  English  settlements,  there  is  reason  to 
think  that  he  would  have  been  more  successful  among 
them.  But  on  a  long  and  extended  frontier,  open 
to  immense  deserts,  little  more  has  ever  been  done 
by  troops  of  undoubted  courage,  than  to  arouse  and 
drive  off  the  Indians  into  a  wide  howling  wilderness, 

*  Mr.  William  Hubbard,  minister  of  Ipswich,  the  best  his 
torian  in  Newengland,  of  the  age,  unless  we  except  Mr. 
Prince.  The  truth  of  which  his  works  abundantly  prove. 
Although  some  labour  has  been  done  to  detract  from  him 
some  of  his  justly  acquired  fame,  yet,  it  does  and  ever  will 
remain  unimpaired.  This  would  be  true  had  he  never  writ 
ten  any  thing  but  his  NARRATIVE.  To  his  '•  History  of  New 
england,"  Mather  is  chiefly  indebted  for  what  is  correct  in 
his  renowned  book  of  jargons,  the  Magnalia  Christi  Ameri 
cana.  See  president  Allen's  Biog.  Dictionary.  He  died 
Sept.  1704,  aged  83  years.  Gov.  Hutchinson  remarks  on  the 
character  of  him,  that  "  he  was  a  man  of  learning,  of  a  candid 
and  benevolent  mind,  accompanied,  as  it  generally  is,  with 
a  good  degree  of  Catholicism  ;  which,  I  think,  was  not  ac 
counted  the  most  valuable  part  of  his  character  in  the  age  in 
which  he  lived  "  Hist.  Mass.  II,  136, 


LIFE  OF  COL.  CHURCH.  Xf 

where  it  was  as  much  in  vain  to  seek  them,  as  for 
Caesar  to  seek  the  Gauls  in  the  Hircinian  forests. 

The  present  edition*  of  this  history  is  given  without 
alteration  in  the  body  of  it;  being  thought  best  to 
let  it  go  down  to  posterity,  (like  the  Periplus  of  Han- 
nof)  with  its  own  internal  marks  of  originality.  How 
ever  the  editor  in  the  margin  hath  given  the  English 
names  of  places  described  by  Indian  names  in  the 
narrative ;  and  also  some  few  notes  and  illustra 
tions. 

After  Philip's  war  Colonel  Church  settled ;  and 
at  first  at  Bristol,  then  at  Fallriver,  (Troy)  lastly  at 
Seconet.  At  each  of  which  places  he  acquired, 
and  left  a  large  estate.  Having  served  his  genera 
tion  faithfully,  by  the  will  of  God  he  fell  asleep,  and 
was  gathered  unto  his  fathers.  He  died  and  was  bu 
ried  at  Little  Compton. 

The  morning  before  his  death,  he  went  about  two 
miles  on  horse  back  to  visit  his  only  sister,  Mrs. 
Irish,  to  sympathise  with  her  on  the  death  of  her  only 
child.  After  a  friendly  and  pious  visit,  in  a  mov 
ing  and  affecting  manner,  he  took  his  leave  of  her, 
and  said,  it  was  a  last  farewell.  Telling  her,  [that] 
he  was  persuaded  he  should  never  see  her  more ; 
but  hoped  to  meet  her  in  heaven.  Returning  home 
ward,  he  had  not  rode  above  half  a  mile,  before  his 
horse  stumbled,  and  threw  him  over  his  head.  And 
the  Colonel  being  exceeding  fat  and  heavy,  fell  with 

*  The  edition  from  which  this  is  taken. 

f  Hanno  was  "  the  famous  Carthaginian,"  who  in  a  re 
mote  age  of  navigation,  made  a  voyage  into  the  Atlantick 
ocean,  and  "sailed  seeking  for  thirty  days  the  western  parts," 
taking  his  departure  from  the  pillars  of  Hercules  (straits  of 
Gibraltar.)  Hence  some  infer  that  he  must  have  discovered 
seme  parts  of  America,  because  Columbus  did  in  about  the 
same  length  of  time.  He  wrote  a  book  containing  an  ac 
count  of  his  discoveries,  which  he  entitled  Periplum  or  Peri- 
pi  is.  See  a  work  lettered  "  America  Known  to  the  An- 
c'ents,"  Dr.  Robertson's  Hist.  America,  I,  i.  Belknap'g 
friog.  I,  16. 


LIFE  OF  COL.  CHURCH. 

force,  that  a*  blood  vessel  was  broken,  and  the 
blood  gushed  out  of  his  mouth  like  a  torrent.  His 
wife  was  soon  brought  to  him.  He  tried  but  was 
unable  to  speak  to  her,  and  died  in  about  twelve 
hours.  He  was  carried  to  the  grave  with  great  fune 
ral  pomp,  and  was  buried  under  arms,  and  with  mili 
tary  honours.  On  his  tomb  stone  is  this  inscrip 
tion. 

HERE  LIETH  INTERRED  THE  BODY 
OF  THE  HONOURABLE 

COL.  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Es^.,- 

WHO    DEPARTED     THIS    LIFE, 

JANUARY    1?TH,    1717 18, 

IN    THE    78     YEAR    OF    HIS    AGE.* 

Newport  April  8,  1772. 

*  "  High  in  esteem  among  the  great  he  stood  j 
His  wisdom  made  him  lovely,  great  and  good. 
Tho'  he  be  said  to  die,  he  will  survive ; 
Thro'  future  time  his  memory  shall  live." 

See  a  poem  called  "  A  description  of  Pennsylvania,  Anno 
1729,"  by  Thomas  Makin,  in  Proud's  Hist.  II,  361.  The 
above  though  applied  to  the  founder  of  that  province,  as  good, 
at  least,  is  deserved  by  the  venerated  Church  ;  who,  through 
the  foul  intrigue,  and  low  caprice  of  office  seekers,  and  the 
blind  zeal  of  ambitious  bigots,  suffered  much,  both  as  to 
fame  and  fortune,  in  his  time.  The  truth  of  this  remark  will 
fully  appear  in  the  ensuing  history. 


THE 

ENTERTAINING  HISTORY 

OP 

PHILIP'S  WAR, 

V&ICH    BEGAN    IN     THE     YEAR     1675.       WITH    THE    PROCEED 


INGS    OF 


BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  ESQ.* 


IN  the  year  1674,  Mr.  Benjamin  Church  of  Duxbury, 
being  providentially  at  Plymouthf  in  the  time  of  the 

*  As  the  author  does  not  begin  with  the  causes  and  first 
events  of  this  war,  it  may  be  proper  to  introduce  the  most 
important  here.  His  intention  appears  to  have  been  to  give 
an  account  of  this  war,  so  far,  only,  as  his  father  was  engag 
ed  in  it,  as  himself  observes  in  another  place. 

Although  not  a  year  had  passed  since  the  settlement  of 
Plymouth  without  some  difficulties  with  the  Indians,  I  will 
go  so  far  back,  only,  as  immediately  concerns  Philip's  War. 

After  the  close  of  the  Pequot  war,  in  1637,  it  was  conjec 
tured  by  the  English,  that  the  Narragansets  took  some  af 
front  on  account  of  the  division  of  the  captive  Pequots, 
among  themselves  and  the  Mohegans  ;  and  that  the  English 
showed  partiality.  These  tribes  had  assisted  in  the  con 
quest  of  the  Pequots,  and  were  in  a  league  with  the  Eng 
lish,  and  each  other.  For  some  time  the  Narragansets  prac 
ticed  secret  abuses  upon  the  Mohegans  ;  but  at  length  they 
were  so  open  in  their  insults,  that  complaints  were  made  to 
the  English,  whose  interest  it  was  to  preserve  peace  between 
them.  In  1642,  it  was  thought  that  they  were  plotting  to 
cut  off  the  English.  They  so  pressed  upon  the  Mohegans, 


f  Some  authors,  both  ancient  and  modern  wrote  tb.ifl.word 
Plimouth,  but  custom  has  adopted  the  manner  as  used  in  the 
text,  » 


16  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

court,  fell  into  acquaintance  with  Captain  John  Alray 
of  Rhodeisland.     Captain  Almy  with  great  impor- 

in  1645,  that  the  colonies  were  obliged  to  interfere  with  an 
armed  force. 

The  Wampanoags,  or  Pokanokets,  of  which  Philip  was 
King,  inhabited  the  tract  of  country  where  Bristol  now  is, 
then  called  Pokanoket,  thence  north  around  Mounthope  bay, 
thence  southerly,  including  the  country  of  considerable 
width,  to  Seconet.  At  the  head  of  this  tribe  was  Massassoit, 
when  the  pilgrims  arrived  at  Plymouth,  who  always  lived  in 
friendship  with  them.  He  had  two  sons,  who  were  called 
Alexander  and  Philip,  which  names  they  received  from  Gov. 
Prince  of  Plymouth,  while  there  renewing  a  treaty,  proba 
bly  from  Philip  and  Alexander  of  Macedon.  Alexander  be 
ing  the  elder  assumed  the  power  on  the  death  of  his  father, 
and  it  was  soon  found  that  he  was  plotting  with  the  Narra- 
gansets  against  the  English  ;  but  his  reign  was  short.  On 
being  sent  for  to  answer  to  the  court  at  Plymouth,  to  certain 
allegations,  he  was  so  exasperated,  it  is  said;  that  he  fell  into 
a  fever,  and  died  before  he  reached  home.  This  was  about 
1657.  Philip  succeeded,  and  his  plottings  were  continual. 
But  he  frequently  renewed  treaties  and  affected  friendships 
until  1671,  when" he  made  a  loud  complaint  that  some  of  the 
English  injured  his  land,  which  in  the  end  proved  to  be  false. 
A  meeting  was  held  at  Taunton,  not  long  after  in  conse 
quence  of  the  hostile  appearance  of  Philip's  men,  by  Gov. 
Prince  of  Plymouth,  and  deputies  from  Massachusetts.  Phi 
lip  was  sent  for  to  give  reasons  for  such  warlike  appearances. 
He  discovered  extreme  shyness,  and  for  some  time  would  not 
come  to  the  town,  and  then  with  a  large  band  of  his  warriours 
with  their  arms.  He  would  not  consent  to  go  into  the  meet 
inghouse,  where  the  delegates  were,  until  it  was  agreed  that 
his  men  should  be  on  one  side  of  the  house,  and  the  English 
on  the  other.  On  being  questioned,  he  denied  having  any 
ill  designs  upon  the  English,  and  said  that  he  came  with  his 
men  armed  to  prevent  any  attacks  from  the  Narragansets  ; 
but  this  falsehood  was  at  once  detected,  and  it  was  evident 
that  they  were  united  in  their  operations.  It  was  also  prov 
ed  before  him,  that  he  had  meditated  an  attack  on  Taunton, 
which  he  confessed.  These  steps  so  confounded  him  that  he 
consented  to  deliver  all  his  arms  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng 
lish  as  an  indemnity  for  past  damages.  All  of  the  guns  which 
he  brought  with  him,  about  70,  were  delivered,  and  the  rest 
were  to  be  sent  in,  but  never  were.  What  would  have  been 
the  fate  of  Newengland  had  Philip's  warriours  possessed  those 
arms  in  the  war  that  ensued  ?  This  prevented  immediate 
war,  and  it  required  several  years  to  repair  their  loss.  Philip 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  10 

tunity  invited  him  to  ride  with  him  and  view  that  part 
of  Plymouth  colony  that  lay  next  to  Rhodeisland, 
known  then  by  their  Indian  names  of  Pocasset  and 
Sogkonate.*  Among  other  arguments  to  persuade 
him,  he  told  him  the  soil  was  very  rich,  and  the  situa 
tion  pleasant :  Persuades  him  by  all  means  to  pur 
chase  of  the  company  some  of  the  court  grant  rights. 
He  accepted  his  invitation,  views  the  country  and  was 
pleased  with  it,  makes  a  purchase,  settled  a  farm, 
found  the  gentlemen  of  the  islandf  very  civil  and 
obliging.  And  being  himself  a  person  of  uncommon 
activity  and  industry,  he  soon  erected  two  buildings 
upon  his  farm,  and  gained  a  good  acquaintance  with 
the  natives  ;  got  much  into  their  favour,  and  was 
in  a  little  time  in  great  esteem  among  them.J 

The  next  spring  advancing,  while  Mr.  Church  was 
diligently  settling  his  new  farm,  stocking,  leasing  and 
disposing  of  his  affairs,  and  had  a  fine  prospect  of 
doing  no  small  things ;  and  hoping  that  his  good  suc 
cess  would  be  inviting  unto  other  good  men  to  be 
come  his  neighbours  :  Behold  !  the  rumour  of  a  war 
between  the  English  and  the  natives,  gave  check  to 

was  industrious  to  do  this,  and,  at  the  same  time,  used  his 
endeavours  to  causo  other  tribes  to  engage  in  his  cause.  Ha 
was  not  ready  when  the  war  did  begin,  to  which,  in  some 
measure,  we  may  attribute  his  failure.  Three  of  his  men 
were  tried  and  hanged  for  the  alleged  murder  of  John  Sas- 
samon,  whom  Philip  had  condemned  as  a  traitor.  It  so  exa?- 
perated  Philip  and  his  men  that  their  friends  should  be  pun 
ished  by  the  English,  that  they  could  no  longer  restrain  their 
violence.  Thus  are  some  of  the  most  prominent  events 
sketched  which  led  to  this  bloody  war.  The  history  of  John 
Sassamon  or  Sausaman,  will  be  found  in  a  succeeding  note. 

*  Pocasset,  now  Tiverton,  was  the  name  of  the  main  land 
against  the  north  part  of  Rhodeisland.  Sogkonate,  after 
wards  Seconet,  now  Little  Compton,  extends  from  Fogland 
ferry  to  the  sea  ;  in  length  between  7  and  8  miles. 

f  Rhodeisland,  which  was  now  quite  well  inhabited.  It 
was  settled  in  1638.  Its  Indian  name  was  Aquetneck,  and 
afterwards  called  the  Isle  of  Rodes  by  the  English. 

t  Mr.  Church  moved  here  in  the  autumn  of  1674. 


20  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

his  projects.  People  began  to  be  very  jealous  of  the 
Indians,  and  indeed  they  had  no  small  reason  to  sus 
pect  that  they  had  formed  a  design  of  war  upon  the 
English.*  Mr.  Church  had  it  daily  suggested  to  him 
that  the  Indians  were  plotting  a  bloody  design.  That 
Philip  the  great  Mounthope  Sachem,  was  leader  there 
in,  and  so  it  proved.  He  was  sending  his  messengers 
to  all  the  neighbouring  Sachems,  to  engage  them  into 
a  confederacy  with  him  in  the  war.f  Among  the  rest 

*  It  may  be  diverting  to  some,  to  introduce  here  what 
Cotton  Mather  calls  an  omen  of  the  war  that  followed. 
"  Things,"  says  he,  "began  by  this  time  to  have  an  ominous 
aspect.  Yea,  and  now  we  speak  of  things  ominous,  we  may 
add,  some  time  before  this,  [before  those  were  executed  for 
the  murder  of  Sassamon]  in  a  clear,  still,  sunshiny  morning, 
there  were  divers  persons  in  Maiden  who  heard  in  the  air, 
on  the  southeast  of  them,  a  great  gun  go  off,  and  presently 
thereupon  the  report  of  small  guns  like  musket  shot,  very 
thick  discharging,  as  if  there  had  been  a  battle.  This  was 
at  a  time  when  there  was  nothing  visible  done  in  any  part 
of  the  colony  to  occasion  such  noises;  but  that  which  most 
of  all  astonished  them  was  the  flying  of  bullets,  which  came 
singing  over  their  heads,  and  seemed  very  near  to  them,  af-" 
ter  which  the  sound  of  drums  passing  along  westward  was 
very  audible  ;  and  on  the  same  day,  in  Plymouth  colony  in 
several  places,  invisible  troops  of  horse  were  heard  riding  to 
and  fro,"  &,c.  Magnalia,  II,  486.  This  is  quite  as  credible 
as  many  witch  accounts  in  that  marvellous  work. 

f  The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  probable  numbers  of 
the  Indians  in  Newengland  at  the  time  of  Philip's  war,  also 
of  the  English. 

Dr.  Trumbull  in  his  Hist.  TJ.  States,  I,  36,  supposes  there 
were  in  Newengland  at  the  time  of  settlement  about  36,000 
Indian  inhabitants ;  one  third  of  which  were  warriours. 
Their  numbers  gradually  diminished  as  the  whites  increased, 
so  that  we  may  conclude  that  there  were  not  less  than  10,000 
warriours  at  the  commencement  of  Philip's  war.  Hutchinson, 
I,  406,  says  that  the  Narragansets  alone  were  considered  to 
amount  to  2000  fighting  men,  in  1675.  Hubbard,  Nar.  67, 
says  they  promised  to  rise  with  4000  in  the  war.  Governour 
Hinkley  states  the  number  of  Indians  in  Plymouth  county,  in 
1685,  at  4000  or  upwards.  Hist.  U.  States,  I,  35.  Beside 
these  there  were  in  different  towns  about  2000  praying  In 
dians,  as  those  were  called  who  adhered  to  the  English  reli 
gion  i  they  took  no  part  in  the  war.  IA 


PHILIP'S   WAR.  2t 

he  sent  six  men  to  Awashonks,  squaw  sachem  of  the 
Sogkonate  Indians,  to  engage  her  in  his  interest  ;* 
Awashonks  so  far  listened  unto  them,  as  to  call  her 
subjects  together,  to  make  a  great  dance,  which  is 
the  custom  of  that  nationf  when  they  advise  about 
momentous  affairs.  But  what  does  Awashonks  do, 
but  sends  away  two  of  her  men  that  well  understood 
the  English  language,  (Sassamon  J  and  George^  by 

In  1673,  the  inhabitants  of  Newengland  amounted  to  about 
120,000  souls,  of  whom,  perhaps,  16,000  were  able  to  bear 
arms.  Holmes'  American  Annals,  I,  416. 

*  Dr.  Belknap,  in  his  Hist.  N.  Hampshire,  I,  108,  says,  on 
the  autnoK  /  of  Callender,  that  "The  inhabitants  of  Bristol 
shew  a  particular  spot  where  Philip  received  the  news  of  the 
first  Englishmen  that  were  killed,  with  so  much  sorrow  as  to 
cause  him  to  weep."  This  he  observes  was  very  different 
from  the  current  opinion.  No  doubt  the  consternation  of  the 
people,  caused  by  an  approaching  war,  had  great  effect  in 
establishing  every  thing  unfavourable  of  Philip. 

t  It  is  the  custom  of  most,  if  not  all,  the  N.  American  In 
dians.  See  Capt.  Carver's  Travels  in  America,  269. 

J  John  Saspamon,  or  as  others  spell  it,  Sausaman,  was  in 
structed  in  English  by  the  celebrated  Indian  apostle,  John 
Eliot,  and  pretended  to  believe  in  the  Christian  religion. 
But  for  some  reason  he  neglected  its  duties,  and  returned  to  a 
savage  life.  About  this  time,  or  perhaps  before,  he  advised  the 
English  of  some  of  Philip's  plots,  which  so  enraged  him,  that 
he  sought  Sassamon's  death,  whom  he  considered  as  a  rebel 
and  traitor.  And  this  is  the  principle  on  which  the  English 
themselves  acted  ;  yet,  they  would  not  suffer  it  in  another 
people,  who,  indeed,  were  as  free  as  any  otjier.  The  partic 
ulars  were  these :  Sassamon  was  met  on  "  a  great  pond," 
which  I  suppose  to  be  Assawomset,  by  some  of  Philip's  men, 
who  killed  him  and  put  him  under  the  ice,  leaving  his  hat 
and  gun  on  the  ice,  where  they  were  found  soon  after  ;  and 
also  the  dead  body.  See  Hubbard's  Narrative,  70,  71.  This 
must  have  been  late  in  the  spring  of  1675,  but  there  was  ice. 
Marks  were  found  upon  the  body  of  Sassamon,  that  indicated 
murder,  and  an  Indian  soon  appeared,  who  said  that  he  saw 
some  of  Philip's  Indians  in  the  very  execution  of  it.  Three 
were  immediately  apprehended,  and  tried  at  the  court  in 

Plymouth, 

§  An  Indian,  who  from  this  time,  was  very  friendly  to  Mr. 
Church.  All  I  can  find  concerning  him  is  in  this  history. 


22  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

name)  to  invite  Mr.  Churni  to  the  dance.*  Mr, 
Church,  upon  the  invitation,  immediately  takes  with 
him  Charles  Hazelton,  his  tenant's  son,  who  well 
understood  the  Indian  language,  and  rode  down  to  the 
place  appointed,  where  they  found  hundreds  of 
Indians  gathered  together  from  all  parts  of  her 
dominion.  Awashonks  herself  in  a  foaming  sweat, 
was  leading  the  dance ;  but  she  was  no  sooner  sen 
sible  of  Mr.  Church's  arrival,  but  she  broke  off,  sat 
down,  calls  her  nobles  around  her,  [and]  orders  Mr. 
Church  to  be  invited  into  her  presence.  Compli 
ments  being  passed,  and  each  one  taking  seat, 
she  told  him  [that]  King  Philip  had  sen!  six  men 
of  his,  with  two  of  her  people, f  that  had  been  over 
at  Mounthope,J  to  draw  her  into  a  confederacy  with 

Plymouth,  in  June,  by  a  jury,  says  Mather,  consisting  of  half 
Indians,  and  half  English,  and  brought  in  guilty  of  the  murder. 
Two  of  them  persisting  in  their  innocence  to  the  end,  and 
the  third  denied  that  he  had  any  hand  in  the  murder,  but 
said  that  he  saw  the  others  commit  it.  Perhaps  he  made  this 
confession  in  hopes  of  pardon,  but  it  did  not  save  him.  Mag- 
nalia,  II,  486.  Mather  places  the  death  of  Sassamon  in  1674, 
this  was  old  style,  hence  it  was  previous  to  the  25th  of  March 
1675.  Hubbard,  69,  says  that  Sassamon  had  been  Philip's 
secretary,  and  chief  counsellor.  To  what  tribe  he  first  be 
longed  I  have  not  ascertained,  but  from  this  history  it  appears 
that  he  belonged  to  the  Sogkonate  Indians,  in  the  spring  of 
1675. 

*  One  might  conclude  this  transaction  to  have  been  about 
the  middle  of  June,  by  its  connexion  with  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  but  by  the  death  of  Sassamon  it  must  be 
placed  much  earlier. 

f  These  two  I  conclude,  were  those,  or  among  those  men 
tioned  by  Hubbard,  69,  who  discovered  the  plots  of  PLiilip, 
one  of  whom  might  be  Sassamon. 

^  (Or  Mont-haup,  a  mountain  in  Bristol.) 

Why  the  author  writes  this  word  so  I  do  not  know,  un 
less  it  were  so  pronounced  in  his  day.  Its  ancient  name  was 
Pokanoket.  It  is  quite  an  eminence  about  two  miles  east 
from  the  village  of  Bristol,  very  steep  on  all  sides  and  termi 
nates  in  a  large  rock,  which  at  a  distance  has  the  appearance 
of  a  large  dome  of  an  amphitheatre.  It  is  apparently  com 
posed  of  pebbles  and  sand.  On  this  now  etatnds  a  small  oc 
tagonal  building.  From  many  places  on  tl;3  :uc:t  shore,  par- 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  23 

him,  in  a  war  with  the  English;  [and]  desired  him 
to  give  her  his  advice  in  the  case;  and  to  tell  her  the 
truth,  whether  the  Umpame*  men,  (as  Philip  had  told 
her)  were  gathering  a  great  army  to  invade  Philip's 
country.  He  assured  her  he  would  tell  her  the  truth, 
and  give  her  his  best  advice.  Then  he  told  her  it 
was  but  a  few  days  since  he  came  from  Plymouth, 
and  [that]  the  English  were  then  making  no  prepa 
rations  for  war ;  that  he  was  in  company  with  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  the  government,  who  had  no 
discourse  at  all  about  wrar,  and  he  believed  no  thoughts 
about  it.  He  asked  her  whether  she  thought  he 
would  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
place,  if  he  apprehended  £fti  entering  into  [a]  war  with 
so  near  a  neighbour.  She  seemed  to  be  somewhat 
convinced  by  his  talk,  and  said  she  believed  he  spoke 
the  truth.  Then  she  called  for  the  Mounthope  men, 
who  made  a  formidable  appearance,  with  their  faces 
painted,  and  their  hairs  trimmed  up  in  comb  fashion, 
with  their  powderhorns  and  shot  bags f  at  their  backs 

ticularly  at  the  little  village  of  Fallriver,  this  mount  forms 
a  beautiful  acclivity  in  the  landscape  ;  very  nearly  resem 
bling  a  view  of  the  State  house  at  Boston  from  a  distance. 
On  an  excursion  there  in  the  summer  of  1824,  many  gratify 
ing  objects  were  discovered,  relating  to  th^  times  of  which 
we  treat.  A  most  beautiful  prospect  of  Providence  and  the 
surrounding  country  and  bay  appears  from  this  mount. 

*  The  Indian  name  for  Plymouth. 

|  It  has  been  a  question  among  many,  how  the  Indians  be 
came  furnished,  so  soon,  with  our  implements  of  war.  It  is 
not  probable  that  every  source  is  known  ;  but  they  no  doubt, 
had  a  large  supply  from  the  French  in  the  east  of  Neweng- 
land.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Morton,  who  came  to  this  cc'in- 
try  in  1622,  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  that  supplied  the 
Indians  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  taught  them  their 
use,  in  the  country  adjacent  to  Cape  Cod.  This  he  done 
that  the  Indians  might  hunt  and  procure  furs  for  him.  Sec 
retary  Morton,  in  his  Newengland's  Memorial,  76,  says,  "  he 
had  been  a  petty-fogger  at  Furnival's  Inn,  having  more  craft 
than  honesty  j"  but  in  justice  to  him  it  may  be  observed, 
that  the  Memorialist  has  made  every  circumstance  appear  in 
th«  darkest  dress,  and  not  only  of  him,  but  others,  whom,  in- 


2  i  nILIP'S  WAR. 

which  among  that  nation  is  the  posture  and  figure  of 
preparedness  for  war.  She  told  Mr.  Church  these 
wore  the  persons  that  had  brought  her  the  report  of 
the  English  preparations  for  war,  and  then  told  them 
what  Mr.  Church  had  said  in  answer  to  it.  Upon 
this  began  a  warm  talk  among  the  Indians,  but  it  was 
soon  quashed,  and  Awashonks  proceeded  to  tell  Mr. 

deed,  we  had  rather  speak  in  praise.  All  historians,  with 
whom  I  am  conversant,  agree  that  he  was  a  disorderly  per 
son,  of  bad  morals,  and  gave  people  much  trouble.  He  re 
sided  first  in  Mr.  Weston's  Plantation  at  Wessagusset,  now 
Weymouth  ;  but  that  breaking  up  the  next  year,  1623,  he 
next  settled  with  Captain  Wallaston  at  or  near  the  same 
place  in  1625,  and  the  place  being  near  the  hill  that  separates 
Weymouth  from  Quincy,  was  called  Mount  Wallaston. 
Capt.  Wallaston  with  most  of  his  company  abandoned  the 
plantation,  and  Morton  usurped  the  government.  They 
soon  found  themselves  involved  in  difficulties  with  the  In 
dians  and  with  one  another.  They  erected  a  Maypole,  and 
practiced  their  excesses  about  it.  Selling  arms  to  the  na 
tives  being  a  breach  of  the  laws  among  others,  he  was  seized 
by  order  of  the  court,  and  soon  after,  1628,  sent  to  England. 
No  notice  of  the  complaints  against  him  being  taken,  he  re 
turned  the  next  year.  He  was  afterwards  imprisoned  for 
his  writings.  He  died  at  Agamenticus  in  1644  or  5, 
according  to  Allen,  American  Biog.  441.  He  has  been  ac 
cused  of  giving  currency  to  the  story  of  "  hanging  the  wea 
ver  instead  of  the  cobbler."  The  author  of  Hudibras  get 
ting  hold  of  the  story,  has,  in  that  work,  Part  II,  Canto  II, 
line  403,  Sec.,  set  it  off  to  the  no  small  expense  of  the  zeal  of 
the  Pilgrims.  See  Belknap,  Amer.  Biog.  II,  318,  Prince 
Chron.  212,  and  Savage's  edition  of  Winthrop,  I,  34,  35,  36, 
where  the  passage  may  be  seen.  The  latter  author  says  it 
was  not  so,  on  the  authority  of  Morton  himself ;  but  as  the 
affair  happened  at  Weston's  plantation,  where  Morton  was 
concerned,  it  is  natural  that  he  should  say  the  right  one  was 
hanged.  In  a  note  to  line  413r  in  the  passage  above  referred 
to,  is  the  following  positive  assertion :  "  The  history  of  the 
Cobbler  had  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  who 
were  upon  the  place  when  it  was  done."  Early  authors 
hinted  at  the  affair,  and  late  ones  have  enlarged  upon  it. 
The  truth  no  doubt  is  as  follows:  The  people  of  that  planta 
tion  were  in  a  state  of  starvation,  and  by  stealing  from  the 
Indians  had  incurred  their  vengeance,  .which  to  satisfy,  they 
hanged  one ;  who,  Hudibras  says,  was  a  bedrid  weaver, 
whereas  the  right  one  was  a  useful  cobbler,  whom  they  could 
not  so  well  spare. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  Zo 

Church,  that  Philip's  message  to  her  was,  that  unless 
she  would  forthwith  enter  into  a  confederacy  with 
him  in  a  war  against  the  English,  he  would  send  his 
men  over  privately,  to  kill  the  English  cattle,  and 
burn  their  houses  on  that  side  of  the  river,  which 
would  provoke  the  English  to  fall  upon  her,  whom, 
they  would  without  doubt,  suppose  the  author  of  the 
mischief.     Mr.  Church  told  her  he  was  sorry  to  see 
so  threatening  an  aspect  of  affairs ;  and  stepping  to 
the  Mountiiopes,  he  felt  of  their  bags,  and  finding 
them    filled  with  bullets,  asked    them    what  those 
bullets  were  for.     They  scoffingly  replied,  "  To  shoot 
pigeons  with."     Then  Mr.  Church  turned  to  Awa- 
shonks,  and  told  her,  [that]  if  Philip  were  resolved 
to  make  war,  her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those 
six  Mounthopes  on  the  head,  and  shelter  herself  under 
the  protection  of  the  English.  Upon  which  the  Mount- 
hopes  were  for  the  present  dumb.     But  those  two  of 
Awashonks'  men,   who  had    been    at    Mounthope, 
expressed- themselves  in  a  furious  manner  against  his 
advice.     And  Littleeyes,*  one  of  the  Queen's  coun 
sel   joined   with  them,  and  urged  Mr.  Church  to  go 
aside  with  him  among  the  bushes,  that  he  might  have 
some  private  discourse  with  him,  which  other  Indians 
immediately  forbid;  being  sensible  of  his  ill  design. 
But  the  Indians  began  to  side,  and  grow  very  warm. 
Mr.  Church,  with  undaunted  courage,  told  the  Mount- 
hopes,  [that,]  they  were  bloody  wretches,  and  thirsted 
after  the  blood  of  their  English  neighbours,  who  had 
never  injured  them,  but  had  always  abounded  in  their 
kindness  to    them.     That  for  his  own  part,  though 
he  desired  nothing  more  than  peace,  yet,  if  nothing 
but  war  would  satisfy  them,  he  believed  he   should 
prove  a  sharp  thorn  in  their  sides  :  Bid  the  company 
observe  those  men  that  were  of  such  bloody  disposi 
tions,  whether  providence  would  suffer  them  to  live 

*  He  was  afterward  taken  in  the  war  that  followed,  by 
Church,  and  treated  very  kindly,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  pro 
gress  of  this  history. 


26  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

to  see  the  event  of  the  war,  which  others,  more 
peaceably  disposed,  might  do.  Then  he  told  Awas- 
honks,  [that]  he  thought  it  might  be  most  advisable 
for  her  to  send  to  the  Governour  of  Plymouth,*  and 
shelter  herself  and  people  under  his  protection. 
She  liked  his  advice,  and  desired  him  to  go  on  her  be 
half  to  the  Plymouth  government,  which  he  consent 
ed  to.  And  at  parting  advised  her,  [that]  whatever 
she  did,  not  to  desert  the  English  interest  to  join 
with  her  neighbours  in  a  rebellion, f  which  would 
certainly  prove  fatal  to  her.  (He  moved  none  of  his 
goods  from  his  house,  that  there  might  not  be  the 
least  umbrage  from  such  an  action. f)  She  thanked 
him  for  his  advice,  and  sent  two  of  her  men  to  guard 
him  to  his  house,  [who]1  when  they  came  there, 
urged  him  to  take  care  to  secure  his  goods,  which  he 
refused,  for  the  reasons  before  mentioned  ;  but  desired 
the  Indians,  that  if  what  they  feared,  should  happen, 
they  would  take  care  of  what  he  left,  and  directed 
them  to  a  place  in  the  woods  where  they  should 
dispose  of  them,  which  they  faithfully  observed.  He 
1  [which] 

*  The  Honourable  Josiah  Winslow,  Esq.,  who  was  after 
wards  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  in  this  war.  He  was 
a  son  of  the  distinguished  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  who  was 
also  Governour  of  Plymouth  many  years.  He  was  born  in 
1629,  and  was  the  first  Governor  born  in  Newengland,  which 
office  he  filled  7  years.  He  died  18  Dec.  1680,  aged  52. 

f  This  war  was  called  a  rebellion,  because  the  English 
fancied  them  under  the  King  of  England,  but  that  did  not 
make  them  so.  As  well  might  emigrants  from  the  United 
States  land  on  the  coast  of  France,  and  because  they  were 
disputed  by  the  inhabitants,  of  their  right  so  to  do,  call  them 
rebels  ;  yet,  when  the  country  was  neither  claimed  nor  im 
proved,  certainly,  to  take  possession  and  improve  was  not 
wrong.  Our  author  is  by  no  means  so  lavish  of  ill  names  as 
many  early  writers.  Hellhounds,  fiends,  serpents,  caitiffs, 
dogs,  &c.,  were  their  common  appellations.  The  ill  fame  of 
Mather,  in  this  respect,  will  be  celebrated  as  long  as  the 
marvellous  contents  of  the  Magnalia  are  read. 

f  This  sentence  was  included  in  brackets  in  the  copy  but 
*s  I  have  appropriated  that  mark  to  my  own  use,  I  substi 
tute  the  parenthesis. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  27 

took  his  leave  of  his  guard,  [after  bidding]1  them 
tell  their  mistress,  [that]  if  she  continued  steady  in 
her  dependence  on  the  English,  and  kept  within  her 
own  limits  of  Sogkonate,  he  would  see  her  again 
quickly  ;  and  then  hastened  away  to  Pocasset  ;*  where 
he  met  with  Peter  Nunnuit,  the  husband  of  the 
Queenf  of  Pocasset,  who  was  just  then  come  over  in 
a  canoe  from  Mounthope.  Peter  told  him  that  there 
would  certainly  be  war,  for  Philip  had  held  a  dance 
of  several  weeks  continuance,  and  had  entertained 
the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  And 
added,  that  Philip  expected  to  be  sent  for  to  Ply 
mouth,  to  be  examined  about  Sassamon'sJ  death,  who 
was  murdered  at  Assawomset  ponds,§  knowing  him 
self  guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  The  same 
Peter  told  him  that  he  saw  Mr.  James  Brown,  ||  of 
1  [and  bid] 

*  (Tiverton  shore  over  against  the  north  end  of  Rhodeisl- 
and.) 

f  Weetamore  or  Wetamoe,  "  Philip's  near  kinswoman." 
Hub.  224.  TKe  same  mentioned  in  another  place,  as 
"  Squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset."  She  was  drowned  in  cross 
ing  a  river  or  arm  of  the  sea  at  Swanzey,  6  August,  1675, 
by  attempting  to  escape  from  a  party  of  English.  Ib.  224. 
Her  head  was  cut  off,  and  set  upon  a  pole.  Ibid. 

|  The  same  of  whom  the  history  is  given  in  note  3  on 
page  21. 

§  (Middleborough.) 

Three  large  ponds  about  40  miles  from  Boston,  and  16 
from  Newbedford.  In  passing  from  the  latter  place  to  the 
former  we  have  the  largest  on  the  right,  which  now  bears  the 
name  of  Assawomset,  or  Assawamset,  and  two  others  on  the 
left.  They  are  all  very  near  together.  The  road  passes  be 
tween  two,  separated  only  by  a  narrow  neck  of  flat  land, 
about  a  stone's  throw  over. 

||  "  One  of  the  magistrates  of  Plymouth  jurisdiction.1 ' 
Hubbard,  12.  This  gentleman  was  very  active  in  the  war. 
He  was  a  magistrate  between  the  years  1670  and  1675. 
Morton,  208.  A  minister  of  Swanzey  is  mentioned  by  Ma 
ther  in  his  chird  clasis  of  Newengland  ministers  by  this 
name. 


29  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Swanzey,*  and  Mr.  Samuel  Gorton, f  who  was  an 
interpreter,  and  two  other  men,J  who  brought  a  letter 

*  A  town  on  the  west  side  of  Taunton  river  in  the  bottom 
of  Mounthope  bay,  about  15  miles  from  Taunton,  and  in  the 
vicinity  of  Mounthope,  distance  by  the  road  about  11  miles. 

f  Accounts  of  this  gentleman  may  be  seen  in  Morton's  Me 
morial,  117,  &LC.,  which,  perhaps,  are  not  impartial.  That 
author  partaking  of  the  persecuting  spirit  of  the  times, 
accuses  him  of  all  manner  of  outrages  against  religion  and  go 
vernment.  "  Not  only,"  he  observes,  "  abandoning  and  re 
jecting  all  civil  power  and  authority,  (except  moulded  accord 
ing  to  his  own  fancy}  but  belching  out  errours,  &c."  Seve 
ral  pages  in  that  work  are  filled  up  to  this  effect.  Dr.  Eliot, 
N.  E.  Biog.  227,  says,  "  It  is  evident  that  he  was  not  so  bad 
a  man  as  his  enemies  represented."  The  reader  is  referred 
to  that  excellent  work,  for  an  interesting  account  of  him. 
Allen,  also,  814,  seems  inclined  to  do  him  justice,  and  is  more 
particular.  It  appears  evident  that  he  was  rather  wild  in 
his  views  of  religion,  and  went  too  far,  perhaps,  in  persuad 
ing  others  to  fall  in  with  him.  He  came  to  Boston  in  1636, 
from  London,  and  was  soon  suspected  of  heresy,  on  which  he 
was  examined.  But  from  his  aptness  in  evading  questions, 
nothing  was  found  against  him.  He  went  to  Plymouth,  but 
did  not  stay  long  there,  having  got  into  difficulty  with  their 
minister.  From  thence  he  went  to  Rhodeisland  of  his  own 
accord;  or  as  some  say,  was  banished  there.  Here,  it  is  said, 
he  underwent  corporeal  punishment  for  his  contempt  of  civil 
authority.  Leaving  this  place  he  went  to  Providence  in 
1649,  where  he  was  very  humanely  treated  by  Mr.  Roger 
Williams,  who  also  had  been  banished  on  the  score  of  tenets. 
He  began  a  settlement  at  Patuxet,  4  or  5  miles  south  of 
Providence  in  1641,  but  was  soon  complained  of  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  Massachusetts,  for  encroaching  upon  the  lands 
of  others.  The  Governour  ordered  him  to  answer  to  the 
same  which  he  refused,  treating  the  messenger  with  con 
tempt.  But  he  was  arrested,  carried  to  Boston  and  had  his 
trial.  A  cruel  sentence  was  passed  upon  him,  being  confin 
ed  a  whole  winter  at  Charlestown  in  heavy  irons,  and  then 
banished  out  of  the  colony.  In  1644,  he  went  to  England, 
And  in  1648,  returned  to  his  possessions  by  permission  of  par 

liament. 

:}:  Who  these  two  men  were  I  have  no\,  been  able  to  ascer 
tain.  Mention  is  made  in  the  histories  of  Vhis  war  of  messen 
gers  being  sent,  but  in  none  more  than  two,  and  their  names 
are  not  mentioned.  Two  were  also  sent  from  Massachu 
setts.  See  Hub.  Nar.  72,  73.  Hutch.  I,  262.  They  were 
sent  16  June,  1675. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  29 

from  the  Governour  of  Plymouth  to  Philip.  He 
observed  to  him  further,  that  the  young  men  were 
very  eager  to  begin  the  war,  and  would  fain  have 
killed  Mr.  Brown,  but  Philip  prevented  it;  telling 
them  that  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kind 
ness  to  Mr.  Brown.  In  short,  Philip  was  forced  to 
promise  them,  that,  on  the  next  Lord's  day,  when  the 
English  were  gone  to  meeting  they  should  rifle  their 
houses,  and  from  that  time  forward,  kill  their  cattle. 
Peter  desired  Mr.  Church  to  go  and  see  his  wife, 
who  was  but  [just]  up  the  hill  ;*  he  went  and  found 
but  few  of  her  people  with  her.  She  said  they  were 
all  gone  against  her  will  to  the  dances,  and  she  much 
feared  [that]  there  would  be  a  war.  Mr.  Church 
advised  her  to  go  to  the  island  and  secure  herself, 
and  those  that  were  with  her,  and  send  to  the  Gover 
nour  of  Plymouth,  who  she  knew  was  her  friend;  and 
so  left  her,  resolving  to  hasten  to  Plymouth,  and 
wait  on  the  Governour.  And  he  was  so  expeditious 
that  he  was  with  the  GoVernour  early  next  morning,f 
though  he  waited  on  some  of  the  magistrates  by  the 
way,  who  were  of  the  council  of  war,  and  also  met 
him  at  the  Governour's.  He  gave  them  an  account 
of  his  observations  and  discoveries,  which  confirmed 
their  former  intelligences,  and  hastened  their  prepa 
ration  for  defence. 

Philip,  according  to  his  promise  to  his  people,  per 
mitted  them  to  march  out  of  the  neckf  on  the  next 
Lord's  day,§  when  they  plundered  the  nearest  hou- 

liament.  He  was  a  minister,  and  a  man  of  talents  and  abili 
ty.  His  defence  against  the  charges  in  Morton's  Memorial, 
shows  him  to  be  a  nf&n  of  learning,  and  is  worthy  perusing. 
It  is  in  Hutchinson,  Hist.  Mas.  I,  467  to  470.  Etc  lived  to 
an  advanced  age,  but  the  time  of  his  death  is  not  known. 

*  I  conclude  this  hill  to  be  that  a  little  north  of  Rowland's 
ferry. 

t  June  16. 

j  The  neck  on  which  Bristol  and  Warren  now  are,  mak 
ing  the  ancient  Pokanoket. 

§  June  20.      See  Trumbull,  Hist.  Con.  I,  327.     Ibid.  U 
States,  I,  139. 

3* 


SO  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ses  that  the  inhabitants  had  deserted,  but  as  yet  of 
fered  no  violence  to  the  people,  at  least  none  were 
killed.*  However  the  alarm  was  given  by  their  num 
bers  and  hostile  equipage,  and  by  the  prey  they 
made  of  what  they  could  rind  in  the  forsaken  houses. 
An  express  came  the  same  day  to  the  Governour,f 
who  immediately  gave  orders  to  the  captains  of  the 
towns,  to  march  the  greatest  part  of  their  companies, 
and  to  rendezvous  at  Taunton  on  Monday  night,! 
where  Major  Bradford  was  to  receive  them,  and  dis 
pose  them  under  Captain  (now  made  Major)  Cut- 
worth§  of  Scituate.  The  Governour  desired  Mr. 
Church  to  give  them  his  company,  and  to  us*e  his  in 
terest  in  their  behalf,  with  the  gentlemen  of  Rhode- 
island.  He  complied  with  it,  and  they  marched  the 
next  day.  Major  Bradford  desired  Mr.  Church,  with 
a  commanded  party,  consisting  of  English  and  some 
friend  Indians,  to  march  in  the  front  at  some  distance 
from  the  main  body.  Their  orders  were  to  keep  so 
far  before  as  not  to  be  in  sight  of  the  army.  And  so 
they  did,  for  by  the  way  they  killed  a  deer,  flayed, 
roasted,  and  eat  the  most  of  him  before  the  army 
came  up  with  them.  But  the  Plymouth  forces  soon 

*  But  an  Indian  was  fired  upon  and  wounded,  which  was  a 
sufficient  umbrage  for  them  to  begin  the  work.  vSee  Hub. 
Nar.  72,  and  Hutch.  I,  261.  It  appears  that  Philip  waited 
for  the  English  to  begin,  and  to  that  end,  had  suffered  his 
men  to  provoke  them  to  it ;  yet,  it  was  thought  that  Philip 
tried  to  restrain  them  from  beginning  so  soon,  as  is  observed 
in  note  1  to  page  17.  At  this  time  a  whimsical  opinion 
prevailed,  that  the  side  which  first  began  would  finally  be 
conquered.  Hutch.  Ibid. 

f  In  consequence  of  this  intelligence  Governour  Winslow 
proclaimed  a  fast.     H.Adams,  120. 
J  June  21. 

§  Jarnes  Cudworth,  several  years  a  magistrate  of  Plymouth 
colony.  Other  historians  style  him  Captain,  but  do  not  take 
notice  of  this  advancement.  See  Hubbard,  Nar.  75,  79,  84. 
Also  in  th^  COP!  i  filiation  of  Morton,  208,  where  it  appears  he 
>v?s  an  assistant  in  the  government  between  1670  and  1675. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  Si 

Lir/.vjJ  at  Swanzey,*  and  were  chiefly  posted  at  Ma 
jor  Brown'sf  and  Mr.  Miles' {  garrisons,  and  were 
there  soon  joined  with  those  that  came  from  Massa 
chusetts,  who  had  entered  into  a  confederacy  with 
their  Plymouth  brethren  against  the  perfidious  hea 
thens. 

The  enemy,  who  began  their  hostilities  with  plun 
dering  and  destroying  cattle,^  did  not  long  content 
themselves  with  that  game  ;  they  thirsted  for  English 
blood,  and  they  soon  broached  it ;  killing  two  men 
in  the  way  not  far  from  Mr.  Miles1  garrison,  and 

*  Whether  the  Plymouth  forces  were  at  Swanzey  when 
the  first  English  were  killed  does  not  appear,  though  it  is 
presumed  that  they  were  not.  We  are  certain  that  they  had 
sufficient  time  to  arrive  there.  It  appears  from  the  text  that 
they  marched  from  Plymouth  on  Monday,  which  was  the  21 
June,  and  the  first  English  were  killed  the  24. 

The  author  seems  to  be  a  little  before  his  story  concerning 
the  Massachusetts'  men,  for  we  know  that  they  did  not  ar 
rive  till  the  28  June,  and  their  arrival  is  related  before  the 
first  men  were  killed. 

Dr.  Morse,  in  his  late  history  of  the  Revolution,  has  run 
over  this  history  without  any  regard  to  dates.  Nor  has  he 
thought  it  worth  his  while  to  tell  us  there  ever  was  such  an 
author  as  Church,  but  copies  from  him  as  though  it  were  his 
own  work,  which,  at  best  he  makes  a  mutilated  mass. 

t  See  note  5  on  page  27. 

3:  The  Rev.  John  Miles,  as  I  find  in  Allen,  Biog.  429,  was 
minister  of  the  first  Baptist  church  in  Massachusetts  ;  that  in 
1649  he  was  a  settled  minister  near  Swansea  in  South  Wales. 
Hence,  perhaps,  the  name  of  Swanzey  in  Mass,  is  derived. 
Mr.  Miles  being  ejected  in  1662,  came  to  this  country,  and 
formed  a  church  at  Rehoboth.  He  removed  to  Swanzey  a 
few  years  after,  which  town  was  granted  to  the  baptists 
by  the  government  of  Plymouth.  Hutchinson,  I,  209,  speaks 
of  him  as  a  man  discovering  Christian  unity,  See.  He  died 
in  1683. 

§  It  appears  that  an  Indian  was  wounded  while  in  the  act 
of  killing  cattle  ;  or  as  tradition  informs  us,  the  Indian  who 
was  wounded,  after  killing  some  animals  in  a  man's  field, 
went  to  his  house  and  demanded  liquor,  and  being  refused 
attempted  to  take  it  by  violence,  threatening  at  the  same 
time  to  be  revenged  for  such  usage,  this  caused  the  English 
man  to  fire  on  him. 


32  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

soon  after  ^eight  more*  at  Matapbiset  :f  Upon  whose 
bodies  they  exercised  more  than  brutish  barbarities ; 
beheading,  dismembering  and  mangling  them,  and 
exposing  them  in  the  most  inhuman  manner,  which 

fashed  and  ghostly  objects  struck  a  damp  on  all  be- 
olders.J 

The  enemy  flushed  with  these  exploits,  grew  yet 
bolder,  and  skulking  every  where  in  the  bushes,  shot 
at  all  passengers,  and  killed  many  that  ventured 
abroad.  They  came  so  near  as  to  shoot  two  sen 
tinels  at  Mr.  Miles'  garrison,  under  the  very  noses 
of  our  forces.  These  provocations  drew  out  [ — J1 
some  of  Captain  Prentice's  troops,^  who  desired 
they  might  have  liberty  to  go  out  and  seek  the  ene 
my  in  their  own  quarters.  Quartermasters  Gill  and 
Belcher |!  commanded  the  parties  drawn  out,  who 
earnestly  desired  Mr.  Church's  company.  They  pro 
vided  him  a  horse  and  furniture,  (his  own  being  out  of 
the  way.)  He  readily  complied  with  their  desires, 
and  was  soon  mounted.  This  party  was  no  sooner 
over  Miles'  bridge, IF  but  were  fired  upon  by  an  am- 
1  [the  resentment  of] 

*  It  was  the  same  day.  24  June,  on  Thursday,  being  a  fast, 
appointed  by  the  Governour  of  Plymouth,  on  hearing  what 
took  place  the  20.  See  H.  Adam's  Hist.  N.  England,  120. 
At  Rehoboth  a  man  was  fired  upon  the  same  day.  Hutchinson, 
I,  261, 

f  (In  Swanzey.) 

Several  places  bore  this  name.  The  word  is  now  general 
ly  pronounced  Matapois,  It  appears  too,  that  the  pronunci 
ation  tended  thus,  at  first,  as  I  find  it  spelt  in  Winslow's  Nar 
rative,  Matapuyst,  See  Belknap,  Biog.  II,  292. 

$  The  sight  must  have  been  dreadful,  but  yet,  it  did  not 
hinder  the  English  from  the  like  foul  deeds.  Weetamore's 
head  was  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole.  See  note  2  on  page  27. 

§  Capt,  Thomas  Prentice  of  the  Boston  troops.  Twelve 
was  the  number  that  went  over  at  this  time,  Hubbard,  75, 
Hutchinson,  I,  262. 

||  Hubbard,  75,  calls  him  Corporal  Belcher.  He  makes  no 
juention  of  any  person  by  the  name  of  Gill. 

1f  There  is  a  bridge  over  Palmer's  river,  which  bears  (his 
It  i?  about  4  miles  north  of  \Viirr<M), 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  3& 

buscade  of  about  a  dozen  Indians,  as  they  were  af 
terward  discovered  to  be.  When  they  drew  off,  the 
pilot*  was  mortally  wounded,  Mr.  Belcher  received 
a  shot  in  his  knee,  and  his  horse  was  killed  under 
him.  Mr.  Gill  was  struck  with  a  musket  ball  on  the 
side  of  his  body  ;  but  being  clad  with  a  buff  coat,f 
and  some  thickness  of  paper  under  it,  it  never  broke 
his  skin.J  The  troopers  were  surprised  to  see  both 
their  commanders  wounded  and  wheeled  off;  but 
Mr.  Church  persuaded,  at  length  stormed  and  stamp 
ed,  and  told  them  it  was  a  shame  to  run,  and  leave 
a  wounded  man  there  to  become  a  prey  to  the 
barbarous  enemy ;  for  the  pilot  yet  sat  on  his  horse, 
though  amazed  with  the  shot  as  not  to  have  sense  to 
guide  him.  Mr.  Gill  seconded  him,  and  offered, 
though  much  disabled,  to  assist  in  bringing  him  off. 
Mr.  Church  asked  a  stranger,  who  gave  him  his  com 
pany  in  that  action,  if  he  would  go  with  him  and 
fetch  off  the  wounded  man.  He  readily  consented, 
and  they  with  Mr.  Gill  went ;  but  the  wounded  man 
fainted,  and  fell  off  his  horse  before  they  came  to  him. 
But  Mr.  Church  and  the  stranger  dismounted,  took 
up  the  man,  dead,  and  laid  him  before  Mr.  Gill  on  his 
horse.  Mr.  Church  told  the  other  two,  [that]  if  they 
would  take  care  of  the  dead  man,  he  would  go  and 
fetch  his  horse  back,  which  was  going  off  the  cause 
way  toward  the  enemy  ;  but  before  he  got  over  the 
causeway  he  saw  the  enemy  run  to  the  right  into  the 
neck.  He  brought  back  the  horse,  and  called  ear 
nestly  and  repeatedly  to  the  army  to  come  over  and 
fight  the  enemy  ;  and  while  he  stood  calling  and 
persuading,  the  skulking  enemy  returned  to  their 
old  stand,  and  all  discharged  their  guns  at  him  at  one 
clap  ;  [and]  though  every  shot  missed  him,  yet,  one 

*  William  Hammond. 

t  A  Luff  coat,  and  kind  of  cuirass  or  breastplate  of  iron  or 
steel  formed  their  armour  ;  swords,  carabines,  and  pistols, 
their  weapons. 

t  June  28.  This  action  took  place  the  sain*  day  that  the 
other  troops  arrived. 


34  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

of  the  army  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  received  one 
of  the  balls  in  his  foot.  Mr.  Church  now  began,  (no 
succour  coming  to  him)  to  think  it  time  to  retreat. 
Saying,  "The  Lord  have  mercy  on  us,  if  such  a 
handful  of  Indians  shall  thus  dare  such  an  army."* 

Upon  this  it  was  immediately  resolved,  and  orders 
were  given  to  march  down  into  the  neck,f  and  hav 
ing  passed  the  bridge  and  causeway,  the  direction 
was  to  extend  both  wings,  which  not  being  well  heed 
ed  by  those  that  remained  in  the  centre,  some  of 
them  mistook  their  friends  for  their  enemies,};  and 
made  a  fire  upon  them  in  the  right  wing,  and  wound 
ed  that  noble  heroick  youth,  Ensign  Savage,  in  the 
thigh,§  but  it  happily  proved  but  a  flesh  wound.  They 
marched  until  they  came  to  the  narrow  of  the  neck, 
at  a  place  called  Keekamuit,||  where  they  took  down 

*  Thus  ended  the  28  June,  1675,  according  to  Hubbard, 
75  ;  but  by  the  text,  the  next  transaction  would  seem  under 
the  same  date,  which  from  the  fact  that  most  of  the  army  did 
not  arrive  until  after  noon,  and  that  the  action  did  not  take 
place  until  it  had  arrived,  it  is  plain  that  it  was  not.  Hutch- 
inson,  I,  262,  is  as  indistinct  with  regard  to  the  dates  in 
question,  as  our  author,  but  Holmes  considered  it  as  I  do, 
Annals,  I,  421.  The  next  morning,  Hubbard,  75,  says,  that 
the  Indians,  at  half  a  mile's  distance,  shouted  twice  or 
thrice,  and  9  or  10  showing  themselves  at,  the  bridge,  the 
army  immediately  went  in  pursuit  of  them, 

t  June  29. 

$  I  cannot  find  as  any  historian  takes  notice  of  this  bad 
management  of  the  army.  The  reason  is  obvious  as  Hub 
bard  says  nothing  of  it,  whom  they  all  follow.  Hence  it  ap-< 
pears  that  Savage  was  wounded  by  his  own  companions,  and 
riot  by  10  or  12  of  the  enemy  discharging  upon  him  at  once 
See  next  note. 

§  "  He  had  at  that  time  one  bullet  lodged  in  his  thigh, 
another  shot  through  the  brim  of  his  hat,  by  ten  or  twelve 
of  the  enemy  discharging  upon  him  together,  while  he  bold 
ly  held  up  his  colours  in  the  front  of  his  company." 
Hubbard,  76.  Our  author/or  Mr.  Hubbard  is  in  a  great 
mistake  about  the  manner  in  which  he  was  wounded,  but  the 
former  ought  not  to  be  mistaken. 

||  (Upper  part  of  Bristol.) 

Now  the  upper  part  of  Warren,  which  has  been  taken 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  &> 

the  heads  of  eight  Englishmen  that  were  killed  at  the 
head  of  Matapoiset  neck,  and  set  upon  poles,  after 
the  barbarous  manner  of  those  savages.  There  Philip 
had  staved  all  his  drums  and  conveyed  all  his  canoes 
to  the  east  side  of  Matapoiset  river.  Hence  it  was 
concluded  by  those,  that  were  acquainted  with  the 
motions  of  those  people,  that  they  had  quitted  the 
neck.  Mr.  Church  told  them  that  Philip  was  doubt 
less  gone  over  to  Pocasset  side  to  engage  those  In 
dians  in  a  rebellion  with  him,  which  they  soon  found 
to  be  true.  The  enemy  were  not  really  beaten  out 
of  Mounthope  neck,  though  it  was  true  [that]  they 
fled  from  thence ;  yet  it  was  before  any  pursued 
them.  It  was  but  to  strengthen  themselves,  and  to 
gain  a  more  advantageous  post.  However,  some, 
and  not  a  few,  pleased  themselves  with  the  fancy  of 
a  mighty  conquest. 

A  grand  council  was  held,  and  a  resolve  passed, 
to  build  a  fort  there,  to  maintain  the  first  ground 
they  had  gained,  by  the  Indians  leaving  it  to  them. 
And  to  speak  the  truth,  it  must  be  said,  that  as  they 
gained  not  that  field  by  their  sword,  nor  their  bow, 
so  it  was  rather  their  fear  than  their  courage  that 
obliged  them  to  set  up  the  marks  of  their  conquest.* 

Mr.  Church  looked  upon  it,  and  talked  of  it  with 
contempt,  and  urged  hard  the  pursuing  [of]  the  en 
emy  on  Pocasset  side;  and  with  the  greater  earnest 
ness;  because  of  the  promise  made  to  Awashonks,  be 
fore  mentioned. 

The  council  adjourned  themselves  from  Mount- 

from  Bristol.  It  is  called  on  the  map  of  Rhodeisland,  Kicke- 
muet,  or  rather  the  bay  which  makes  this  neck  on  one  side, 
is  so  called.  Warren  river  makes  the  other  side. 

*  Major  Savage  and  Major  Cudworth  commanded  the 
forces  in  this  expedition,  at  whom,  of  course,  this  reflection 
is  directed.  But  chiefly,  I  suppose,  at  Major  Cudworth : 
For  I  find,  Hubbard,  79,  that  Captain  Cudworth,  as  he  de 
nominates  him,  "  left  a  garrison  of  40.  men  upon  Mount- 
hope  neck,"  which  is  all  that  he  says  about  this  fort. 


36  PHILIP'S  \VAR. 

hope  to  Rehoboth,*  where  Mr.  Treasurer  South- 
worth,  being  weary  of  his  charge  of  Commissary 
General,  (provision  being  scarce  and  difficult  to 
be  obtained  for  the  army,f  that  now  lay  still  to  co 
ver  the  people  from  nobody,  while  they  were  build 
ing  a  fort  for  nothing)  retired,  and  the  power  and 
trouble  of  that  post  was  left  to  Mr.  Church,  who 
still  urged  the  commanding  officers  to  move  over  to 
Pocasset  side,  to  pursue  the  enemy  and  kill  Philip, 
which  would  in  his  opinion  be  more  probable  to  keep 
possession  of  the  neck,  than  to  tarry  to  build  a  fort.J 
.He  was  still  restless  on  that  side  of  the  river,  and 
the  rather,  because  of  his  promise  to  the  squaw  Sa 
chem  of  Sogkonate.  And  Captain  Fuller^  also  urg 
ed  the  same,  until  at  length  there  came  further  or- 

*  A  town  in  Massachusetts,  about  10  miles  from  where  they 
then  were,  and  about  38  from  Boston. 

fHubbard  says,  77,  that  the  forces  under  Major  Savage 
returned  to  Swanzey,  and  those  under  Capt.  Cudworth  pass 
ed  over  to  Rhodeisland  the  same  day,  as  the  weather  looked 
likely  to  be  tempestuous,  and  that  night  there  fell  abundance 
of  rain.  But  it  is  presumed  that  Captain  Cudworth  soon  re 
turned  to  build  said  fort,  as  he  arrived  at  Swanzey  the  5 
July. 

t  While  these  things  were  passing,  Capt.  Hutchinson  was 
despatched  with  a  letter  from  the  Governour  of  Massachu 
setts,  bearing  date  July  4,  1675,  constituting  him  commis 
sioner  to  treat  with  the  Narragansets,  who  now  seem  openly 
to  declare  for  Philip.  He  arrived  the  5  at  Swanzey,  and  on 
the  6,  a  consultation  was  held,  wherein  it  was  resolved  "  to 
j*eat  with  the  Narragansets  sword  in  hand."  Accordingly 
the  forces  marched  into  their  country,  and  after  several  cere-  , 
monious  days,  a  treaty,  as  long  as  it  was  useless,  was  signed 
on  the  15.  It  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Hubbard,  Nar.  81  to 
83,  and  Hutchinson,  I,  263,  264.  By  which  the  Narragan 
sets  agreed,  to  harbour  none  of  Philip's  people,  &c.  ;  all 
which  was  only  forced  upon  them,  and  they  regarded  it  no 
longer  than  the  army  was  present.  The  army  then  returned 
to  Taunton,  17  June. 

§  I  learn  nothing  more  of  this  gentleman  than  is  found  in 
this  history.  The  name  is  common  in  Massachusetts  and 
elsewhere.  He  had  6  files  each  containing  6  men,  therefore 
their  whole  number  consisted  of  86  men  only. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  87 

ders*  concerning  the  fort,  and  withal  an  order  for 
Captain  Fuller  with  six  files  to  cross  the  river  to  the 
side  so  much  insisted  on,  and  to  try  if  he  could  get 
speech  with  any  of  the  Pocasset  or  Sogkonate  In 
dians,  and  that  Mr.  Church  should  go  [as]  his  second. 

Upon  the  Captain's  receiving  his  orders,  he  asked 
Mr.  Church  whether  he  were  willing  to  engage  in  this 
enterprise  ;  to  whom  it  was  indeed  too  agreeable  to 
be  declined;  though  he  thought  the  enterprise  was 
hazardous  enough  for  them  to  have  [had]  more  men 
assigned  them.  Captain  Fuller  told  him,  that  for 
his  own  part,  he  was  grown  ancient  and  heavy,  [and] 
he  feared  the  travel  and  fatigue  woula  be  too  much 
for  him.  But  Mr.  Church  urged  him,  and  told  him 
[that]  he  would  cheerfully  excuse  him  his  hardship 
and  travel,  and  take  that  part  to  himself,  if  he  might 
but  go  ;  for  he  had  rather  do  any  thing  in  the  world, 
than  to  stay  there  to  build  the  fort. 

Then  they  drew  out  the  number  assigned  them, 
and  marched  the  same  nightf  to  the  ferry,{  and  were 

*  From  Major  Cudworth,  who  did  not  go  with  the  rest  of 
the  army  into  the  country  of  the  Narragansets.  Hub.  84. 

t  No  author  that  I  have  seen,  excepting  Mr.  Hubbard, 
fixes  any  date  to  this  memorable  part  of  Philip's  War.  Nei 
ther  Hutchinson  nor  Trumbull  takes  any  notice  of  it.  Hub- 
bard,  84,  says,  "Upon  Thursday,  July?,  Captain  Fuller  and 
Lieutenant  Church  went  into  Pocasset  to  seek  after  the  ene 
my/'  &c.  But  he  is  in  an  errour  about  the  day  of  the  week 
or  month,  and  perhaps  both  ;  for  I  find  that  the  7  July  falls 
on  Wednesday  ;  an  errour  which  might  easily  have  happened 
in  some  former  edition  of  his  Narrative.  Though  this  scru 
tiny  may  seem  unimportant,  yet,  the  transaction,  it  must  be 
allowed,  merits  particular  attention ;  for  history  without 
chronology  may  be  compared  to  the  trackless  desert  over 
which  we  may  wander  in  vain  for  relief.  Most  authors  since 
Mr.  Hubbard's  time,  pass  lightly  over  this  event,  and  either 
think  it  not  worth  fixing  a  date  to,  or  doubting  the  authority 
of  Mr.  Hubbard.  But  I  am  induced  to  believe,  that  the  day 
of  the  month  is  right,  and  that  the  day  of  the  week  is  wrong. 
If  this  be  the  case,  we  are  able  to  fix  the  date  of  the  battle  of 
the  Peasfield  on  July  8. 
|  Bristol  ferry. 
4 


38  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

transported  to  Rhodeisland,  from  whence,  the  next 
night  they  got  passage  over  to  Pocasset  side  in  Rhodc- 
island  boats,  and  concluded  there  to  dispose  them 
selves  in  two  ambuscades  before  day,  hoping  to  sur 
prise  some  of  the  enemy  by  their  falling  into  one  or 
other  of  their  ambushments.  But  Captain  Fuller's 
party  being  troubled  with  the  epidemical  plague  of 
lust  after  tobacco,  must  needs  strike  fire  to  smoke 
it.*  And  thereby  discovered  themselves  to  a  party 
of  the  enemy  coming  up  to  them,  who  immediately 
fled  with  great  precipitation. 

This  ambuscade  drew  off  about  break  of  day,  per 
ceiving  [that]  they  were  discovered,  the  other  con 
tinued  in  their  post  until  the  time  assigned  them, 
and  the  light  and  heat  of  the  sun  rendered  their  sta 
tion  both  insignificant  and  troublesome,  and  then  re 
turned  unto  the  place  of  rendezvous ;  where  they 
were  acquainted  with  the  other  party's  disappoint 
ment,  and  the  occasion  of  it.  Mr.  Church  calls  for 
the  breakfast  he  had  ordered  to  be  brought  over  in 
the  boat,  but  the  man  that  had  the  charge  of  it,  con 
fessed  that  he  was  asleep  when  the  boat's  men  call 
ed  him,  and  in  haste  came  away  and  never  thought 
of  it.  It  happened  that  Mr.  Church  had  a  few  cakes 
of  rusk  in  his  pocket,  that  Madam  Cranston, f  (the 

*  It  is  customary  with  many  to  this  day  in  Rhodeisland,  to 
use  this  phrase.  If  a  person  tells  another  that  he  smoked  to 
bacco  at  any  particular  time,  he  will  say  that  he  smoked  it, 
or  "  I  have  smokt  it." 

f  I  am  sorry  to  acknowledge  the  want  of  information  of  so 
conspicuous  a  character  as  a~  Governour  of  Rhodeisland,  but 
the  histories  of  Newengland  do  not  tell  us  there  .ever  was 
such  a  Governour.  Probably  the  town  of  Cranston  perpetu 
ates  his  name.  From  Allen,  Biog.  196,  it  appears  that  Mr. 
William  Coddington  was  Governour  this  year,  1675  ;  yet 
there  may  be  no  mistake  in  the  text,  though  this  name  has 
been  written  with  variation.  From  Trumbull's  Conn.  I, 
3.56,  I  find  that  "JOHN  CRANSTON,  Esq.,  Governour  of 
Rhodeisland,  [in  1679]  held  a  court  in  Narraganset,  in  Sep 
tember,  and  made  attempts  to  introduce  the  authority  and 
officers  of  Rhodeisland,  into  that  r,art  of  Connecticut.  The 
general  assembly  therefore,  in  October,  protested  against 


PHILIP'S  WAR,  8§ 

Governour's  Lady  of  Rhodeisland)  gave  him  when  he 
came  off  the  island,  which  he  divided  among  the 
company,  which  was  all  the  provisions  they  had. 

Mr.  Church,  after  their  slender  breakfast,  proposed 
to  Captain  Fuller,  that  he  would  march  in  quest  of 
the  enemy,  with  such  of  the  company  as  would  be 
willing  to  march  with  him,  which  he  complied  with, 
though  with  a  great  deal  of  scruple ;  because  of  his 
small  numbers,  and  the  extreme  hazard  he  foresaw 
must  attend  them.* 

But  some  of  the  company  reflected  upon  Mr. 
Church,  that  notwithstanding  his  talk  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  he  had  not  shown  them  any  In 
dians  since  they  came  over ;  which  now  moved  him 
to  tell  them,  that,  if  it  were  their  desire  to  see  In 
dians,  he  believed  he  should  now  soon  show  them 
what  they  should  say  was  enough. 

The  number  allowed  himf  soon  drew  off  to  him, 
ivhicl}  could  not  be  many ;  because  their  whole  com 
pany  consisted  of  no  more  than  thirty-six. 

They  moved  towards  Sogkonate,  until  they  came 
to  the  brookj  that  runs  into  Nunnaquahqat§  neck, 
where  they  discovered  a  fresh  and  plain  track,  which 

nis  usurpation,  and  declared  his  acts  to  be  utterly  void." 
Thus  the  spirit  of  feeling  between  the  two  colonies  at  this 
period  is  discovered. 

*  Captain  Fuller  had  not  proceeded  far,  before  he  fell  in 
with  a  large  number  of  the  enemy,  but  fortunately  he  was 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  water,1  and  ;  -ore  fortunately,  near  an 
old  house,  in  which  he  sheltered  himself  and  men  until  a 
vessel  discovered  and  conveyed  them  off,  with  no  other  loss, 
than  having  two  men  wounded.  He  had  17  men  in  his  com 
pany. 

t  Nineteen.  Hubbard,  85,  says,  that  Mr.  Church  had 
not  above  Ip  men. 

$.  This  brook  is  that  which  empties  into  the  bay  nearly  a 
mile  southward  from  Rowland's  ferry.  The  road  to  Little 
Compton,  here,  follows  the  shore  of  the  bay,  and  crosses  said 
brook  where  it  meets  the  bay. 

§  Now  called  Quaucut,  a  small  strait  near  the  brook  just 
mentioned. 


40  PHILIP'S  \VAR. 

they  concluded  to  be  from  the  great  pine  swamp, 
about  a  mile  from  the  road  that  leads  to  Sogkonate. 
"Now,"  says  Mr.  Church,  to  his  men,  "if  we  follow 
this  track;  no  doubt  but  we  shall  soon  see  Indians 
enough."  They  expressed  their  willingness  to  fol 
low  the  track,  and  moved  [on]  in  it ;  but  [they]  had 
not  gone  far,  before  one  of  them  narrowly  escaped 
being  bit  with  a  rattlesnake ;  and  the  woods  that 
the  track  led  them  through  was  haunted  much  with 
those  snakes,  which  the  little  company  seemed  more 
to  be  afraid  of,  than  the  black  serpents  they  were  in 
quest  of;  and  therefore  bent  their  course  another 
way  to  a  place  where  they  thought  it  probable  to 
find  some  of  the  enemy.  Had  they  kept  the  track 
to  the  pine  swamp,  they  had  been  certain  of  meet- 
ng  Indians  enough,  but  not  so  certain  that  any  of 
them  should  have  returned  to  give  [an]  account  how 
many. 

Now  they  passed  down  into  Punkatees*  neck,  and 
in  their  march  discovered  a  large  wigwam  full  of 
Indian  truck,  which  the  soldiers  were  for  loading 
themselves  with,  until  Mr.  Church  forbid  it ;  telling 
them  they  might  expect  soon  to  have  their  hands 
full  and  business  without  caring  for  plunder.  Then 
crossing  the  head  of  the  creek  into  the  neck,  they 
again  discovered  fresh  Indian  tracks ;  [which  had] 
very  lately  passed  before  them  into  the  neck.  They 
then  got  privately  and  undiscovered  unto  the  fence 
of  Captain  Almy'sf  peas  field,  and  divided  into  two 
parties ;  Mr.  Church  keeping  the  one  party  with 

*  A  point  of  land  running  south  nearly  two  miles  between 
the  bay  and  Little.  Compton,  and  a  little  more  than  a  mile 
wide.  On  Lockwood's  map  of  Rhodeisland  it  is  called  Pun- 
catest.  It  is  the  southern  extremity  of  Tiverton,  and  has 
been  known  by  the  name  of  Pocasset  neck. 

f  Captain  John  Almy,  who  lived  on  Rhodeisland;  the 
same,  I  presume,  mentioned  in  the  beginning  of  this  history. 
The  land  is  now  owned,  by  people  of  the  same  name,  and 
Mr.  Sanford  Almy,  an  aged  gentleman,  lives  near  the  spot. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  41 

himself,  sent  the  other  with  Lake,*  who  was  ac 
quainted  with  the  ground,  on  the  other  side.  Two 
Indians  were  soon  discovered  coming  out  of  the 
peas  field  towards  them,  when  Mr.  Church  and  those 
that  were  with  him,  concealed  themselves  from  them 
by  falling  flat  on  the  ground,  but  the  other  division, 
not  using  the  same  caution,  was  seen  by  the  enemy, 
which  occasioned  them  to  run,  which,  when  Mr. 
Church  perceived,  he  showed  himself  to  them,  and 
called ;  telling  them  he  desired  but  to  speak  with 
thjem,  and  would  not  hurt  them.  But  they  ran  and 
Church  pursued.  The  Indians  climbed  over  a  fence, 
and  one  of  them  facing  about,  discharged  his  piece, 
but  without  effect,  on  the  English.  One  of  the  Eng 
lish  soldiers  ran  up  to  the  fence  and  fired  upon  him 
that  had  discharged  his  piece,  and  they  concluded 
by  the  yelling  they  heard,  that  the  Indian  was  wound 
ed.  But  the  Indians  soon  got  into  the  thickets, 
whence  they  saw  them  no  more  for  the  present. 

Mr.  Church  then  marching  over  a  plane  piece  of 
ground  where  the  woods  were  very  thick  on  one 
side,  ordered  his  little  company  to  march  at  a  double 
distance  to  make  as  big  a  show,  (if  they  should  be 
discovered,)  as  might  be.  But  before  they  saw  any 
body  they  were  saluted  with  a  volley  of  fifty  or  six 
ty  guns.  Some  bullets  came  very  surprisingly  near 
Mr.  Church,  who  starting,  looked  behind  him  to  see 
what  was  become  of  his  men,  expecting  to  have 
seen  half  of  them  dead  ;  but  seeing  them  all  upon 
their  legs,  and  briskly  firing  at  the  smokes  of  the 
enemies' guns ;  (for  that  was  all  that  was  then  to 
be  seen.)f  He  blessed  God,  and  called  to  his  men 

*  As  the  name  of  Lake  is  not  mentioned  any  where  else  in 
this  history,  I  cannot  determine  who  this  was. 

f  This  was  indeed  very  remarkable,  as  it  appears  tnat 
nothing  prevented  the  Indians  from  taking  deliberate  aim. 
The  truth  of  the  text  must  not  be  doubted,  but  certainly 
Jove  never  worked  a  greater  miracle  in  favour  of  the  Trojan* 
At  the  siege  of  Troy,  than  Hesper  now  did  for  our  heroei. 

4* 


42  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

not  to  discharge  all  their  guns  at  once,  lest  the  ene 
my  should  take  the  advantage  of  such  an  opportuni 
ty  to  run  upon  them  with  their  hatchets. 

Their  next  motion  was  immediately  into  the  peas 
field.*  When  they  came  to  the  fence,  Mr.  Church 
bid  as  many  as  had  not  discharged  their  guns  to 
clap  under  the  fence  and  lie  close,  while  the  others, 
at  some  distance  in  the  field,  stood  to  charge  ;  hop 
ing,  that  if  the  enemy  should  creep  to  the  fence, 
(to  gain  a  shot  at  those  that  were  charging  their 
guns,)  they  might  be  surprised  by  those  that  lie  un 
der  the  fence.  But  casting  his  eyes  to  the  side  of 
the  hill  above  them,  the  hill  seemed  to  move,  being 
covered  over  with  Indians,  with  their  bright  guns 
glittering  in  the  sun.  and  running  in  a  circumference 
with  a  design  to  surround  them. 

Seeing  such  multitudes  surrounding  him  and  his 
little  company,  it  put  him  upon  thinking  what  was 
become  of  the  boats  that  were  ordered  to  attend  him, 
.and  looking  up,  he  spied  them  ashore  at  Sandy- 
point, f  on  the  island  side  of  the  river,  J  with  a  num 
ber  of  horse  and  foot  by  them,  and  wondered  what 
.should  be  the  occasion  ;  until  he  was  afterwards  in 
formed  that  the  boats  had  been  over  that  morning 
from  the  island,  and  had  landed  a  party  of  men  at 
Foglarid,  that  were  designed  in  Punkatees  neck  to 
fetch  off  some  cattle  and  horses,  but  were  am- 

*  (Tiverton  shore  about  half  a  mile  above  Fogland  ferry.) 

The  situation  of  Punkatees  ^  riven  in  a  preceding  note. 

[t  contains  neavV/    ivo  equal  e",  and  it  is  sufficient  to 

iknow  that  it  contained  the  ground  en  which  this  battle  was 

Bought. 

f  There  are  two  Sandy  points  on  the  Rhodeisland  shore, 
«one  above  and  the  ol'ier  br.'ovr  Fcgiand  ferry;  this  was  that 
above.  Fogland  ferry  connects  the  island  with  Punkatees 
and  is  near  the  middle  of  it. 

J  The  bay  is  meant.  It  being  narrow,  or  from  three 
fourths  to  a  mile  wide,  is  sometimes  called  a  river,  and  in  the 
edd  jcjjarteri,  Narraganset  river.  See  Douglasr ,  I,  598, 


PHILIP'S   WAR.  43 

buscaded,  and  many  of  them  wounded  by  the  ene 
my.* 

Now  our  gentleman's  courage  and  conduct  were 
both  put  to  the  test.  He  encouraged  his  men,  and 
orders  some  to  run  and  take  a  wall  for  shelter  be 
fore  the  enemy  gained  it.  It  was  time  for  them  now 
to  think  of  escaping  if  they  knew  which  way.  Mr. 
Church  orders  his  men  to  strip  to  their  white  shirts, 
that  the  islanders  might  discover  them  to  be  Eng 
lishmen,  and  then  orders  three  guns  to  be  fired  dis 
tinctly,  hoping  [that]  it  might  be  observed  by  their 
friends  on  the  opposite  shore.  The  men  that  were 
ordered  to  take  the  wall  being  very  hungry,  stop 
ped  a  while  among  the  peas  to  gather  a  few,  be 
ing  about  four  rods  from  the  wall.  The  enemy  from 
behind,  hailed  them  with  a  shower  of  bullets.  But 
soon  all  but  one  came  tumbling  over  an  old  hedge, 
down  the  bank,  where  Mr.  Church  and  the  rest  were, 
and  told  him,  that  his  brother,  B.  Southworth,f  who 
was  the  man  that  was  missing,  was  killed ;  that  they 
saw  him  fall.  And  so  they  did  indeed  see  him  fall, 
but  it  was  without  a  shot,  and  lay  no  longer  than  till 
he  had  an  opportunity  to  clap  a  bullet  into  one  of 
the  enemies' foreheads,  and  then  came  running  to 
his  company. 

The  meanness  of  the  English  powder  was  now 
their  greatest  misfortune.  When  they  were  imme 
diately  upon  this  beset  with  multitudes  of  Indians, 
who  possessed  themselves  of  every  rock,  stump,  tree 
or  fence,  that  was  in  sight,  firing  upon  them  without 

*  It  is  mentioned  in  a  later  part  of  this  history,  that  Mr. 
Church's  servant  was  wounded  at  Pocasset,  while  there  after 
cattle.  This  is  the  time  alluded  to.  Hubbard,  86,  says  that 
"  five  men  coming  from  Rhodeisland,  to  look  up  their  cattle 
upon  Pocasset  neck,,  were  assaulted  by  the  same  Indians  ; 
one  of  the  five  was  Captain  Church's  servant,  who  had  his 
leg  broken  in  the  skirmish,  the  rest  hardly  escaping  with 
their  lives  ;"  and,  that  "  this  was  the  first  time  that  ever  any 
mischief  was  done  by  the  Indians  upon  Pocasset  neck  ' 
This  was  on  the  same  day  of  the  battle  of  Punkatees. 

t  Brother  in  law  t6  Mr,  Church. 


44  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ceasing ;  while  they  had  no  other  shelter  but  a  small 
bank,  and  bit  of  a  water  fence.*  And  yet,  to  add  to 
the  disadvantage  of  this  little  handful  of  distressed 
men,  the  Indians  also  possessed  themselves  of  the 
ruins  of  a  stone  house,  that  overlooked  them.  So  that, 
now,  they  had  no  way  to  prevent  lying  quite  open  to 
some  or  other  of  the  enemy,  but  to  heap  up  stones 
before  them,  as  they  did  ;  and  still  bravely  and  won 
derfully  defended  themselves  against  all  the  num 
bers  of  the  enemy. 

At  length  came  over  one  of  the  boats  from  the  isl 
and  shore,  but  the  enemy  plied  their  shot  so  warmly 
to  her,  as  made  her  keep  at  some  distance.  Mr. 
Church  desired  them  to  send  their  canoe  ashore,  to 
fetch  them  on  board  ;  but  no  persuasions  nor  argu 
ments  could  prevail  with  them  to  bring  their  canoe 
to  shore  ;  which  some  of  Mr.  Church's  men  per 
ceiving,  began  to  cry  out,  for  God's  sake  to  take 
them  oif,  for  their  ammunition  was  spent !  &c.  Mr. 
Church  being  sensible  of  the  danger  of  the  enemy's 
hearing  their  complaints,  and  being  made  acquaint 
ed  with  the  weakness  and  scantiness  of  their  ammuni 
tion,  fiercely  called  to  the  boat's  master,  and  bid 
him  either  send  his  canoe  ashore,  or  else  be  gone 
presently,  or  he  would  fire  upon  him. 

Away  goes  the  boat,  and  leaves  them  still  to  shift 
for  themselves.  But  then  another  difficulty  arose; 
the  enemy,  seeing  the  boat  leave  them,  were  reani 
mated,  and  fired  thicker  and  faster  than  ever.  Up 
on  which,  some  of  the  men,  that  were  lightest  of  foot, 
began  to  talk  of  attempting  an  escape  by  flight,  un 
til  Mr.  Church  solidly  convinced  them  of  the  im- 
practicableness  of  ft,  and  encouraged  them  yet.  [HeJ 
tol,d  them,  that  he  had  observed  so  much  of  the  re 
markable,  and  wonderful  providence  of  God,  [in] 

*  This  indeed  will  compare  with  Lovewell's  Fight.  That 
hero,  to  prevent  being  quite  encompassed,  retreated  to  the 
shore  of  a  pond  The  particulars  of  which  will  be  found  in 
the  continuation  of  this  nistory.  See  Appendix,  XL 


PHILIP'S  AVAR.  45 

hitherto  preserving  therri,  that  it  encouraged  hirn  to 
believe,  with  much  confidence,  that  God  would  yet 
preserve  them  ;  that  not  a  hair  of  their  heads  should 
fall  to  the  ground  ;  bid  them  be  patient,  courageous, 
and  prudently  sparing  of  their  ammunition,  and  he 
made  no  doubt  but  they  should  come  well  off  yet, 
&c.  [Thus]  until  his  little  army  again  resolved, 
one  and  all,  to  stay  with,  and  stick  by  him.  One  of 
them,  by  Mr.  Church's  order,  was  pitching  a  flat 
stone  up  on  end  before  him  in  the  sand,  when  a  bul 
let  from  the  enemy  with  a  full  force,  strdfck  the 
stone  while  he  was  pitching  it  on  end,  which  put 
the  poor  fellow  to  a  miserable  start,  till  Mr.  Church 
called  upon  him  to  observe  how  God  dnected  the 
bullets,  that  the  enemy  could  not  hit  him  when  in 
the  same  place,  [and]  yet  could  hit  the  stone  as  it 
was  erected. 

While  they  were  thus  making  the ,  best  defence 
they  could  against  their  numerous  enemies,  that 
made  the  woods  ring  with  their  constant  yelling  and 
shouting.  And  night  coming  on,  somebody  told 
Mr.  Church,  [that]  they  spied  a  sloop  up  the  river 
as  far  as  Goldisland,*  that  seemed  to  be  coming 
down  towards  them.  He  looked  up  and  told  them, 
that,  succour  was  now  coming,  for  he  believed  it  was 
Captain  Golding,f  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  man  for 
business,  and  would  certainly  fetch  them  off  if  he 
came.  The  wind  being  fair,  the  vessel  was  soon 
with  them,  and  Captain  Golding  it  was.  Mr.  Church 
(as  soon  as  they  came  to  speak  with  one  another) 
desired  him  to  come  to  anchor  at  such  a  distance 
from  the  shore,  that  he  might  veer  out  his  cable,  and 
ride  afloat ;  and  let  slip  his  canoe,  that  it  might 

*  A  very  small  ledgy  island  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  stone 
bridge,  near  the  middle  of  the  stream,  and  about  4  or  5  miles 
from  where  they  were. 

1 1  find  nothing  relating  to  this  gentleman  excepting  what 
is  found  in  this  history.  We  may  infer  that  he  was  a  man  of 
worth  and  confidence,  by  Mr.  Church's  entrusting  him  with 
an  important  post  at  the  fight  when  Philip  was  killed. 


46  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

drive  a  shore;  which  directions  Captain  Golding 
observed.  But  the  enemy  gave  him  such  a  warm 
salute,  that  his  sails,  colours  and  stern  were  full  of 
bullet  holes. 

The  canoe  came  ashore,  but  was  so  small  that 
she  would  not  bear  above  two  men  at  a  time ;  and 
when  two  were  got  aboard  they  turned  her  loose  to 
drive  a  shore  for  two  more.     And  the  sloop's  compa 
ny  kept  the  Indians  in  play  the  while.     But  when  at 
last  itrcame  to  Mr.  Church's  turn  to  go  aboard,  he 
had  left  his  hat  and  cutlass  at  the  well,  where  he 
went  to  drink  when  he   first  came  down ;  he  told  his 
company,  [that]  he  would  never  go  off  and  leave 
his  hat.  and  cutlass  for  the  Indians,  [that]  they  should 
never  have  that  to  reflect  upon  him.      Though  he 
was  much  dissuaded   from  it,  yet  he  would   go  and 
fetch  them.     He  put  all  the  powder  he  had  left  iato 
nis  gun,  (and  a  poor  charge   it   was)  and  went  pre 
senting  his  gun  at  the  enemy,  until  he  took  up  what 
he  went  for.      At  his  return  he   discharged  his  gun 
at  the  enemy,  to  bid  them  farewell  for  that  time ; 
but  had  not  powder  enough  to  carry  the  bullet' half 
way  to  them.     Two  bullets  from  the  enemy  struck 
the  canoe  as  he  went  on  board,  one  grazed  the  hair 
of  his  head  a  little  before,  another  stuck  in  a  small 
stake   that  stood   right   against  the   middle    of  his 
breast.* 

Now  this  gentleman  with  his  army,  making  in  all 
twenty  men,  himself  and  his  pilot  being  numbered 
with  them,  got  all  safe  on  board,  after  six  hours  en 
gagement  with  three  hundred  Indians;  [of]  whose 
numbers  we  were  told  afterwards  by  some  of  them- 

*  The  lofty  and  elegant  lines  of  Barlow,  on  the  conduct  of 
Gen.  Putnam  at  the  battle  of  Bunker's  hill,  will  admirably 
apply  to  our  hero. 

"  There  strides  bold  Putnam,  and  from  all  the  plains 
Calls  the  tired  troops,  the  tardy  rear  sustains, 
And  mid  the  whizzing  balls  that  skim  the  lowe 
Waves  back  his  sword,  defies  the  following  foe." 

Columbiad,  B.  V.  562,  &o. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  47 

selves.*  A  deliverance  which  that  good  gentleman 
often  mentions  to  the  glory  of  God,  and  his  protect 
ing  providence. 

The  next  day,f  meeting  with  the  rest  of  his  little 
company, J  whom  he  had  left  at  Pocasset,  (that  had 
also  a  small  skirmish  with  the  Indians  and  had  two 
men  wounded)  they  returned  to  the  Mounthope  gar 
rison,  which  Mr.  Church  used  to  call  the  losing 
fort. 

Mr.  Church  then  returned  to  the  island,  to  seek 
provision  for  the  army.  [There  he]  meets  with  Al 
derman,^,  a  noted  Indian,  that  was  just  come  over 
from  the  squaw  Sachem's  cape  of  Pocasset,  having 
deserted  from  her,  and  brought  over  his  family,  who 
gave  him  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  Indians, 
and  where  each  of  the  Sagamore's  headquarters 
was.  Mr.  Church  then  discoursed  with  some,  who 
knew  the  spot  well,  where  the  Indians  said  Weeta- 
more's||  headquarters  were,  and  offered  their  service 
to  pilot  him  [to  it.] 

With  this  news  he  hastened  to  the  Mounthope 
garrison,  [and]  the  army  expressed  their  readiness  to 
embrace  such  an  opportunity. 

All  the  ablest  soldiers  were  now  immediately  drawn 
off,  equipped  and  despatched  upon  this  design,  un 
der  the  command  of  a  certain  officer. IT  And  having 
marched  about  two  miles,  viz.,  until  they  came  to 

*  Hubbard  85,  says  that  there  were  seven  or  eight  scores. 
Mather,  following  him,  says  there  were  "  an  hundred  and 
almost  five  limes  fifteen  terrible  Indians."  Magnalia,  II, 
488. 

t  July  19. 

J  On  Rhodeisland.  Mr.  Church  and  his  company  were 
transported  there,  as  were  Capt.  Fuller  and  his  company  be 
fore.  See  note  1  on  page  39. 

§  The  Indian  that  killed  Philip. 

|j  (Squaw  Sachem  of  Pocasset.) 

An  account  of  this  "  old  Queen"  has  been  given.  See 
note  2  on  page  27. 

IF  I  have  not  learned  this  officer's  name,  but  it  was  Capk 
Henchman's  Lieutenant, 


48  PHILIPS  WAR. 

the  cove  that  lies  southwest  from  the  Mount  where 
orders  were  given  for  a  halt.  The  commander  in 
chief  told  them  [that]  he  thought  it  proper  to  take 
advice  before  he  went  any  further ;  called  Mr. 
Church  and  the  pilot  and  asked  them  how  they  knew 
that  Philip  and  all  his  men  were  not  by  that  time  got 
to  Weetamore's  camp;  or  that  all  her  own  men 
were  not  by  that  time  returned  to  her  again,  with 
many  more  frightful  questions.  Mr.  Church  told 
him  [that]  they  had  acquainted  him  with  as  much  as 
they  knew,  and  that  for  his  part  he  could  discover 
nothing  that  need  to  discourage  them  from  proceed 
ing;  that  he  thought  it  so  practicable,  that  he  with 
the  pilot,  would  willingly  lead  the  way  to  the  spot, 
and  hazard  the  brunt.  But  the  chief  commander  in 
sisted  on  this,  that  the  enemy's  numbers  were  so 
great,  and  he  did  not  know  what  numbers  more 
might  be  added  unto  them  by  that  time ;  and  his 
company  so  small,  that  he  could  not  think  it  practi 
cable  to  attack  them ;  adding  moreover,  that  if  he 
were  sure  of  killing  all  the  enemy  and  knew  that  he 
must  lose  the  life  of  one  of  his  men  in  the  action, 
he  would  not  attempt  it.  "  Pray  sir,  then,"  replied 
Mr.  Church,  [ — ~\l  "  lead  your  company  to  yonder 
windmill  on  Rhodeisland,  and  there  they  will  be  out 
of  danger  of  being  killed  by  the  enemy,  and  we 
shall  have  less  trouble  to  supply  them  with  provi 
sions."*  But  return  he  would  and  did  unto  the  gar 
rison  until  more  strength  came  to  them,  and  a  sloop 
to  transport  them  to  Fallriver,f  in  order  to  visit 
Weetamore's  camp. 

i  [Please  to.] 

*  The  action  related  in  the  next  paragraph  was  not  until 
they  returned  ;  though  it  might  be  understood  that  Church 
went  "  out  on  a  discovery"  before. 

t  (South  part  of  Freetown.) 

It  is  in  the  town  of  Troy,  which  was  taken  from  Freetown. 
Fallriver  is  a  local  name,  derived  from  a  stream  that  empties 
into  the  bay  about  a  mile  above  Tiverton  line.  Probably  no 
place  in  the  United  States  contains  so  many  factories  in 
50  small  a  compass  as  this. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  49 

Mr.  Church,  one  Baxter,  and  Captain  Hunter,  an 
Indian,  proffered  to  go  out  on  the  discovery  on  the 
left  wing,  which  was  accepted.  They  had  not 
marched  above  a  quarter  of  a  mile  before  they  start 
ed  three  of  the  enemy.  Captain  Hunter  wounded 
one  of  them  in  the  knee,  who  when  he  came  up  [to 
him]  he  discovered  to  be  his  near  kinsman.  The 
captive  desired  favour  for  his  squaw,  if  she  should 
fall  into  their  hands,  but  asked  none  for  himself;  ex 
cepting  the  liberty  of  taking  a  whiff  of  tobacco ; 
and  while  he  was  taking  his  whiff  his  kinsman,  with 
one  blow  of  his  hatchet,  despatched  him. 

Proceeding  to  Weetamore's  camp  they  were  dis 
covered  by  one  of  the  enemy,  who  ran  in  and  gave 
information.  Upon  which  a  lusty  young  fellow  left 
his  meat  upon  his  spit,*  running  hastily  out,  told  his 
companions  [that]  he  would  kill  an  Englishman  be 
fore  he  ate  his  dinner  ;  but  failed  of  his  design  ;  being 
no  sooner  out  than  shot  down.  The  enemies'  fires, 
and  what  shelter  they  had,  were  by  the  edge  of  a 
thick  cedar  swamp,  into  which  on  this  alarm  they 
betook  themselves,  and  the  English  as  nimbly  pursu 
ed  ;  but  were  soon  commanded  back  by  their  chief 
tain,  [but  not  until]1  they  were  come  within  [the] 
hearing  of  the  cries  of  their  women  and  children ; 
and  so  ended  that  exploit.  But  returning  to  their 
sloop  the  enemy  pursued  them,  and  wounded  two  of 
their  men.  The  next  day  they  returned  to  the 
Mounthope  garrison. f 

i  [after] 

*  (Probably  a  wooden  spit.) 

t  These  operations  took  up  about  four  or  five  days,  hence 
we  have  arrived  to  the  13  or  14  July.  In  the  course  of  which 
time,  fourteen  or  fifteen  of  the  enemy  were  killed.  See 
Hubbard,  87.  Holmes,  I,  422.  These  individual  efforts 
were  of  far  more  consequence  than  the  manoeuvres  of 
the  main  army  during  the  same  time  ;  yet  Hutchinson,  H. 
Adams,  and  some  others  since,  thought  them  not  worth  men 
tioning. 

5 


SO  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

Soon  after  this  was  Philip's  headquarters  visited* 
by  some  other  English  forces,  but  Philip,  and  his  gang 
had  the  very  fortune  to  escape,  that  Weetarnore  and 
hers  (but  now  mentioned)  had.  They  took  into  a 
swamp,  and  their  pursuers  were  commanded  back. 

After  this  Dartmouth's!  distresses  required  succour, 
fa]  great  part  of  the  town  being  laid  desolate,  and 
many  of  the  inhabitants  killed. ,  The  most  of  Ply- 

*  A  particular  account  of  this  affair  from  our  author,  would 
have  been  gratifying.  But  most  other  historians  before  and 
since  him,  have  been  elaborate  upon  it. 

In  consequence  of  the  intelligence  gained  by  Mr.  Church, 
the  army,  after  finishing  the  treaty  with  the  Narragansets, 
before  named,  moved  to  Taunton,  where  they  arrived  the  17 
July,  in  the  evening  ;  and  on  the  18,  marched  to  attack  Philip, 
who  was  now  in  a  great  swamp,  adjacent  to,  and  on  the  east 
side  of  Taunton  river.  The  army  did  not  arrive  until  late 
in  the  day,  but  soon  entered  resolutely  into  the  swamp. 
The  underwood  was  thick,  and  the  foe  could  not  be 
seen.  The  first  that  entered  were  shot  down,  but  the 
rest  rushing  on,  soon  forced  them  from  their  hiding  places, 
and  took  possession  of  their  wigwams,  about  100  in  number. 
Night  coming  on,  each  was  in  danger  from  his  fellow  ;  firing 
at  every  bush  that  seemed  to  shake.  A  retreat  was  now  or 
dered.  Concluding  that  Philip  was  safely  hemmed  in,  the 
Massachusetts  forces  marched  to  Boston,  and  the  Connecti 
cut  troops,  being  the  greatest  sufferers,  returned  home  ;  leav 
ing  those  of  Plymouth  to  starve  out  the  enemy.  Trumbull's 
Connecticut,  I,  352.  Ibid.  U.  S.  I,  140.  This  movement  of 
the  army  has  been  very  much  censured.  Had  they  pressed 
upon  the  enemy  the  next  day,  it  is  thought  they  would  have 
been  easily  subdued.  But  Philip  and  his  Avarriours,  on  the 
1  August,  before  day,  passed  the  river  on  rafts,  and  in  great 
triumph,  marched  off  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmucks. 
About  16  of  the  English  were  killed.  Ibid.  Mather,  II 
488,  says  that  Philip  left  a  hundred  of  his  people  behind  who 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  It  is  sa;d  that  Philip  had 
a  brother  killed  in  this  fight,  who  was  a  i  hief  Captain,  and 
had  been  educated  at  Harvard  College,  dutch.  I,  265. 

t  That  part  of  Dartmouth  which  was  destroyed  is  about  5 
miles  S.  W.  from  Newbedford,  and  known  by  the  name  of 
Aponaganset.  The  early  histories  give  u»  no  particulars 
about  the  affair,  and  few  mention  it  at  all.  Many  of  the  in 
habitants  moved  to  Rhodeisland.  Middleborough,  then  call 
ed  Nemasket,  about  this  time  was  mostly  burned  ;  probably, 
while  the  treaty  was  concluding  with  the  Narragansets. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  61 

mouth  forces  were  ordered  thither.  And  coming  to 
Russell's  garrison*  at  Ponaganset,f  they  met  with  a 
number  of  the  enemy,  that  had  surrendered  them 
selves  prisoners  on  terms  promised  by  Captain  Eels 
of  the  garrison,  and  Ralph  Earl,{  who  persuaded 
them  (by  a  friend  Indian  he  had  employed)  to  come 
in.  And  had  their  promise  to  the  Indians  been  kept, 
and  the  Indians  fairly  treated,  it  is  probable  that, 

*  The  cellars  of  this  old  garrison  are  still  to  be  seen. 
They  are  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Aponaganset  about  a  mile 
from  its  mouth.  I  was  informed  by  an  inhabitant  on  the  spot, 
that  considerable  manoeuvring  went  on  here  in  those  days. 
The  Indians  had  a  fort  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and 
used  to  show  themselves,  and  act  all  manner  of  mockery,  to 
aggravate  the  English ;  they  being  at  more  than  a  common 
gunshot  off.  At  one  time  one  made  his  appearance,  and 
turned  his  backside  in  defiance,  as  usual ;  but  some  one  hav 
ing  an  uncommonly  long  gun  fired  upon  him  and  put  an  end 
to  his  miaiickry. 

A  similar  story  is  told  by  the  people  of  Middleborough, 
which  took  place  a  little  north  of  the  town  house,  across  the 
Nemasket.  The  distance  of  the  former  does  not  render  the 
story  so  improbable  as  that  of  the  latter,  but  circumstances 
are  more  authentick.  The  gun  is  still  shown  which  performed 
the  astonishing  feat.  The  distance,  some  say  is  nearly  half 
a  mile,  which  is  considerable  ground  of  improbability.  That 
a  circumstance  of  this  kind  occurred  at  both  these  places, 
too,  is  a  doubt.  But  it  is  true  that  a  fight  did  take  place 
across  the  river  at  Middleborough.  The  Indians  came  to 
the  river  and  burned  a  grist  mill  which  stood  near  the  pre 
sent  site  of  the  lower  factory,  and  soon  after  drew  off.  The 
affair  has  been  acted  over  by  the  inhabitants  as  a  celebration 
not  many  years  since. 

t  (In  Dartmouth.) 

The  word  is  generally  pronounced  as  it  is  spelled  in  the 
text,  but  is  always,  especially  of  late,  written  Aponaganset. 
Mr.  Douglass,  it  appears  learned  this  name  Polyganset,  when 
he  took  a  survey  of  the  country.  See  his  Summary,  I,  403. 

|  I  can  find  no  mention  of  these  two  gentlemen  in  any  of 
the  histories.  But  their  names  are  sufficiently  immortalized 
by  their  conduct  in  opposing  the  diabolical  acts  of  govern 
ment  for  selling  prisoners  as  slaves.  It  is  possible  that  they 
might  decline  serving  any  more  in  the  war,  after  being  so 
touch  abused  ;  and  hence  were  not  noticed  by  the  historians, 
who  also  pass  over  this  black  page  of  our  history,  as  lightly 
as  possible. 


32  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

most,  if  not  all,  the  Indians  in  those  parts  had  soon 
followed  the  example  of  those,  who  had  now  surren 
dered  themselves,  which  would  have  been   a  good 
step  towards  finishing  the  war.     But  in  spite  of  all 
that  Captain  Eels,  Church  or  Earl  could  say,  argue, 
plead  or  beg,  somebody  else  that  had  more  power  in 
their  hands,  improved  it.     And  without  any  regard 
to  the  promises  made  them  on  their  surrendering  them 
selves,  they  were  carried  away  to  Plymouth,  there  sold, 
and  transported  out  of  the  country,  being  about  eight 
score  persons.*     An  action  so  hateful  to  Mr.  Church, 
that  he  opposed  it,  to  the  loss  of  the  good  will  and 
respects  of  some  that  before  were  his  good  friends. 
But  while  these  things  were  acting  at  Dartmouth, 
Philip   made  his  escape  ;f  leaving  his  country,  fled 
over  Taunton  river,  and  Rehoboth  plain,  and  Patux- 
etj  river,  where  Captain   Edmunds^  of  Providence, 
made  some  spoil  upon  him,  and  had  probably  done 
more,  but  was  prevented  by  the  coming  of  a  superi- 
our  officer,  that  put  him  by.|| 

*With  regret  it  is  mentioned  that  the  venerable  John 
Winthrop  was  Governour  of  Connecticut,  (Connecticut  and 
Newhaven  now  forming  bat  one  colony)  the  Hon.  John 
Leverett  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  Hon.  Josiah  Winslow  of 
Plymouth.  Rhodeisland,  because  they  chose  freedom  rather 
than  slavery,  had  not  been  admitted  into  the  Union.  From 
this  history  it  would  seem  that  one  Cranston  was  Governour 
of  Rhodeisland  at  this  time  ;  but  that  colony  appears  not  to 
be  implicated  in  this  as  well  as  many  other  acts  of  male  ad 
ministration.  See  note  2  on  page  38. 

f  An  account  of  which  is  given  in  note  1,  page  50. 

|  Douglass  wrote  this  word  Patuket,  as  it  is  now  pronounc 
ed.  Summary,  I,  400.  It  is  now  often  written  Patuxet.  It 
is  Blackstone  river,  or  was  so  called  formerly. 

6  I  find  no  other  account  of  this  officer  in  the  Indian  wars, 
only  what  is  hinted  at  in  this  history  ;  from  which  it  appears 
that  he  was  more  than  once  employed,  and  was  in  the  east 
ern  war. 

jjHubbard,  91,  says  that  Philip  had  about  thirty  of  his 
party  killed  ;  but  he  takes  no  notice  of  Capt.  Edmunds'  be- 
mgput  by.  He  said  that  Capt.  Henchman  came  up  to  them, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  53. 

And  now  another  fort  was  built  at  Pocasset,*  that 
proved  as  troublesome  and  chargeable  as  that  at 
Mounthope  ;  and  the  remainder  of  the  summer  was 
improved  in  providing  for  the  forts  and  forces  there 
maintained  ;  while  our  enemies  were  fled  some  hun 
dreds  of  miles  into  the  country  near  as  far  as  Alba- 


but  not  till  the  skirmish  was  over.  "  But  why  Philip  was 
followed  no  further,"  he  says,  "  is  better  to  suspend  than  too 
critically  to  inquire  into."  Hence  we  may  conclude  that 
the  pursuit  was  countermanded  by  Capt.  Henchman,  who 
when  too  late  followed  after  the  enemy  without  any  success. 

*  The  fort  here  meant  was  built  to  prevent  Philip's  escape 
from  the  swamp  before  mentioned.  See  note  1,  on  page  50. 
Mr.  Church  appears  early  to  have  seen  the  folly  of  fort 
building  under  such  circumstances.  While  that  at  Mount- 
hope  was  building,  he  had  seen  Philip  gaining  time  ;  and 
while  this  was  building  to  confine  him  to  a  swamp,  he  was 
marching  off  in  triumph. 

t  Here  appears  a  large  chasm  in  our  history  including  about 
four  months,  namely,  from  the  escape  of  Philip  on  the  1  Au 
gust,  to  December  ;  during  which  time  many  circumstances 
transpired  worthy  of  notice,  and  necessary  to  render  this 
history  more  perfect.  Mr.  Church  appears  to  have  quitted 
the  war,  and  is,  perhaps,  with  his  family. 

Philip  having  taken  up  his  residence  among  the  Nipmucks 
or  Nipnets,  did  not  fail  to  engage  them  in  his  cause. 

On  the  14  July  a  party  killed  4  or  5  people  at  Mendon 
a  town  87  miles  southwest  of  Boston. 

August  2,  Capt.  Hutchinson  with  20  horsemen  went  to  re 
new  the  treaty  with  those  Indians  at  a  place  appointed,  near 
Quabaog,  (now  Brookfield)  a  town  about  60  miles  nearly 
west  from  Boston  ;  but  on  arriving  at  the  place  appointed, 
the  Indians  did  not  appear.  So  he  proceeded  4  or  5  miles 
beyond,  towards  their  chief  town,  when  all  at  once,  some 
hundreds  of  them  fired  upon  the  company.  Eight  were  shot 
down,  and  8  others  were  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was 
Capt.  Hutchinson  who  died  soon  after.  The  remainder  escap 
ed  to  Quabaog,  and  the  Indians  pursued  them.  But  the  Eng 
lish  arrived  in  time  to  warn  the  inhabitants  of  the  danger, 
who  with  themselves  crowded  into  one  house.  The  other 
houses  (about  20)  were  immediately  burned  down.  They 
next  besieged  the  house  containing  the  inhabitants  (about 
70)  and  the  soldiers.  This  they  exerted  themselves  to  fire 
5* 


54  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

And  now  strong  suspicions  began  to  arise  6f  the 
Narraganset*  Indians,  that  they  were  ill  affected  and 

also,  with  various  success  for  two  days,  and  on  the  third  they 
nearly  effected  their  object  by  a  stratagem.  They  filled  a 
cart  with  combustibles  and  set  it  on  fire,  and  by  means  of 
splicing  poles  together  had  nearly  brought  the  flames  in  con 
tact  with  the  house,  when  Major  Willard  arrived  with  48 
dragoons  and  dispersed  them.  See  American  Ann.  I,  423, 
424. 

The  Indians  about  Hadley,  who  had  hitherto  kept  up  the 
show  of  friendship,  now  deserted  their  dwellings  and  drew 
off  after  Philip.  Toward  the  last  of  August,  Capt.  Beers 
and  Capt.  Lothrop  pursued  and  overtook  them,and  a  fierce 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  10  of  the  English  and  26  Indians 
were  killed. 

September  1,  they  burned  Deerfield  and  killed  one  of  the 
inhabitants.  The  same  day  (being  a  fast)  they  fell  upon 
Hadley  while  the  people  were  at  meeting,  at  which  they 
were  overcome  with  confusion.  At  this  crisis,  a  venerable 
gentleman  in  singular  attire  appeared  among  them,  and  put 
ting  himself  at  their  head,  rushed  upon  the  Indians  and  dis 
persed  them,  then  disappeared.  The  inhabitants  thought  an 
angel  had  appeared,  and  led  them  to  victory.  But  it  was 
General  Goffe,  one  of  the  Judges  of  King  Charles  I,  who  was 
secreted  in  the  town.  See  President  Stiles'  history  of  the 
Judges,  109,  and  Holmes,  I,  424. 

About  11  September  Capt.  Boers  with  36  men  went  up  the 
river  to  observe  how  things  stood  at  a  new  plantation  called 
Squakeag,  now  Northfield.  The  Indians  a  few  days  before 
(but  unknown  to  them)  had  fallen  upon  the  place  and  killed 
9  or  10  persons,  and  now  laid  in  ambush  for  the  English, 
whom  it  appears  f  hey  expected.  They  had  to  march  nearly 
SO  miles  through  a  hideous  forest.  On  arriving  within  three 
miles  of  the  place,  they  were  fired  upon  by  a  host  of  enemies, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  their  number  fell.  The  others 
gained  an  eminence  and  fought  bravely  till  their  Captain 
was  slain,  when  they  fled  in  every  direction.  Sixteen  only 
escaped.  Hubbard,  107. 

On  the  18th  following,  as  Capt.  Lothrop  with  80  men  was 
guarding  some  carts  from  Deftrfield  to  Hadley,  they  were 

fallen 


*  It  was  believed  that  the  Indians  generally  returned  from 
the  western  frontier  along  the  Connecticut,  and  took  up 
their  winter  quarters  among  the  Narragansets ;  but  whether 
Philip  did  is  uncertain.  Some  suppose  that  he  visited  the 
Mohawks  and  Canada  Indians  for  assistance. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  55 

designed  mischief.  And  so  the  event  soon  disco 
vered.  The  next  winter  they  began  their  hostilities 
upon  the  English.  The  united  colonies  then  agneed 
to  send  an  army  to  suppress  them  :  Governour  Wins- 
low  to  command  the  army.* 

He  undertaking  the  expedition,  invited  Mr.  Church 
to  command  a  company,  [ — j1   which  he  declined ; 
1  [in  the  expedition] 

fallen  upon,  and,  including  teamsters,  90  were  slain  ;  7  or 
B  only  escaped.  Ibid.  108. 

October  5,  the  Springfield  Indians  having  been  joined  by 
about  300  of  Philip's  men  began  the  destruction  of  Spring 
field.  But  the  attack  being  expected,  Major  Treat  was  sent 
for,  who  was  then  at  Westfield,  and  arrived  in  time  to  save 
much  of  the  town  from  the  flames,  but,  32  houses  were 
consumed.  Holmes,  I,  425. 

October  19,  Hatfield  was  assaulted  on  all  sides  by  7  or  800 
Indians,  but  there  being  a  considerable  number  of  men  well 
prepared  to  receive  them,  obliged  them  to  flee  without  doing 
much  damage.  A  few  out  buildings  were  burned,  ana 
Kome  of  the  defenders  killed,  but  we  have  no  account  how 
many.  Holmes,  I,  425,  says  this  affair  took  place  at  Hadley  ; 
but  Hubbard  whom  he  cites,  116,  says  it  was  at  Hatfield. 
The  places  are  only  separated  by  a  bridge  over  the  Con 
necticut,  and  were  formerly  included  uncler  the  same  name. 

Mr.  Hoyt  in  his  Antiquarian  Researches,  136,  thinks  that 
it  was  in  this  attack  that  Gen.  Goffe  made  his  appearance, 
because  Mr.  Hubbard  takes  no  notice  of  an  attack  upon  that 
place  in  Sept.  1675,  which,  if  there  had  been  one,  it  would 
not  have  escaped  his  notice.  But  this  might  have  been  un 
noticed  by  Mr.  Hubbard  as  well  as  some  other  ad'airs  of 
the  wrar. 

Thus  are  some  of  the  most  important  events  sketched  in 
our  hero's  absence,   and  we  may  now  add  concerning  him 
what  Homer  did  of  Achilles'  return  to  the  siege  of  Troy. 
Then  great  Achilles,  terrour  of  the  plain, 
Lena  lost  to  battle,  shone  in  arms  again. 

Iliad,  II,  B.  XX,  57. 

*  It  was  to  consist  of  1000  men  and  what  friendly  Indiana 
would  join  them.  Massachusetts  was  to  furnish  527,  Ply 
mouth  158,  Connecticut  315.  Major  Robert  Treat  with 
those  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Bradford  with  those  of  Plymouth, 
and  Maj.  Samuel  Appleton  with  those  of  Massachusetts, 
The  whole  under  Gen.  Josiah  Winslow.  American  Annals, 
I,  4*6. 


$6  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

craving  excuse  from  taking  [a]  commission,  [but] 
ne  promises  to  wait  upon  him  as  a  Reformado  [a  vo 
lunteer]  through  the  expedition.  Having  rode  with 
the  General  to  Boston,  and  from  thence  to  Rchoboth, 
upon  the  General's  request  he  went  thence  the  near 
est  way  over  the  ferries,  with  Major  Smith,*  to  his 
garrison  in  the  Narraganset  country,  to  prepare  and 
provide  for  the  coming  of  General  Winslow,  who 
inarched  round  through  the  country  with  his  army, 
proposing  by  night  to  surprise  Pumham,f  a  certain 
Narraganset  sachem,  and  his  town  ;  but  being  aware 
of  the  approach  of  our  army,  made  their  escape  in 
to  the  desertsj.  But  Mr.  Church  meeting  with  fair 
winds,  arrived  safe  at  the  Major's  garrison  in  the 
evening,^  and  soon  began  to  inquire  after  the  ene 
my's  resorts,  wigwams  or  sleeping  places  ;  and  hav 
ing  gained  some  intelligence,  he  proposed  to  the  El- 
driclges  and  some  other  brisk  hands  that  he  met  with, 
to  attempt  the  surprising  of  some  of  the  enemy,  to 
make  a  present  of,  to  the  General,  when  he  should 
arrive,  which  might  advantage  his  design.  Being 
brisk  blades  they  readily  complied  with  the  mo 
tion,  and  were  soon  upon  their  march.  The  night 
was  very  cold,  but  blessed  with  the  moon.  Before 

*  This  gentleman,    Mr.    Hubbard  informs  us,   Nar.  128 
lived  in  Wickford  where  the  army  was  to  take  up  its  head 
quarters.     Wickford  is  about  9  miles  N.  W.  from  Newport 
on  Narraganset  bay. 

f  (Sachem  of  Shawomot  or  Warwick.) 

This  Sachem  had  signed  the  treaty  in  July,  wherein  such 
great  faith  and  fidelity  were  promised.  See  note  3  on  page 
36.  A  few  days  before  the  great  swamp  fight  at  Narraganset 
Cant.  Prentice  destroyed  his  town  after  it  was  deserted.  But 
in  July,  1676,  he  was  killed  by  some  of  the  Massachusetts 
men,  near  Dedham.  A  grandson  of  his  was  taken  before 
this,  by  a  party  under  Capt.  Denison,  who  was  esteemed  the 
best  soldier  and  most  warlike  of  all  the  Narraganset  chiefs. 
Trumbull,  I,  345. 

J  It  appears  that  all  did  not  escape  into  the  deserts.  The 
heroick  Capt.  Mosely  captured  36  on  his  way  to  Wickford, 

§  December  11. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  57 

the  day  broke  they  effected  their  exploit ;  and,  by 
die  rising  of  the  sun,  arrived  at  the  Major's  garrison, 
where  they  met  the  General,  and  presented  him  with 
eighteen  of  the  enemy,  [which]  they  had  captivated. 
The  General,  pleased  with  the  exploit,  gave  them 
thanks,  particularly  to  Mr.  Church,  the  mover  and 
chief  actor  of  the  business.  And  sending  two  of 
them  (likely  boys)  [as]  a  present  to  Boston ;  [and] 
smiling  on  Mr.  Church,  told  him,  that  he  made  no 
doubt  but  his  faculty  would  supply  them  with  In- 
uian  boys  enough  before  the  war  was  ended. 

Their  next  move  was  to  a  swamp,*  which  the  In 
dians  had  fortified  with  a  fort.f  Mr.  Church  rode  in 
the  General's  guard  when  the  bloody  engagement 

*  Hubbard,  136,  says  that  the  army  was  piloted  to  this 
place  by  one  Peter,  a  fugitive  Indian,  who  fled  from  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  upon  some  discontent,  and  to  him  they  were  in 
debted,  in  a  great  measure  for  their  success.  How  long  be 
fore  the  army  would  have  found  the  enemy,  or  on  what  part 
of  the  fort  they  would  have  fallen,  is  uncertain.  It  appears, 
that  had  they  come  upon  any  other  part,  they  must  have 
oeen  repulsed.  Whether  this  Peter  was  the  son  of  Awash- 
onks,  or  Peter  Nunnuit,  the  husband  of  Weetamore,  the 
Queen  of  Pocasset,  is  uncertain.  But  Mr.  Hubbard  styles 
him  a  fugitive  from  the  Narragansets.  If  he  were  a  Narra- 
ganset,  he  was  neither. 

t  Before  this,  on  the  14,  a  scout  under  Sergeant  Bennet  kill 
ed  two  and  took  four  prisoners.  The  rest  of  the  same  compa 
ny,  in  ranging  the  country,  came  upon  a  town,  burned  150 
wigwams,  killed  7  of  the  enemy  and  brought  in  eight  priso 
ners.  On  the  15,  some  Indians  came  under  the  pretence  of 
making  peace,  and  on  their  return  killed  several  of  the  Eng 
lish,  who  were  scattered  on  their  own  business.  Captain 
Mosely,  while  escorting  Maj.  Appleton's  men  to  quarters, 
was  fired  upon  by  20  or  SO  of  the  enemy  from  behind  a  stone 
wall,  but  were  immediately  dispersed,  leaving  one  dead.  On 
the  16,  they  received  the  news  that  Jerry  Bull's  garrison  at 
Petty quamscot,  was  burned,  and  15  persons  killed.  On  the 
18,  the  Connecticut  forces  arrived,  who  on  their  way  had 
taken  and  killed  1 1  of  the  enemy.  The  united  forces  now  set 
out,  Dec.  19,  for  the  headquarters  of  the  enemy.  The  wea 
ther  was  severely  cold  and  much  snow  upon  the  ground. 
They  arrived  upon  the  borders  of  the  swamp  about  one 
o'clock.  Hubbard,  128  to  130. 


58  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

began.     But  being  impatient  of  being  out  of  the 
heat  of  the  action,  importunately  begged  leave  of  the 
General,  that  he  might  run  down  to  the  assistance  of 
his   friends.     The  General  yielded  to  his  request, 
provided  he  could  rally  some  hands  to  go  with  him. 
Thirty  men  immediately  drew  out  and  followed  him. 
They  entered  the  swamp,  and  passed  over  the  log, 
that  was  the  passage   into  the  fort,  where  they  saw 
many  men  and  several  valiant  Captains  lie  slain.* 
Mr.  Church    spying    Captain    Gardner   of   Salem, 
amidst  the  wigwams  in  the  east  end  of  the  fort,  made 
towards  him ;  but   on    a   sudden,  while    they  were 
looking  each  other  in  the  face,  Captain  Gardner  set 
tled  down.     Mr.  Church  stepped  to  him,  and  seeing 
the  blood  run  down  his  cheek  lifted  up  his  cap,  and 
calling  him  by  his  name,  he  looked  up  in  his  face 
but  spake  not  a  word;  being  mortally  shot  through 
the  head.     And  observing  his  wound,  Mr.  Church 
found  the  ball  entered  his  head  on  the  side  that  was 
next   the   upland,   where  the  English   entered   the 
swamp.     Upon  which,  having  ordered  some  care  to 
be  taken  of  the  Captain,  he  despatched  information 
to  the  General,  that  the  best  and  forwardest  of  his 
army,  that  hazarded  their  lives  to  enter  the  fort  upon 
the  muzzles  of  the  enemy's   guns,  were  shot  in  their 
backs,  and  killed  by  them  that  lay   behind.     Mr. 
Church  with  his  small  company,  hastened  out  of  the 
fort  (that  the  English  were  now  possessed  of)  to  get 
a  shot    at   the  Indians   that    were   in   the   swamp, 
and  kept  firing  upon  them.     He  soon  met  with  a 
broad  and  bloody  track  where  the  enemy  had  fled 
with  their  wounded  men.     Following  hard  in  the 
track,  he  soon  spied  one  of  the  enemy,  who  clapped 
his  gun  across  his  breast,  made  towards  Mr.  Church, 
and  beckoned  to  him  with  his  hand.     Mr.  Church 
immediately  commanded  no  man  to  hurt  him,  hop- 

*  Six  Captains  were  killed.  Captains  Davenport,  Gardi 
ner  and  Johnson  of  Massachusetts  ;  Gallop,  Siely  and  Mar 
shall  of  Connecticut.  No  mention  is  made  that  any  officers 
were  killed  belonging  to  Plymouth, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  69 

ing  by  him  to  have  gained  some  intelligence  of  the 
enemy,  that  might  be  of  advantage.     But  it  unhappi 
ly  fell  out,  that  a  fellow  that  had  lagged  .behind, 
coming  up,  shot  down  the  Indian  ;  to  Mr.  Church's 
great  grief  and  disappointment.     But  immediately 
they  heard  a  great  shout  of  the  enemy,  which  seern- 
ed  to  be  behind  them  or  between  them  and  the  fort; 
and  discovered  them  running  from  tree  to  tree  to  gain 
advantages  of  firing  upon  the  English  that  were  in 
the  fort.     Mr.  Church's  great   difficulty  now   was, 
how  to  discover  himself  to  his  friends  in  the  fort ; 
using  several  inventions,  till  at  length  he  gained  an 
opportunity  to  call  to,  and  informed  a  Sergeant  in 
the  fort,  that  he  was  there  and  might  be  exposed  to 
their  shots,  unless  they  observed  it.     By  this  time  he 
discovered   a  number  of  the  enemy,  almost  within 
shot  of  him,  making  towards  the  fort.     Mr.  Church 
and  his  company  were  favoured  by  a  heap  of  brush 
that  was  between  them,  and  the  enemy,  and  pre 
vented  their  being  discovered  to  them.     Mr.  Church 
had  given  his  men   their  particular  orders  for  firing 
upon  the   enemy.     And  as  they  were  rising  up  to 
make  their  shot,  the  aforementioned  Sergeant  in  the 
fort,  called  out  to   them,  for  God's  sake  not  to  fire, 
for  he  believed  they  were  some  of  their  friend  In 
dians.     They  clapped  down  again,  but  were  soon 
sensible  of  the  Sergeant's  mistake.     The  enemy  got  . 
to  the  top  of  the  tree,  the  body  whereof  the  Sergeant k 
stood   upon,  and  there  clapped  down  out    of  sight 
of  the  fort ;  but  all  this  while  never  discovered  Mr. 
Church,  who  observed  them  to  keep  gathering  unto 
that  place  until  there   seemed  to  be  a  formidable 
black  heap  of  them.     "  Now  brave  boys,"  said  Mr. 
Church  to  his  men,  "  if  we  mind  our  hits  we  may 
have  a  brave  shot,  and  let  our  sign  for  firing  on  them, 
be  their  rising  to  fire  into  the  fort."   It  was  not  long 
before  the  Indians  rising  up  as  one  body,  designing 
to   pour  a   volley  into  the  fort,  when  our  Church 
nimbly  started  up,  and  gave  them  such  a  round  vol- 


60  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ley,  and  unexpected  clap  on  their  fcacks,  that  they, 
who  escaped  with  their  lives,  were  so  surprised,  that 
they  scampered,  they  knew  not  whither  themselves. 
About  a  dozen  of  them  ran  right  over  the  log  into 
the  fort,  and  took  into  a  sort  of  hovel  that  was  built 
with  poles,  after  the  manner  of  a  corn  crib.  Mr. 
Church's  men  having  their  cartridges  fixed,  were 
soon  ready  to  obey  his  orders,  which  were  immedi 
ately  to  charge  and  run  [ — J1  upon  the  hovel  and  over 
set  it ;  calling  as  he  ran  on,  to  some  that  were  in  the 
fort,  to  assist  him  in  oversetting  it.  They  no  sooner 
came  to  face  the  enemy's  shelter,  but  Mr.  Church 
discovered  that  one  of  them  had  found  a  hole  to 
point  his  gun  through  right  at  him.  But  however 
[he]  encouraged  his  company,  and  ran  right  on,  till 
he  was  struck  with  three  bullets ;  one  in  his  thigh, 
which  was  near  half  cut  off  as  it  glanced  on  the 
joint  of  his  hip  bone ;  another  through  the  gather 
ings  of  his  breeches  and  drawers  with  a  small  flesh 
wound ;  a  third  pierced  his  pocket,  and  wounded  a 
pair  of  mittens  that  he  had  borrowed  of  Captain 
Prentice  ;  being  wrapped  up  together,  had  the  mis 
fortune  of  having  many  holes  cut  through  them  with 
one  bullet.  But  however'  he  made  shift  to  keep  on 
his  legs,  and  nimbly  discharged  his  gun  at  them  that 
had  wounded  him.  Being  disabled  now  to  go  a  step, 
his  men  would  have  carried  him  off,  but  he  forbid 
their  touching  of  him,  until  they  had  perfected  their 
project  of  oversetting  the  enemy's  shelter ;  bid  thorn 
run,  for  now  the  Indians  had  no  guns  charged. 
While  he  was  urging  them  to  run  on,  the  Indians  be 
gan  to  shoot  arrows,  and  with  one  pierced  through 
the  arm  of  an  Englishman  that  had  hold  of  Mr 
Church's  arm  to  support  him.  The  English,  in  short, 
were  discouraged  and  drew  back.  And  by  this 
time  the  English  people  in  the  fort  had  begun  to  set 
fire  to  the  wigwams  aud  houses  in  the  fort,  which 
Mr.  Church  laboured  hard  to  prevent,  They  told  him 
ifon) 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  61 

[that]  they  had  orders  from  the  General  to  burn 
them.  He  begged  them  to  forbear  until  he  had  dis 
coursed  with  the  General.  And  hastening  to  him, 
he  begged  to  spare  the  wigwams,  &c.,  in  the  fort 
from  fire.  [And]  told  him  [that]  the  wigwams  were 
musket  proof;  being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tubs 
of  grain  and  other  provisions,  sufficient  to  supply 
the  whole  army,  until  the  spring  of  the  year,  and 
every  wounded  man  might  have  a  good  warm  house 
to  lodge  in,  who  otherwise  would  necessarily  perish 
with  the  storms  and  cold  ;  and  moreover  that  the 
army  had  no  other  provisions  to  trust  unto  or  depend 
upon;  that  he  knew  that  the  Plymouth  forces  had 
not  so  much  as  one  [biscuit]1  left,  for  he  had  seen 
their  last  dealt  out,  &,c.*  The  General  advising  a 
few  words  with  the  gentlemen  that  were  about  him 
moved  towards  the  fort,  designing  to  ride  in  himself 
and  bring  in  the  whole  army ;  but  just  as  he  was  en 
tering  the  swamp  one  of  his  Captains  met  him,  and 
asked  him,  whither  he  was  going  ?  He  told  him  "In 
to  the  fort."  The  Captain  laid  hold  of  his  horse 
and  told  him,  [that]  his  life  was  worth  an  hundred  of 
theirs,  and  [that]  he  should  not  expose  himself.  The 
General  told  him,  that,  he  supposed  the  brunt  was 
over,  and  that  Mr.  Church  had  informed  him  that 
the  fort  was  taken,  &c. ;  and  as  the  case  was  cir 
cumstanced,  he  was  of  the  mind,  that  it  was  most 
practicable  for  him  and  his  army  to  shelter  them 
selves  in  the  fort.  The  Captain  in  a  great  heat,  re 
plied,  that  Church  lied;  and  told  the  General,  that, 
if  he  moved  another  step;  towards  the  fort  he  would 
shoot  his  horse  under  him.  Then  [bristled]2  up 
i  [biskake]  2  [brusled] 

*  Thus  the  heroick  Church  discovered  not  only  great 
bravery  in  battle,  but  judgment  and  forethought.  Had  his 
advice -been  taken,  no^oubt  many  lives  would  have  been 
saved.  It  may  be. .remarked,  that  notwithstanding  Mr. 
Church  so  distinguished  himself  in  this  light,  his  name  is  not 
mentioned  by  our  chief  historians 
6 


2  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

another  gentleman,  a  certain  Doctor,*  and  opposed 
Mr.  Church's  advice,  and  said,  [that]  if  it  were  com 
plied  with,  it  would  kill  more  men  than  the  enemy 
had  killed.  "  For  (said  he)  by  tomorrow  the  wound 
ed  men  will  be  so  stiff,  that  there  will  be  no  moving 
of  them."  And  looking  upon  Mr.  Church,  and  see 
ing  the  blood  flow  apace  from  his  wounds,  told  him, 
that  if  he  gave  such  advice  as  that  was,  he  should 
bleed  to  death  like  a  dog,  before  they  would  endea 
vour  to  stanch  his  blood.  Though  after  they  had 
prevailed  against  his  advice  they  were  sufficiently 
kind  to  him.  And  burning  up  all  the  houses  and 
provisions  in  the  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same 
night  in  the  storm  and  cold.  And  I  suppose  that 
every  one  who  is  acquainted  with  that  night's  march, 
deeply  laments  the  miseries  that  attended  them ; 
especially  the  wounded  and  dying  men.f  But  it 
mercifully  came  to  pass  that  Captain  Andrew  Bel- 
cherj  arrived  at  Mr.  Smith's  that  very  night  from 
Boston  with  a  vessel  laden  with  provisions  for  the 
army,  which  must  otherwise  have  perished  for  want. 
Some  of  the  enemy  that  were  then  in  the  fort  have 
since  informed  us  that,  near  a  third  of  the  Indians 
belonging  to  all  the  Narraganset  country,  were  kill- 

*  I  have  not  been  able  to  learn  the  name  of  the  beforemen- 
tioned  Captain  nor  Doctor.  Perhaps  it  is  as  well  if  their 
memories  be  buried  in  oblivion.  Trumbull  says  that,  they 
had  the  best  surgeons  which  the  country  could  produce. 
Hist.  Con.  I,  340.  In  another  place,  I,  346,  Mr.  Gershom 
Bulkley,  he  says,  "  was  viewed  one  of  the  greatest  physicians 
and  surgeons  then  in  Connecticut." 

fWhat  rendered  their  situation  more  intolerable,  was, 
beside  the  severity  of  the  cold,  a  tremendous  storm  filled  the 
atmosphere  with  snow  ;  through  which  they  had  18  miles  to 
march  before  they  arrived  at  their  headquarters.  See  Hist. 
Connecticut,  I,  340. 

J  The  father  of  Governour  Belcher.  He  lived  at  Cam 
bridge,  and  was  one  of  his  Majesty'*  council.  No  one  was  more 
respected  for  integrity,  and  it  is  truly  said,  that  he  was  "  an 
ornament  and  blessing  to  his  country."  He  died  October 
81,  1728,  aged  71.  Eliot,  53. 


PHILIP'S  WAR,  03 

ed  by  the  English,  and  by  the  cold  of  that  night;* 
that  they  fled  out  of  their  fort  so  hastily,  that  they 
carried  nothing  with  them,  that  if  the  English  had 
kept  in  the  fort,  the  Indians  would  certainly  have 
been  necessitated,  either  to  surrender  themselves  to 
them,  or  to  have  perished  by  hunger,  and  the  seve 
rity  of  the  season. -j- 

Some  time  after  this  fort  fight,  a  certain  Sogkon- 
ate  Indian,  hearing  Mr.  Church  relate  the  manner 
of  his  being  wounded,  told  him,  [that]  he  did  not 
know  but  he  himself  was  the  Indian  that  wounded 
him,  for  that  he  was  one  of  that  company  of  Indians 
that  Mr.  Church  made  a  shot  upon,  when  they  were 
rising  to  make  a  shot  into  the  fort.  They  were  in 
number  about  sixty  or  seventy  that  just  then  came 
down  from  Pumham's  townj  and  never  before  then 
fired  a  gun  against  the  English.  That  when  Mr. 

*  Mr.  Hubbard,   135,  mentions,  that  one   Potock,  a  great 
counsellor   among  them,  confessed  on  being  taken,  that  the 
Indians  lost  700  fighting  men,  besides  300,  who  died  of  their 
wounds.      Many  old    persons,   children   and  wounded,   no 
doubt  perished  in  the  flames.  But  letters  from  the  army,  at  the 
time,  may  be  seen  in  Hutchinson,  I,  272,  273,   in  which  the 
enemy's  loss  is  not  so   highly  rated.     They  compare  better 
with  the  account  given  by  our  author  in  the  next  note. 

t  (The  swamp  fight  happened  on  December  19,*  1675,  in 
which  about  50  English  were  killed  in  the  action,  and  died 
of  their  wounds  ;  and  about  300  or  350  Indians,  men,  women 
and  children  were  killed,  and  as  many  more  captivated. f  It 
is  said  500  wigwams  were  burned  with  the  fort,  and  200 
more  in  other  parts  of  Narraganset.  The  place  of  the  fort 
was  an  elevated  ground,  or  piece  of  upland,  of,  perhaps,  3  or 
4  acres,  in  the  middle  of  a  hideous  swamp,  about  7  miles 
nearly  due  west  from  Narraganset,  south  ferry.:):) 

J  What  is  now  Warwick.     See  note  2,  page  56. 

*  The  old  copy  of  this  history,  from  which  I  print  this,  gives   the  date, 
Dec.  29,  but  it  must  be  a  misprint. 

f  Perhaps  later  writers  are  more  correct  with  regard  to  the  loss  of  the 
English,  than  our  author.  It  is  said  that  there  were  above  80  slain,  and 
150  wounded,  who  afterwards  recovered.  Hist.  Con.  I,  340. 

$  The  swamp  where  this  battle  was  fought  is  in  Southkingston,  Rhod*» 
island,  situated  as  mentioned  above. 


$4  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Church  fired  upon  them  he  killed  fourteen  dead  upon 
the  spot,  and  wounded  a  greater  number  than  ho 
killed.  Many  of  which  died  afterwards  of  their 
wounds,  in  the  cold  and  storm  [of]  the  following 
night. 

Mr.  Church  was  moved  with  other  wounded  men, 
over  to  Rhodeisland,  where  in  about  three  months' 
time,  he  was  in  some  good  measure  recovered  of 
his  wounds,  and  the  fever  that  attended  them ;  and 
then  went  over  to  the  General*  to  take  his  leave  of 
kim,  with  a  design  to  return  home.f  But  the  Gene- 

*  General  Winslow,  with  the  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts 
forces,  remained  in  the  Narraganset  country  most  of  the 
winter,  and  performed  considerable  against  the  enemy. 
The  Connecticut  men  under  Major  Treat,  being  much  cut 
to  pieces,  returned  home. 

f  While  our  hero  is  getting  better  of  his  wounds  we  will 
take  a  short  view  of  what  is  transacting  abroad. 

The  enemy,  toward  the  end  of  January,  left  their  country 
and  moved  off  to  the  Nipmucks.  A  party,  in  their  way, 
drove  off  15  horses,  50  cattle  and  200  sheep,  from  one  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Warwick.  On  the  10  Feb.,  several  hundreds 
of  them  fell  upon  Lancaster  ;  plundered  and  burned  a  great 
part  of  the  town,  and  killed  or  captivated  forty  persons. 
(Philip  commanded  in  this  attack,  it  was  supposed.)  Feb. 
21,  nearly  half  of  the  town  of  Medfield  was  burned,  and  on 
the  25,  seven  or  eight  buildings  were  also  burned  at  Wey- 
mouth.  March  13,  Groton  was  all  destroyed  excepting  four 
garrison  houses.  On  the  17,  Warwick  had  every  house  burned 
save  one.  On  the  26,  Marlborough  was  nearly  all  destroyed, 
and  the  inhabitants  deserted  it.  The  same  day  Capt.  Pierce 
of  Scituate  with  fifty  English  and  twenty  friendly  Indians, 
was  cut  off  with  most  of  his  men.  (For  the  particulars  of 
this  affair  see  note  further  onward.)  On  the  28,  forty  houses 
and  thirty  barns  were  burned  at  Rehoboth  ;  and  the  day 
following,  about  30  houses  in  Providence.  The  main  body 
of  the  enemy  was  supposed  now  to  be  in  the  woods  between 
Brookfield  and  Marlborough,  and  Connecticut  river.  Capt. 
Denison  of  Connecticut  with  a  few  brave  volunteers  per 
formed  signal  services.  In  the  first  of  April  he  killed  and  took 
44  of  the  enemy,  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  76  more 
were  killed  and  taken,  all  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  In  the 
beginning  of  April  the  Wamesit  Indians  did  some  mischief  at 
Chelmsford,  on  Merrimack  river,  to  which  it  appears  they 
had  been  provoked.  On  the  17,  the  remaining  houses  a> 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  (55 

ral's  great  importunity  again  persuaded  him  to  ac 
company  him  in  a  long  march*  into  the  Nipmuckf 
country,  though  he  had  then  tents  in  his  wounds, 
and  so  lame  as  not  [to  be]  able  to  mount  his  horse 
without  two  men's  assistance. 

In  this  march,  the  first  thing  remarkable  was,  they 
came  to  an  Indian  town,  where  there  were  many  wig 
wams  in  sight,  but  an  icy  swamp,  lying  between  them 
and  the  wigwams,  prevented  their  running  at  once 
upon  it  as  they  intended.  There  was  much  firing  upon 
each  side  before  they  passed  the  swamp.  But  at 
length  the  enemy  all  fled  and  a  certain  Mohegan, 
that  was  a  friend  Indian,  pursued  and  seized  one  of 
the  enemy  that  had  a  small  wound  in  his  leg,  and 
brought  him  before  the  General,  where  he  was  ex 
amined.  Some  were  for  torturing  him  to  bring  him 

Maryborough  were  consumed.  The  next  day,  18  April,  they 
came  furiously  upon  Sudbury.  (Some  account  of  which  will 
be  given  in  an  ensuing  note.)  Near  the  end  of  April,  Scitu- 
ate  about  30  miles  from  Boston,  on  the  bay,  had  19  houses 
and  barns  burned.  The  inhabitants  made  a  gallant  resist 
ance  and  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  May  8,  they  burned  17 
houses  and  barns  at  Bridgewater,  a  large  town  about  20  miles 
south  of  Boston.  Mather,  Magnalia,  II,  497,  says  that,  "  not 
an  inhabitant  was  lost  by  this  town  during  the  war,  neither 
young  nor  old  ;  that  when  their  dwellings  were  fired  at  this 
time,  God,  from  heaven,  fought  for  them  with  a  storm  of 
lightning,  thunder  and  rain,  whereby  a  great  part  of  their 
houses  were  preserved."  On  the  11,  the  town  of  Plymouth 
had  16  houses  and  barns  burned  ;  and  two  days  after  9  more. 
Middleborough,  38  miles  from  Boston,  had  its  few  remaining 
houses  burned  the  same  day. 

These  were  the  most  distressing  days  that  Neweng- 
land  ever  beheld.  Town  after  town  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their 
fury.  All  was  fear  and  consternation.  Few  there  were, 
who  were  not  in  mourning  for  some  near  kindred,  and  no 
thing  but  horrour  stared  them  in  the  face.  But  we  are  now  to 
see  the  affairs  of  Philip  decline. 

*  I  cannot  find  as  any  other  historian  has  taken  notice  of 
this  expedition  of  the  commander  in  chief.  It  appears  from 
what  is  above  stated  that  it  was  in  March,  1676. 

t  (Country  about  Worcester,  Oxford,  Grafton,  Dudley, 
&c.) 

6* 


66  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

to  a  more  ample  confession  of  what  he  knew  con 
cerning  his  countrymen.     Mr.  Church,  verily  believ 
ing  [that]  he  had  been  ingenuous,  in  his  confession, 
interceded  and  prevailed  for  his  escaping  torture. 
But  the   army  being  bound  forward  in  their  march, 
and  the  Indian's  wound  somewhat  disenabling  him 
for  travelling,  it  was  concluded  [that]  he  should  be 
knocked  on  the  head.     Accordingly  he  was  brought 
before  a  great  fire,   and  the  Mohegan  that  took  him 
was  allowed,  as  he  desired  to  be,  his  executioner, 
Mr.  Church  taking  no  delight  in  the  sport,  framed 
an  errand   at  some    distance  among   the    baggage 
horses,  and  when  he  had  got  ten  rods,  or  thereabouts, 
from  the  fire,  the  executioner    fetching  a  blow  with 
a  hatchet  at  the  head  of  the  prisoner,  he  being  aware 
of  the  blow,  dodged  his  head  aside,  and  the  execu 
tioner  missing  his  stroke,  the  hatchet  flew  out  of  his 
hand,  and  had  like  to  have   done  execution  where  it 
was  not  designed.     The  prisoner  upon  his   narrow 
escape  broke  from,  them  that  held  him,  and  notwith 
standing  his  wound,  made  use  of  his  legs,  and  hap 
pened  to  run   right  upon  Mr.  Church,  who  laid  hold 
on  him,  and  a  close  scuffle  they  had ;  but  the  Indian 
having  no  clothes  on  slipped  from  him  and  ran  again, 
and    Mr.  Church  pursued    [him,]1   although    being- 
lame  there  was  no  great  odds  in  the  race,   until  the 
Indian  stumbled  and  fell,    and  [then]   they   closed 
again— scuffled  and  fought  pretty  smartly,  until  the 
Indian,  by  the  advantage  of  his  nakedness,  slipped 
from  his  hold  again,  and  set  out  on  his  third  race, 
with  Mr.  Church  close  at  his  heels,  endeavouring  to 
lay  hold  on  the   hair  of  his  head,  which  was  all  the 
hold  could  be  taken  of  him.     And  running  through 
a  swamp  that  was  covered  with  hollow  ice,  it  made 
so  loud  a   noise   that  Mr.  Church  expected  (but  in 
vain)  that  some   of  his  English  friends  would  follow 
the  noise  and  come  to  his  assistance.     But  the  In 
dian  happened  to  run  athwart  a  large  tree  that  lay 
i  [the  Indian] 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  67 

fallen  near  breast  high,  where  fie  stopped  and  cried 
out  aloud  for  help.  But  Mr.  Church  being  soon 
upon  him  again,  the  Indian  seized  him  fast  by  the 
hair  of  his  head,  and  endeavoured  by  twisting  to 
break  his  neck.  But  though  Mr.  Church's  wounds 
had  somewhat  weakened  him,  and  the  Indian  a  stout 
fellow,  yet  he  held  him  in  play  and  twisted  the  In 
dian's  neck  as  well,  and  took  the  advantage  of  many 
opportunities,  while  they  hung  by  each  other's  hair, 

fave  him  notorious  bunts  in  the  face  with  his  head. 
ut  in  the  heat  of  the  scuffle  they  heard  the  ice 
break,  with  somebody's  coming  apace  to  them,  which 
when  they  heard,  Church  concluded  there  was  help 
for  one  or  other  of  them,  but  was  doubtful  which  of 
them  must  now  receive  the  fatal  stroke — anon  some 
body  comes  up  to  them,  who  proved  to  be  the  In 
dian  that  had  first  taken  the  prisoner ;  [and]  with 
out  speaking  a  word,  he  felt  them  out,  (for  it  was 
so  dark  he  could  not  distinguish  them  by  sight,  the 
one  being  clothed  and  the  other  naked)  he  felt 
where  Mr.  Church's  hands  were  fastened  in  the  No- 
top's*  hair  and  with  one  blow  settled  his  hatchet  in 
between  them,  and  [thus]  ended  the  strife.  He  then 
spoke  to  Mr.  Church  and  hugged  him  in  his  arms, 
and  thanked  him  abundantly  for  catching  his  prison 
er.  [He  then]1  cut  off  the  head  of  his  victim  and 
carried  it  to  the  camp,  and  [after]  giving  an  account 
to  the  rest  of  the  friend  Indians  in  the  camp  how 
Mr.  Church  had  seized  his  prisoner,  &c.,  they  all 
joined  in  a  mighty  shout. 

Proceeding  in  this  march  they  had  the  success  of 
killing  many  of  the  enemy ;  until  at  length  their 
provisions  failing,  they  returned  home. 

King  Philipf  (as  was  before  hinted)  was  fled  to  a 
i  [and] 

*  The  Netop  Indians  were  a  small  tribe  among  the  Sogko- 
nates, 

t  It  wa?k  supposed  by  many  that  Philip  was  at  the  great 
ftwamp  fight  at  Narraganaet  in  December,  1675.  See  n.ote  lt 


68  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

place  called  Scattacook,*  between  York  and  Albany, 
where  the  Moohagsf  made  a  descent  upon  him  and 
killed  many  of  his  men,  which  moved  him  from 
thence. { 

His  next  kennelling  place  was  at  the  fall§  of  Con 
necticut  river,  where,  sometime  after  Captain  Tur 
ner  found  him,  [and]  came  upon  him  by  night,  kill 
ed  him  a  great  many  men,  and  frightened  many  more 
into  the  river,  that  were  hurled  down  the  falls  and 
drowned.  || 

*  It  is  above  Albany,  on  the  east  side  of  the  north  branch 
of  the  Hudson,  now  called  Hoosac  river,  about  15  miles  from 
Albany.  Smith  wrote  this  word  Scaghtahook.  History  N. 
York,  307. 

t  (Mohawks.) 

This  word  according  to  Roger  Williams,  is  derived  from 
the  word  moho,  which  signifies  to  eat.  Or  Mohawks  signifi 
ed  cannibals  or  man  eaters  among  the  other  tribes  of  Indians. 
Trumbull,  U.  States,  I,  47.  Hutchinson,  I,  405.  This  tribe 
was  situated  along  the  Mohawk  river,  from  whom  it  took  its 
name,  and  was  one  of  the  powerful  Fivenations,  who  in  1713, 
•were  joined  by  the  Tuskarora  Indians,  a  large  tribe  from  N. 
Carolina,  and  thence  known  by  the  name  of  the  Sixna- 
iions.  Williamson,  N.  Carolina,  I,  203.  Hon.  De  Witt 
Clinton,  in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.  II,  48,  says  the  Tuskaroras 
joined  the  other  nations  in  1712. 

J  Philip  despairing  of  exterminating  the  English  with  his 
Kewengland  Indians  resorted  to  the  Mohawks  to  persuade 
them  to  engage  in  his  cause.  They  not  being  willing,  he 
liad  recourse  to  a  foul  expedient.  Meeting  with  some  Mo 
hawks  in  the  woods,  hunting,  he  caused  them  to  be  murdered  ; 
and  then  informed  their  friends,  that  the  English  had  done 
it.  But  it  so  happened  that  one,  which  was  left  for  dead, 
revived  and  returned  to  his  friends,  and  informed  them  of 
the  truth.  The  Mohawks  in  just  resentment  fell  upon  him 
and  killed  many  of  his  men.  Adams,  Hist.  N.  Eng.  125. 

§  (Above  Deerfield.) 

It  has  been  suggested,  and  it  is  thought  very  appropriate 
ly  to  call  that  cataract,  where  Capt.  Turner  destroyed  the 
Indians,  Turner's  Falls.  See  Antiquarian  Researches,  131. 

jj  Philip  with  a  great  company  of  his  people  had  taken  a 
stand  at  the  fall  in  Connecticut  river  for  the  convenience  of 
getting  a  supply  of  fish,  after  the  destruction  of  their  pro 
visions  at  the  great  swamp  fight  in  Narraganset.  Som« 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  09 

Philip  got  over  the  river,  and  on  the  back  side  of 
Wetuset*  hills,  meets  with  all  the  remnants  of  the 
Narraganset  and  Nipmuckf  Indians,  that  were  there 
gathered  together,  and  became  very  numerous; 
and  [then]  made  their  descent  on  Sudbury {  and  the 
•fedjacent  parts  of  the  country,  where  they  met  with, 

prisoners  deserted  and  brought  news  to  Hadley,  Hatfield 
and  Northampton  of  the  Indians'  situation  at  the  falls.  On 
the  18  May,  160  men  under  Capt.  Turner  arrived  near  their 
quarters  at  day  break.  The  enemy  were  in  their  wigwams 
asleep,  and  without  guards.  The  English  rushed  upon  them 
and  fired  as  they  rose  from  sleep,  which  so  terrified  them 
that  they  fled  in  every  direction;  crying  out  "Mohawks! 
Mohawks!"  Some  ran  into  the  river,  some  took  canoes, 
and  in  their  fright  forgot  the  paddles,  and  were  precipitated 
down  the  dreadful  fall  and  dashed  in  pieces.  The  enemy  is 
supposed  to  have  lost  300.  The  English  having  finished  the 
work,  began  a  retreat ;  but  the  Indians,  on  recovering  from 
their  terror  fell  upon  their  rear,  killed  Capt.  Turner  and  39 
of  his  men.  See  American  Annals,  I,  430.  Why  is  the 
name  of  Turner  not  found  in  our  Biographical  Dictionaries? 

*  In  the  north  part  of  the  present  town  of  Princetown  in 
Worcester  county,  about  50  miles  W.  of  Boston.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard  wrote  this  word  Watchuset,  and  Dr.  Morse,  Wachusett, 
and  calls  it  a  mountain.  See  Univ.  Gaz.  But  in  this,  as  well 
as  many  other  words,  the  easiest  way  is  the  best  way  ;  hence 
Wachuset  is  to  be  preferred. 

t  (About  Rutland.) 

It  was  just  said  that  the  Nipmuck  country  was  about  Wor 
cester,  Oxford,  Sec.  See  note  2  on  page  65.  Nipmuck  was 
a  general  name  for  all  Indians  beyond  the  Connecticut  to 
ward  Canada. 

|  On  the  27  March,  1676,  some  persons  of  Marlbo- 
rough  joined  others  of  Sudbury,  and  went  in  search  of  the 
enemy.  They  came  upon  nearly  300  of  them  before  day  a 
sleep  by  their  fires,  and  within  half  a  mile  of  a  garrison 
house.  The  English  though  but  40  in  number,  ventured  to 
fire  upon  them ;  and  before  they  could  arouse  and  es 
cape,  they  had  several  well  directed  fires,  killing  and 
wounding  about  30.  On  18  April,  as  has  been  before  noted, 
they  furiously  fell  upon  Sudbury,  burned  several  houses  and 
barns  and  killed  several  persons.  Ten  or  12  persons  that 
came  from  Concord,  5  miles  distant,  to  assist  their  friends, 
were  drawn  into  an  ambush,  and  all  killed  or  taken.  Hub* 
bard,  182,  184. 


70  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

and  swallowed  up  [the]  valiant  Captain  Wadsworth* 
and  his  company  ;  and  many  other  doleful  desolations 
in  those  parts.  The  news  whereof  coming  to  Ply 
mouth,  and  they  expecting  [that,]  probably,  the  ene 
my  would  soon  return  again  into  their  colony,  the 
council  of  war  were  called  together,  and  Mr.  Church 
was  sent  for  to  them ;  being  observed  by  the  whole 
colony  to  be  a  person  extraordinarily  qualified  for,  and 
adapted  to  the  affairs  of  war.  It  was  proposed  in  coun 
cil,  that  lest  the  enemy  in  their  return,  should  fall  on 
Rehoboth,  or  some  other  of  their  out  towns,  a  com 
pany  consisting  of  sixty  or  seventy  men,  should  be 
sent  into  those  parts,  and  [that]  Mr.  Church  [be]  in 
vited  to  take  the  command  of  them.  He  told  them 
•that  if  the  enemy  returned  into  that  colony  again,  they 

*  Capt.  Samuel  Wadsworth,  father  of  president  Wads- 
worth  of  Harvard  College.  Capt.  Wadsworlh  was  sent  from 
Boston  with  50  men  to  relieve  Marlborough.  After  march 
ing  25  miles,  they  were  informed  that  the  enemy  had  gone 
toward  Sudbury  ;  co  without  stopping  to  take  any  rest,  they 
pursued  after  them.  On  coming  near  the  town,  a  party  of 
the  enemy  were  discovered,  and  pursued  about  a  mile  into 
the  woods,  when  on  a  sudden  they  were  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  500  Indians,  as  was  judged.  No  chance  of  escape 
appeared.  This  little  band  of  brave  men  now  resolved  to 
light  to  the  last  man.  They  gained  an  eminence,  which 
they  maintained  for  some  time  ;  at  length,  night  approach 
ing,  they  began  to  scatter,  which  gave  the  enemy  the  advan 
tage,  and  nearly  every  one  was  slain.  This  was  a  dreadful 
blow  to  the  country.  It  is  not  certain  that  any  ever  escaped 
to  relate  the  sad  tale.  President  Wadsworth  erected  a  monu 
ment  where  this  battle  was  fought  with  this  inscription. 

"  Captain  Samuel  Wadsworth  of  Milton,  his  Lieutenant 
Sharp  of  Brookline,  Captain  Broclebank  of  Rowley,  with 
about  Twenty  Six*  other  souldiers,  fighting  for  the  defence 
of  their  country,  were  slain  by  the  Indian  enemy  April  18th, 
1676,  and  lye  buried  in  this  place." 

"  This  monument  stands  to  the  west  of  Sudbury  causeway, 
about  one  mile  southward  of  the  church  in  old  Sudbury,  and 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  great  road,  that  leads 
i'rom  Worcester  to  Boston."  Holmes,  I,  429.  Sudbury  is 
iibout  22  miles  from  Boston. 
*  Supposed  to  be  the  number  of  bodies  found. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  71 

might  reasonably  expect  that  they  would  corns  very 
numerous,  and  if  he  should  take  the  command  of 
men  he  should  not  lie  in  any  town  or  garrison 
with  them,  but  would  lie  in  the  woods  as  the  enemy 
did — and  that  to  send  out  such  small  companies 
against  such  multitudes  of  the  enemy  that  were  now 
mustered  together,  would  be  but  to  deliver  so  many 
men  into  their  hands,  to  be  destroyed,  as  the  worthy 
Captain  Wadsworth  and  his  company  were.  His 
advice  upon  the  whole  was,  that,  if  they  sent  out 
any  forces,  to  send  no  less  than  three  hundred  sol 
diers  ;  and  that  the  other  colonies  should  be  asked 
to  send  out  their  quotas  also  ;  adding,  that,  if  they 
intended  to  make  an  end  of  the  war  by  subduing  the 
enemy,  they  must  make  a  business  of  the  war  as  the 
enemy  did  ;  and  that  for  his  own  part,  he  had  wholly 
laid  aside  all  his  own  private  business  and  concerns, 
ever  since  the  war  broke  out.*  He  told  them  that, 
if  they  would  send  forth  such  forces  as  he  should 
direct  [them]  to,  he  would  go  with  them  for  six 
weeks  march,  which  was  long  enough  for  men  to  be 
kept  in  the  woods  at  once ;  and  if  they  might  be 
sure  of  liberty  to  return  in  such  a  space,  men  would 
go  out  cheerfully ;  and  he  would  engage  [that]  one 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  l>est  soldiers  should  imme 
diately  list,  voluntarily,  to  go  with  him,  if  they  would 
please  to  add  fifty  more  ;  and  one  hundred  of  the 
friend  Indians.  And  with  such  an  army,  he  made 
no  doubt,  but  he  might  do  good  service,  but  on  other 
terms  he  did  not  incline  to  be  concerned. 

Their  reply  was,  that,  they  were  already  in  debt, 
and  so  big  an  army  would  bring  such  a  charge  upon 
them,  that  they  should  never  be  able  to  pay.  And 
as  for  sending  out  Indians,  they  thought  it  no  ways 
advisable;  and  in  short,  none  of  his  advice  practi 
cable. 

*  It  will  be  discoverable  in  almost  every  step  onward,  how 
f.hamefully  Mr.  Church  was  treated  by  government  for  all 
his  service?.. 


T2  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Now  Mr.  Church's  consort,  and  his  then  only  son 
wore  till  fhis  time*  remaining  at  Duxbury;  and  his 
fearing  their  safety  there,  (unless  the  war  were  more 
vigorously  engaged  in)  resolved  to  move  to  Rhode- 
island,  though  it  was  much  opposed,  both  by  govern 
ment  and  relations.  But  at  length  the  Governour, 
considering  that  he  might  be  no  less  serviceable,  by 
being  on  that  side  of  the  colony,  gave  his  permit, 
and  wished  [that]  he  had  twenty  more  as  good  men 
to  send  with  him. 

Then  preparing  for  his  removal  he  went  with  his 
small  family  to  Plymouth  to  take  leave  of  their 
friends,  where  they  met  with  his  wife's  parents,  who 
much  persuaded  that  she  might  be  left  at  Mr.  Clark's 
garrison,  (which  they  supposed  to  be  a  mighty  safe 
place)  or  a \  least  that  she  might  be  there,  until  her 
soon  expected  lying  in  was  over ;  (being  near  her 
time.)  Mr.  Church  no  ways  inclining  to  venture  her 
any  longer  in  those  parts,  and  no  arguments  prevail 
ing  with  him,  he  resolutely  set  out  for  Taunton,  and 
many  of  their  friends  accompanied  them.  There 
they  found  Captain  Peircef  with  a  commanded 

*The  beginning  of  March,  1676. 

f  This  gentleman  belonged  f.o  Scituate,  as  is  seen  in  note  to 
page  64.  I  have  learned  no  particulars  of  him,  except  what  are 
furnished  in  the  Indian  wars.  It  appears  that  he  was  now 
on  his  march  into  the  Narraganset  country,  having  heard 
that  many  of  the  enemy  had  collected  at  Pawtuxet,  a  few 
mi'as  to  the  southward  of  Providence.  He  being  a  man  of 
great  courage,  and  willing  to  engage  the  enemy  on  any 
ground,  was  led  into  a  fatal  snare.  On  crossing  the  Paw 
tuxet  river  he  found  himself  encircled  by  an  overwhelming 
number.  He  retreated  to  the  side  of  the  river  to  prevent 
being  surrounded  ;  but  this  only  alternative  failed:  For  the 
enemy  crossing  the  river  above,  came  upon  their  backs  with 
the  same  deadly  effect  as  those  in  front.  Thus  they  had  to 
contend  with  triple  numbers,  and  a  double  disadvantage. 
Means  was  found  to  despatch  a  messenger  to  Providence  for 
succour,  but  through  some  unaccountable  default  in  him,  or 
them  to  whom  it  was  delivered,  none  arrived  until  too  late. 
The  scene  was  horrid  beyond  description !  Some  say  that  all 
the  English  were  slain,  others,  that  one  only  escaped,  which 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  73 

party,  who  offered  Mr.  Church  to  send  a  relation  of 
his  with  some  others  to  guard  him  to  Rhodeisland- 
But  Mr.  Church  thanked  him  for  his  respectful  offer, 
but  for  some  good  reasons  refused  to  "accept  it.  In 
short,  they  got  safe  to  Captain  John  Almy's*  house 
upon  Rhodeisland  where  they  met  with  friends  and 
good  entertainment.  But  by  the  way  let  me  not 
forget  this  remarkable  providence,  viz.,  that  within 
twentyfour  hours,  or  thereabouts,  after  their  arrival 
at  Rhodeisland,  Mr.  Clark's  garrison,  that  Mr.  Church 
was  so  much  importuned  to  leave  his  wife  and  chil 
dren  at,  was  destroyed  by  the  enemy. f 

Mr.  Church  being  at  present  disabled  from  any 
particular  seivice  in  the  war,  began  to  think  of  some 
other  employ.  But  he  no  sooner  took  a  tool  to  cut 

was  effected  as  follows.  A  friendly  Indian  pursued  him  with 
an  uplifted  tomahawk,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  who  consid 
ering  his  fate  certain,  and  that  he  was  pursued  by  one  of 
their  own  men,  made  no  discovery  of  the  stratagem,  and 
both  escaped.  Another  friend  Indian  seeing  that  the  battle 
was  lost,  blackened  his  face  with  powder  and  ran  among  the 
enemy,  whom  they  took  to  be  one  of  themselves,  who  also 
were  painted  black,  then  presently  escaped  into  the  woods. 
Another  was  pursued,  who  hid  behind  a  rock,  and  his  pursu 
er  lay  secreted  near  to  shoot  him  when  he  ventured  out. 
But  he  behind  the  rock  put  his  hat  or  cap  upon  a  stick,  and 
raising  it  up  in  sight,  the  other  fired  upon  it.  He  dropping 
his  stick  ran  upon  him  before  he  could  reload  his  gun  and 
shot  him  dead.  See  Hubbard,  Nar.  151,  &c.  It  appears 
that  Canonchet,  a  Narraganset  chief,  who  afterwards  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  brave  Capt.  Denison  commanded  in 
this  battle.  See  Hist.  Connect.  344. 

*  See  note  2  on  page  40. 

f  On  the  12  March  Mr.  Clark's  house  was  assaulted  by  the 
Indians,  who  after  barbarously  murdering  1 1  persons,  belong 
ing  to  two  families,  set  it  on  fire.  Mr.  Hubbard,  155,  says,  that 
"  The  cruelty  was  the  more  remarkable,  in  that  they  had 
often  received  much  kindness  from  the  said  Clark."  Philip 
is  supposed  to  have  conducted  this  affair.  About  the  time 
that  that  chief  fell,  200  Indians  delivered  themselves  prison 
ers  at  Plymouth,  8  of  whom  were  found  to  have  been  among 
those  who  murdered  Mr.  Clark's  family  and  were  executed. 
The  rest  were  taken  into  favour.  Ibid.  216. 
7 


74  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

a  small  stick,  but  he  cut  off  the  top  of  his  fore  fin 
ger,  and  the  next  to  it  half  off;  upon  which  he 
smilingly  said,  that  he  thought  he  was  out  of  his 
way  to  leave  the  war,  and  resolved  he  would  [go]  to 
war  again. 

Accordingly  his  second  son  being  born  on  the 
12th  of  May,  and  his  wife  and  son  [likely]1  to  do 
well,  Mr.  Church  embraces  the  opportunity  of  a  pas 
sage  in  a  sloop  bound  to  Barnstable,  [which]2  land 
ed  him  at  Sogkonesset,*  from  whence  he  rode  to 
Plymouth,  and  arrived  there  the  first  Tuesday  in 
June.f 

The  General  Court  then  sitting,  welcomed  him, 
and  told  him  [that]  they  were  glad  to  see  him  alive. 
He  replied,  [that]  he  was  as  glad  to  see  them  alive ; 
for  he  had  seen  so  many  fires  and  smokes  towards 
their  side  of  the  country,  since  he  left  them,  that  he 
could  scarce  eat  or  sleep  with  any  comfort,  for  fear 
they  had  all  been  destroyed.  For  all  travelling  was 
stopped,  and  no  news  had  passed  for  a  long  timo 
together. 

He  gave  them  an  account,!  that  the  Indians  ha.; I 
made  horrid  desolations  at  Providence,  Warwick, 
Pawtuxet,  and  all  over  the  Narraganset  country  ; 
and  that  they  prevailed  daily  against  the  English  on 
that  side  of  the  country.  [He]  told  them  [that]  he 
longed  to  hear  what  methods  they  designed  [to  take] 
in  the  war.  They  told  him  [that]  they  were  par- 
i  [like]  2  [who] 

.*  Known  now  by  the  name  of  Wood's  hole.  It  is  in  the 
town  of  Falmouth,  not  far  to  the  eastward  of  Sogkonate  point. 
Douglass  wrote  this  name  Soconosset,  and  Hutchinson  Suca- 
nesset.  A  small  clan  of  Indians  resided  here  from  whom  it 
took  its  name. 

t  Namely  the  8. 

J  We  should  not  suppose  that  this  was  the  first  intelligence 
that  the  people  of  Plymouth  received  of  the  destruction  of 
those  places,  as  this  visit  was  nearly  3  months  after  the  des 
truction  of  Warwick,  Providence,  &c.,  and  about  4  from  the 
cutting  off  of  Capt.  Pierce  ;  yet  it  might  be  the  case. 


PHILIP'S  WAR,  76 

ticularly  glad  that  providence  had  brought  him  there 
at  that  juncture  ;  for  they  had  concluded  the  very 
next  day  to  send  out  an  army  of  two  hundred  men  ; 
two  thirds  English,  and  one  third  Indians  ;  in  some 
measure  agreeable  to  his  former  proposal — expect 
ing  Boston  and  Connecticut  to  join  with  their 
quotas. 

In  short,  it  was  so  concluded,  and  that  Mr.  Church 
should  return  to  the  island,  and  see  what  he  could 
muster  there,  of  those  who  had  moved  from  Swan- 
zey,  Dartmouth,  &c. ;  so  returned  the  same  way 
[that]  he  came.  When  he  came  to  Sogkonesset,  he 
had  a  sham  put  upon  him  about  a  boat  [which]  he 
had  bought  to  go  home  in,  and  was  forced  to  hire 
two  of  the  friend  Indians  to  paddle  him  in  a  canoe 
from  Elizabeth's*  to  Rhodeisland. 

It  fell  out,  that  as  they  were  on  their  voyage  pass 
ing  by  Sogkonate  point,f  some  of  the  enemy  were 
upon  the  rocks  a  fishing.  He  bid  the  Indians  that 
managed  the  canoe,  to  paddle  so  near  the  rocks,  as 
that  he  might  call  to  those  Indians  ;  [and]  told  them, 
that  he  had  a  great  mind  ever  since  the  war  broke 
out  to  speak  with  some  of  the  Sogkonate  Indians, 
and  that  they  were  their  relations,  and  therefore  they 
need  not  fear  their  hurting  of  them.  And  he  add 
ed,  that,  he  had  a  mighty  conceit,  that  if  he  could 
get  a  fair  opportunity  to  discourse  [with]  them,  jhat 
he  could  draw  them  off  from  Philip,  for  he  knew 
[that]  they  never  heartily  loved  him.  The  enemy 
hallooed,  and  made  signs  for  the  canoe  to  come  to 
them  ;  but  when  they  approached  them  they  skulked 
and  hid  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks.  Then  Mr. 
Church  ordered  the  canoe  to  be  paddled  oif  again, 
lest,  if  he  came  too  near,  they  should  fire  upon  him. 
Then  the  Indians  appearing  again,  beckoned  and 

*  From  Woods  hole  or  Sogkonesset  to  this  island  is  1  mile. 

t  A  little  north  of  this  point  is  a  small  bay  called  Church's 
cove,  and  a  small  cape  about  2  miles  further  north  bears  the 
name  of  Church's  point. 


78  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

called  in  the  Indian  language,  and  bid  them  come 
ashore,  for  they  wanted  to  speak  with  [them.]1 
The  Indians  in  the  canoe  answered  them  again,  but 
they  on  the  rocks  told  them,  that  the  surf  made  such 
a  noise  against  the  rocks,  [that]  they  could  not  hear 
any  thing  they  said.  Then  Mr.  Church  by  signs 
with  his  hands,  gave  [them]  to  understand,  that  he 
would  have  two  of  them  go  down  upon  the  point  of 
the  beach.  (A  place  where  a  man  might  see  who 
was  near  him.)  Accordingly  two  of  them  ran  along 
the  beach,  and  met  him  there  without  their  arms ; 
excepting,  that  one  of  them  had  a  lance  in  his  hand. 
They  urged  Mr.  Church  to  come  ashore,  for  they 
hnd  a  great  desire  to  have  some  discourse  with  him. 
He  told  them,  [that]  if  he,  that  had  his  weapon  in 
his  hand,  would  carry  it  up  some  distance  upon  the 
beach,  and  leave  it,  he  would  come  ashore  and  dis 
course  [with]  them.  He  did  so,  and  Mr.  Church  went 
ashore,  hauled  up  his  canoe,  ordered  one  of  his  In 
dians  to  stay  by  it,  and  the  other  to  walk  above  on 
the  beach,  as  a  sentinel,  to  see  that  the  coasts  were 
clear.  And  when  Mr.  Church  came  up  to  the  In 
dians,  one  of  them  happened  to  be  honest  George, 
one  of  the  two  that  Awashonks  formerly  sent  to  call 
him  to  her  dance,  and  was  so  careful  to  guard  him 
back  to  his  house  again.  [This  was]  the  last  $ogko- 
nate  Indian  he  spoke  with  before  the  war  broke  out. 
He  spoke  English  very  well.  Mr.  Church  asked  him 
where  Awashonks  was  ?  [He  said]2  "  In  a  swamp 
about  three  miles  off."  Mr.  Church  asked  him  what 
it  was  [that]  he  wanted,  that  he  hallooed  and  called 
him  ashore  *?  He  answered,  that  he  took  him  for 
Church  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the  canoe, 
and  that  he  was  very  glad  to  see  him  alive ;  and  he 
believed  his  mistress  would  be  as  glad  to  see  him, 
and  speak  with  him.  He  told  him  further,  that  he 
believed  she  was  not  fond  of  maintaining  a  war  with 
the  English,  and  that  she  had  left  Philip  and  did  not 
i  [him]  2  [He  told  him] 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  77 

intend  to  return  to  him  any  more.  He  was  mighty 
earnest  with  Mr.  Church  to  tarry  there  while  he 
would  run  and  call  her;  but  he  told  him  "  No,  for 
he  did  not  know  but  the  Indians  would  come  down 
and  kill  him  before  he  could  get  back  again."  He 
said  that,  if  Mounthope,  or  Pocasset  Indians  could 
catch  him,  he  believed  they  would  knock  him  on  the 
head;  but  all  Sogkonate  Indians  knew  him  very  well, 
and  he  believed  none  of  them  would  hurt  him.  In 
short,  Mr.  Church  refused,  then,  to  tarry;  but  pro 
mised  that  he  would  come  over  again  and  speak  with 
Awashonks,  and  some  other  Indians  that  he  had  a 
mind  to  talk  with. 

Accordingly  he  [directed]1  him  to  notify  Awa 
shonks,  her  son  Peter,*  their  chief  Captain,  and  one 
Nompashf  (an  Indian  that  Mr.  Church  had,  former 
ly,  a  particular  respect  for)  to  meet  him  two  days 
after,  at  a  rock  at  the  lower  end  of  Captain  Rich 
mond's  J  farm,  which  was  a  very  noted  place.  And 
if  that  day  should  prove  stormy,  or  windy,  they  were 
to  expect  him  the  next  moderate  day ;  Mr.  Church 
telling  George,  that  he  would  have  him  come  with 
the  persons  mentioned,  and  no  more.  They  gave 
each  other  their  hands  upon  it,  [and]  parted. 

Mr.  Church  went  home,  and  the  next  morning  to 

Newport ;  and  informed  the  government  of  what  had 

passed  between  him  and  the  Sogkonate  Indians ;  and 

desired  their  permit  for  him,  and  Daniel  Wilcox^  (a 

1  [appointed] 

*  See  note  1,  on  page  57. 

f  In  another  place  his  name  is  spelt  Numposh.  He  was 
Captain  of  the  Sogkonate  or  Seconate  Indians  in  "  the  first 
expedition  east." 

J  This  rock  is  near  the  water  a  little  north  of  where  they 
then  were. 

§  The  fatal  10  November,  1825,  allows  me  only  to  say  of 
this  person  that  descendants  in  the  fourth  generation  (I 
think)  are  found  in  Newbedford.  See  page  iv,  of  my  pre- 
fee*, 

1* 


78  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

man  that  well  understood  the  Indian  language,)  to 

fo  over  to  them.  They  told  him,  that  they  thought 
e  was  mad ;  after  such  service  as  he  had  done,  and 
such  dangers  that  he  [had]  escaped,  now  to  throw 
away  his  life ;  for  the  rogues  would  as  certainly  kill 
him  as  ever  he  went  over.  And  utterly  refused  to 
grant  his  permit,  or  to  be  willing  that  he  should  run 
the  risk. 

Mr.  Church  told  them,  that  it  ever  had  been  in 
his  thoughts,  since  the  war  broke  out,  that  if  he 
could  discourse  the  Sogkonate  Indians,  he  could  draw 
them  off  from  Philip,  and  employ  them  against  him  ; 
but  could  not,  till  now,  never  have  an  Opportunity  to 
speak  with  any  of 'them,  and  was  very  loath  to  lose 
it,  &c.  At  length  they  told  him,  [that]  if  he  would 
go,  it  should  be  only  with  the  two  Indians  that  carne 
with  him;  but  they  would  give  him  no  permit  under 
their  hands. 

He  took  his  leave  of  them,  resolving  to  prosecute 
liis  design.  They  told  him,  they  were  sorry  to  see 
him  so  resolute,  nor  if  he  went  did  they  ever  expect 
to  see  his  face  again. 

He  bought  a  bottle  of  rum,  and  a  small  roll  of 
tobacco,  to  carry  with  him,  and  returned  to  his 
family. 

The  next  day,  being  the  day  appointed  for  the 
meeting,  he  prepared  two  light  canoes  for  the  de 
sign,  and  his  own  man  with  the  two  Indians  for  his 
company.  He  used  such  arguments-with  his  tender 
aind  now  almost  broken  hearted  wife,  from  the  expe 
rience  of  former  preservations,  and  the  prospect  of 
the  great  service  he  might  do,  (might  it  please  God 
to  succeed  his  design,  &c.,)  that  he  obtained  her 
consent  to  his  attempt.  And  committing  her,  the 
babes,  and  himself  to  heaven's  protection,  he  set 
out. 

They  had,  from  the  shore,  about  a  league  to  pad 
dle.  Drawing  near  the  place,  they  saw  the  Indians 
s-itting  on  the  bank,  waiting  for  their  coming.  Mr 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  71) 

Church  sent  one  of  his  Indians  ashore  in  one  of  the 
canoes  to  see  whether  they  were  the  same  Indians 
whom  he  had  appointed  to  meet  him,  and  no  more  : 
And  if  so,  to  stay  ashore  and  send  George  to  fetch 
him.  Accordingly  George  came  and  fetched  Mr. 
Church  ashore,  while  the  other  canoe  playecl  off  to 
see  the  event,  and  to  carry  tidings,  if  the  Indians 
should  prove  false. 

Mr.  Church  asked  George  whether  Awashonks 
and  the  other  Indians  [that]  he  appointed  to  meet 
him  were  there  ^  He  answered  [that]  they  were. 
He  then  asked  him  if  there  were  no  more  than  they, 
whom  he  appointed  to  be  there  *?  To  which  he 
would  give  no  direct  answer.  However,  he  went 
ashore  ;  when  he  was  no  sooner  landed,  but  Awa 
shonks  and  the  rest  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet 
him  there,  rose  up  and  came  down  to  meet  him ;  and 
each  of  them  successively  gave  him  their  hands,  and 
expressed  themselves  glad  to  see  him,  and  gave  him 
thanks  for  exposing  himself  to  visit  them.  They 
walked  together  about  a  gun  shot  from  the  water, 
to  a  convenient  place  to  sit  down,  where  at  once 
rose  up  a  great  body  of  Indians,  who  had  lain  hid 
in  the  grass,  (that  was  [as]  high  as  a  man's  waist) 
and  gathered  round  them,  till  they  had  closed  them 
in  ;  being  all  armed  with  guns,  spears,  hatchets,  &c., 
with  their  hairs  trimmed,  and  faces  painted,  in  their 
warlike  appearance. 

It  was  doubtless  somewhat  surprising  to  our  gen 
tleman  at  first,  but  without  any  visible  discovery  of 
*t,  after  a  small  silent  pause  on  each  side,  he  spoke 
to  Awashonks,  and  told  her,  that  George  had  inform 
ed  him  that  she  had  a  desire  to  see  him,  and  dis 
course  about  making  peace  with  the  English.  She 
answered  "Yes."  "Then,"  said  Mr.  Church,  "  it  is 
customary  when  people  meet  to  treat  of  peace,  to 
\ay  aside  their  arms,  and  not  to  appear  in  such  hos 
tile  form  as  your  people  do."  [He]  desired  of  her, 
that  if  they  might  talk  about  peace,  which  he  desir- 


80  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ed  they  might,  her  men  might  lay  aside  their  arms, 
and  appear  more  treatable.  Upon  which  there  be 
gan  a  considerable  noise  and  murmur  among  them 
in  their  own  language,  till  Awashonks  asked  him 
what  arms  they  should  lay  down,  and  where  *?  He 
(perceivfng  the  Indians  looked  very  surly  and  much 
displeased)  replied,  "Only  their  guns  at  some  small 
distance,  for  formality's  sake."  Upon  which  with  one 
consent,  they  laid  aside  their  guns  and  came  and  sat 
down. 

Mr.  Church  pulled  out  his  calabash,  and  asked 
Awashonks  whether  she  had  lived  so  long  at  Wetu- 
set,*  as  to  forget  to  drink  occapeches'?!  and  drink 
ing  to  her,  he  perceived  that  she  watched  him  very 
diligently,  to  see  (as  he  thought)  whether  he  swal 
lowed  any  of  the  rum.  He  offered  her  the  shell, 
but  she  desired  him  to  drink  again  first.  He  then 
told  her,  [that]  there  was  no  poison  in  it ;  and  pour 
ing  some  into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it  up. 
And  took  the  shell  and  drank  to  her  again,  and  drank 
a  good  swig,  which  indeed  was  no  more  than  he 
needed.  Then  they  all  standing  up,  he  said  to 
Awashonks,  "  You  wont  drink  for  fear  there  should 
be  poison  in  it,"  and  then  handed  it  to  a  little  ill 
looking  fellow,  who  catched  it  readily  enough,  and 
as  greedily  would  have  swallowed  the  liquor  when  he 
had  it  at  his  mouth.  But  Mr.  Church  catched  him 
by  the  throat,  and  took  it  from  him,  asking  him 
whether  he  intended  to  swallow  shell  and  all  9  and 
then  handed  it  to  Awashonks.  She  ventured  to  take 
a  good  hearty  dram,  and  passed  it  among  her  atten 
dants. 

The  shell  being  emptied,  he  pulled  out  his  to 
bacco;  and  having  distributed  it,  they  began  to 
talk. 

Awashonks  demanded  of  him  the  reason,  why  he 
had  not  (agreeable  to  his  promise  when  she  saw  him 

*  Wachuset.     See  note  1,  on  p.  69. 

t  Commonly  heard  as  though  written  okape,  or  ochape, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  Si 

last)  been  down  at  Sogkonate  before  now  ?  Saying, 
that  probably  if  he  had  come  then,  according  to  his 
promise,  they  had  never  joined  with  Philip  against 
the  English. 

He  told  her  [that]  he  was  prevented  by  the  war's 
breaking  out  so  suddenly  ;  and  yet,  he  was  after- 
wards  coming  down,  and  came  as  far  as  Punkatees, 
where  a  great  many  Indians  set  upon  him,  and  fought 
him  a  whole  afternoon,  though  he  did  not  come  pre 
pared  to  fight,  [and]  had  but  nineteen  men  with  him, 
whose  chief  design  was  to  gain  an  opportunity  to 
discourse  some  Sogkonate  Indians.  Upon  this  there 
at  once  arose  a  mighty  murmur,  confused  noise  and 
talk  among  the  fierce  looking  creatures,  and  all  ris 
ing  up  in  a  hubbub.  And  a  great  surly  looking  fel 
low  took  up  his  tomhog,  or  wooden  cutlass  to  kill 
Mr.  Church,  but  some  others  prevented  him. 

The  interpreter  asked  Mr.  Church,  if  he  under 
stood  what  it  was  that  the  great  fellow  (they  had 
hold  of)  said'?  He  answered  him  "No."  "Why" 
said  the  interpreter,  "  he  says  [that]  you  killed  his 
brother  at  Punkatees,  and  therefore  he  thirsts  for 
your  blood."  Mr.  Church  bid  the  interpret!16  tell 
him  that  his  brother  began  first ;  that  if  he  had  kept 
at  Sogkonate,  according  to  his  desire  and  order,  he 
should  not  have  hurt  him. 

Then  the  chief  Captain  commanded  silence  ;  and 
told  them  that  they  should  talk  no  more  about  old 
things,  &c.,  and  quelled  the  tumult,  so  that  they  sat 
down  again,  and  began  upon  a  discourse  of  making 
peace  with  the  English.  Mr.  Church  asked  them  what 
proposals  they  would  make,  and  on  what  terms  they 
would  break  their  league  with  Philip  7  Desiring 
them  to  make  some  proposals  that  he  might  carry  to 
his  masters  ;  telling  them  that  it  was  not  in  his  pow 
er  to  conclude  a  peace  with  them,  but  that  he  knew 
that  if  their  proposals  were  reasonable,  the  govern 
ment  would  not  be  unreasonable  ;  and  that  he  would 
use  his  interest  with  the  government  for  them ;  and 


W  PHILIPS  WAR. 

to  encourage  them  to  proceed,  put  them  in  mind 
that  the  Pequots*  once  made  war  with  the  English, 
and  that  after  they  subjected  themselves  to  the  Eng 
lish,  the  English  became  their  protectors,  and  de 
fended  them  against  other  nations f  that  would  other 
wise  have  destroyed  them,  &c. 

After  some  further  discourse  and  debate  he  brought 
them  at  length  to  consent,  that  if  the  government  of 
Plymouth  would  firmly  engage  to  them,  that  they 
and  all  of  them,  and  their  wives  and  children  should 
have  their  lives  spared,  and  none  of  them  transport 
ed  out  of  the  country,  they  would  subject  themselves 
to  them,  and  serve  them,  in  what  they  were  able. 

Then  Mr.  Church  told  them,  that  he  was  well 
satisfied  the  government  of  Plymouth  would  readily 
concur  with  what  they  proposed,  and  would  sign 
their  articles.  And  complimenting  them  upon  it, 
how  pleased  he  was  with  the  thoughts  of  their  re 
turn,  and  of  the  former  friendship  that  had  been  be 
tween  them,  &c. 

The  chief  Captain  rose  up,  and  expressed  the 
greatwalue  and  respect  he  had  for  Mr.  Church ;  and 
bo4fcffg  to  him,  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  please  to  ac 
cept  of  me  and  my  men,  and  will  head  us,  we  will 
fight  for  you,  and  will  help  you  to  Philip's  head  be 
fore  the  Indian  corn  be  ripe."  And  when  he  had 
ended,  they  all  expressed  their  consent  to  what  he 
said,  and  told  Mr.  Church  [that]  they  loved  him, 
and  were  willing  to  go  with  him,  and  fight  for  him 
as  long  as  the  English  had  one  enemy  left  in  the 
country. 

Mr.  Church  assured  them,  that  if  they  proved  as 
good  as  their  word,  they  should  find  him  theirs,  and 
their  children's  fast  friend.  And  (by  the  way)  the 
friendship  is  maintained  between  them  to  this  day.J 

*  See  a  history  of  this  war  in  the  Appendix,  No.  IV. 
f  The  Narragansets.     See  first  note  to  Philip's  war. 
J  1716.     They  consisted  now,  probably  of  no  more  than 
500  persons. 


PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Then  he  proposed  unto  them,  that  they  should 
choose  five  men  to  go  strait  with  him  to  Plymouth. 
They  told  him  "  No,  they  would  not  choose,  but  he 
should  take  which  five  he  pleased."  Some  compli 
ments  passed  about  it,  at  length  it  was  agreed,  [that] 
they  should  choose  three,  and  he  two.  Then  he 
agreed  that  he  would  go  back  to  the  island  that 
night,  and  would  come  to  them  the  next  morning, 
and  go  through  the  woods  to  Plymouth.  But  they 
afterwards  objected,  [for]1  his  travelling  through 
the  woods  would  not  be  safe  for  him;  [that]  the 
enemy  might  meet  with  them  and  kill  him,  and  then 
they  should  lose  their  friend  and  the  whole  design 
[would  be]  ruined  beside.  And  therefore  proposed 
that  he  should  come  in  an  English  vessel,  and  the} 
would  meet  him,  and  come  on  board  at  Sogkonate 
point,  and  sail  from  thence  to  Sandwich,  which  in 
fine  was  concluded  upon. 

So  Mr.  Church  promising  to  come  as  soon  as  he 
could  possibly  obtain  a  vessel,  and  then  they  parted. 
He  returned  to  the  island  and  was  at  great  pains 
and  charge  to  get  a  vessel ;  but  with  unaccountable 
disappointments,  sometimes  by  the  falseness,  and 
sometimes  by  the  faintheartedness  of  men  that  he 
bargained  with,  and  something  by  wind  and  weather, 
&c. :  Until  at  length  Mr.  Anthony  Low*  put  in  to 
the  harbour  with  a  loaded  vessel  bound  to  the 
westward,  and  being  made  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Church's  case,  told  him,  that  he  had  so  much  kind 
ness  for  him,  and  was  so  pleased  with  the  business 
he  was  engaged  in,  that  he  would  run  the  venture  of 
his  vessel  and  cargo  to  wait  upon  him. 

Accordingly,  next  morning  they  set  sail  with  a 
wind  that  soon  brought  them  to  Sogkonate  point. 
But  coming  there  they  met  with  a  contrary  wind, 
and  a  great  swelling  sea. 

i  [that] 

*  After  much  search  I  can  ascertain  nothing  of  this  person. 
The  name  is  common  in  our  country  at  this  day. 


*4  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

The  Indians  were  there  waiting  upon  the  rocks, 
but  had  nothing  but  a  miserable  broken  canoe  to 
get  aboard  in  ;  yet  Peter  Awashonks  A<entured  off  in 
it,  and  with  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  and  danger 
got  aboard.  And  by  this  time  it  began  to  rain  and 
blow  exceedingly,  and  forced  them  up  the  sound ; 
and  then  [they]  went  away  through  Bristol  ferry, 
round  the  island  to  Newport,  carrying  Peter  with 
them. 

Then  Mr.  Church  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  and  tolc? 
him,  that  inasmuch  as  Providence  opposed  his  going 
by  water,  and  he  expected  that  the  army  would  be 
up  in  a  few  days,  and  probably,  if  he  should  be  gone 
at  that  juncture,  it  might  ruin  the  whole  design  ;  [he] 
would  therefore  yield  his  voyage. 

Then  he  writ  the  account  of  his  transactions  with 
the  Indians,  and  drew  up  the  proposals,  and  articles 
of  peace,  and  despatched  Peter  with  them  to  Ply 
mouth,  that  his  honour  the  Governour,  if  he  saw 
cause,  might  sign  them. 

Peter  was  sent  over  to  Sogkonate  on  Lord's  day* 
morning,  with  orders  to  take  those  men  that  were 
chosen  to  go  down,  or  some  of  them,  at  least,  with 
him.  The  time  being  expired  that  was  appointed 
for  the  English  army  to  come,  there  was  great  look 
ing  for  them.  Mr.  Church,  on  the  Monday  morning, 
(partly  to  divert  himself  after  his  fatigue,  and  partly 
to  listen  for  the  army)  rode  out  with  his  wife,  and 
some  of  his  friends  to  Portsmouth, j-  under  a  pre 
tence  of  cherrying ;  but  came  home  without  any 
news  from  the  army.  But  by  midnight,  or  sooner, 
he  was  roused  with  an  express  from  Major  Bradford, 
who  was  arrived  with  the  army  at  Pocasset,  to  whom 
he  forthwith  repaired, {  and  informed  him  of  the 

*  July  9. 

t  The  island  of  Rhodeisland  is  divided  into  3  towns  ;  New 
port  in  the  south,  Middletown,  and  Portsmouth  in  the  north. 
J  July  11. 


PHILIPS  WAR.  85 

whole  of  his  proceedings  with  the  Sogkonate  In 
dians. 

With  the  Major's  consent  and  advice,  he  returned 
again  next  morning  to  the  island  in  order  to  go  over 
that  way  to  Awashonks,  to  inform  her  that  the  army 
was  arrived,  &c. 

Accordingly  from  Sachueeset  neck*  he  went  in  a 
canoe  to  Sogkonate.  [He]  told  her  that  Major 
Bradford  was  arrived  at  Pocasset  with  a  great  army, 
whom  he  had  informed  of  all  the  proceedings  with 
her ;  that  if  she  would  be  advised,  and  observe  order, 
she  nor  her  people  need  not  to  fear  being  hurt  by 
them ;  told  her  [that]  she  should  call  all  her  people 
down  into  the  neck,  lest  if  they  should  be  found 
straggling  about,  mischief  might  light  on  them;  that 
on  the  morrow  they  would  come  down  and  receive 
her  and  give  her  further  orders. 

She  promised  to  get  as  many  of  her  people  to 
gether  as  possibly  she  could ;  desiring  Mr.  Church 
to  consider  that  it  would  be  difficult  for  to  get  them 
together  at  such  short  warning. 

Mr.  Church  returned  to  the  island  and  to  the  army 
the  same  night. 

The  next  morningf  the  whole  army  marched  to 
wards  Sogkonate,  as  far  as  Punkatees,  and  Mr. 
Church  with  a  few  men  went  down  to  Sogkonate  to 
call  Awashonks  and  her  people,  to  come  up  to  the 
English  camp.  As  he  was  going  down  they  met 
with  a  Pocasset  Indian,  who  had  killed  a  cow,  and 
got  a  quarter  of  her  on  his  back,  and  her  tongue  in 
his  pocket.  [He]1  gave  them  an  account,  that  he 
came  from  Pocasset  two  days  since  in  company  with 
his  mother,  and  several  other  Indians,  now  hid  in  a 
swamp  above  Nonquid. {  Disarming  of  him,  he  sent 
him  by  two  men  to  Major  Bradford,  and  proceeded 
i  [who] 

*  (The  southeast  corner  of  Rhodeisland.) 
t  July  13  t  (In  Tiverton.) 

8 


86  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

to  Sogkonate.     They  saw  several  Indians  by  the  way 
skulking  about  but  let  them  pass. 

Arriving  at  Awashonks  camp,  [he]  told  her  [that] 

he  was  come  to  invite  her  and  her  people  up  to  Pun- 

katees,*  where  Major  Bradford  now  was  with  the 

Plymouth  army,  expecting  her  and  her  subjects  to 

receive  orders,  until  further  order  could  be  had  from 

the  government.     She  complied,  and  soon  sent  out 

orders  for  such  of  her  subjects  as  were  not  with  her, 

immediately  to  come  in.     And  by  twelve  o'clock  of 

next  day,   she  with  most  of  her  number  appeared 

before  the  English  camp  at  Punkatees.     Mr.  Church 

tendered  [himself  to]   the   Major  to  serve  under  his 

commission,  provided  the  Indians  might  be  accepted 

with  him,  to  fight  the  enemy.     The  Major  told  him, 

[that]  his  orders  were  to  improve  him  if  he  pleased, 

but  as  for  the  Indians  he  would  not  be   concerned 

with   them.     And  presently   gave    forth  orders  for 

Awashonks,  and  all  her  subjects,  both  men,  women 

and  children,   to  repair  to  Sandwich  ;f  and  to  be 

there  upon  peril,  in  six  days.     Awashonks  and  her 

chiefs  gathered  round   Mr.   Church,  (where  he  was 

walked  off  from  the  rest)  [and]  expressed  themselves 

concerned   that  they  could  not  be  confided  in,  nor 

improved.     He  told  them,  [that]  it  was  best  to  obey 

orders,  and  that  if  he  could  not  accompany  them  to 

Sandwich,  it  should  not  be  above  a  week  before  he 

would  meet  them  there  ;.  that  he  was  confident  the 

Governour  would  commission  him  to  improve  them. 

The  Major  hastened  to  send  them  away  with  Jack 

Havens  (an  Indian  who  had  never  been  in  the  wars) 

in  the  front,  with  a  flag  of  truce  in  his  hand. 

*  (Adjoining  Fogland  ferry.) 

The  geography  of  this  place,  with  respect  to  extent  and 
situation,  has  been  given  on  page  40,  note  1. 

f  A  town  between  Plymouth  and  Barnstable,  on  Cape  Cod. 
If  the  Major  were  arbitrary  in  giving  this  order,  he  was  lib 
eral  with  the  time,  as  the  distance  was  not  above  50  miles 
by  way  of  Plymouth,  and  perhaps  no  more  than  30  through 
the  woods. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  87 

They  being  gone,  Mr.  Church  by  the  help  of  his 
man  Toby,  (the  Indian  whom  he  had  taken  prisoner 
as  he  was  going  down  to  Sogkonate)  took  said  To 
by's  mother,  and  those  that  were  with  her,  prisoners, 

Next  morning  the  whole  army  moved  back  to  Po- 
casset.  This  Toby  informed  them  that  there  were 
a  great  many  Indians  gone  down  to  Wepoiset*  to 
eat  clams ;  (other  provisions  being  very  scarce  with 
them)  that  Philip  himself  was  expected  within  three 
or  four  days  at  the  same  place.  Being  asked  what 
Indians  they  were  9  he  answered,  "  Some  Weeta- 
more's  Indians;  some  Mounthope  Indians;  some 
Narraganset  Indians ;  and  some  other  upland  In 
dians  ;  in  all,  about  three  hundred." 

The  Rhodeisland  boats,  by  the  Major's  order, 
meeting  them  at  Pocasset,  they  were  soon  embarked. 
It  being  just  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  they  could 
plainly  discover  the  enemies'  fires  at  the  place  the 
Indian  directed  to,  and  the  army  concluded  no  other, 
but  [that]  they  were  bound  directly  thither,  until 
they  came  to  the  north  end  of  the  island  and  heard 
the  word  of  command  for  the  boats  to  bear  away. 

Mr.  Church  was  very  fond  of  having  this  probable 
opportunity  of  surprising  that  whole  company  of  In 
dians  embraced;  but  orders,  it  was  said  must  be 
obeyed,  which  were  to  go  to  Mounthope,  and  there 
to  fight  Philip. 

This  with  some  other  good  opportunities  of  doing 
spoil  upon  the  enemy,  being  unhappily  missed,f  Mr. 
Church  obtained  the  Major's  consent  to  meet  the 
Sogkonate  Indians,  according  to  his  promise.  He  was 
offered  a  guard  to  Plymouth,  but  chose  to  go  with 
one  man  only,  who  was  a  good  pilot. 

«bout  sunset,J  he,  with  Sabin^  his  pilot,  mounted 

*  In  Swanzey. 

t  The  cause  of  this  ill  timed  manoeuvre  of  the  army  must 
remain  a  mystery.  f  July  20. 

§  As  this  name  does  not  occur  any  where  else  in  this  histo 
ry,  it  is  not  probable  that  he  served  regularly  in  that  capa 
city. 


88  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

their  horses  at  Rehoboth,  where  the  army  now  was, 
and  by  two  hours  by  sun  next  morning,  arrived  safe 
at  Plymouth.     And  by  that  time  they  had  refreshed 
themselves,  the  Governour  and  Treasurer*  came  to 
town.     Mr.  Church  gave  them  a  short  account  of  the 
affairs  of  the  army,  &c.     His  honour  was  pleased  to 
give  him  thanks  for  the  good  and  great  service  he 
had  done  at   Sogkonate ;  [and]   told  him,  [that]  he 
had  confirmed  all  that  he  had  promised  Awashonks, 
and   had   sent  the   Indian    back  again  that  [had] 
brought  his  letter.f     He   asked  his   honour  whether 
he  had  any   thing  later  from  Awashonks'?     He  told 
him  [that]  he  had   not.     Whereupon   he  gave   his 
honour  an  account  of  the  Major's  orders  relating  to 
her  and  hers,  and  what  discourse  had  passed  pro  and 
con,  about  them ;  and  that  he  had  promised  to  meet 
them,  and  that  he  had  encouraged  them    that   he 
thought  he  might  obtain  of  his  honour  a  commission 
to  lead  them  forth  to  fight  Philip.     His  honour  smi 
lingly  told  him,  that  he  should  not  want  commission 
if  he  would  accept  it,  nor  yet  good    Englishmen 
enough  to  make  up  a  good  army. 

But  in  short  he  told  his  honour  [that]  the  time  had 
expired  that  he  had  appointed  to  meet  the  Sogko- 
nates  at  Sandwich.  The  Governour  asked  him 
when  he  would  go*?  He  told  him,  that  afternoon  by 
his  honour's  leave.  The  Governour  asked  him  how 
many  men  he  would  have  with  him'?  He  answered, 
not  above  half  a  dozen;  with  an  order  to  take  more 
at  Sandwich,  if  he  saw  cause,  and  horses  provided. 
He  no  sooner  moved  it,  but  had  his  number  of  men 
tendering  to  go  with  him ;  among  [whom]1  were  Mr. 
i  [which] 

*  Mr.  Southworth. 

t  This  letter  contained  an  answer  to  the  account  of  his 
meeting  Awashonks,  before  related,  which  was  sent  from  the 
island  by  Peter. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  89 

Jubez  Rowland,*  and  Nathaniel  Southworth.f  They 
wont  to  Sandwich  that  night,  where  Mr.  Church  (with 
need  enough)  took  a  nap  of  sleep.  The  next  morn 
ing,  with  about  sixteen  or  eighteen  men,  he  proceed 
ed  as  far  as  Agawom,f  where  they  had  great  expec 
tation  of  meeting  the  Indians,  but  met  them  not. 
His  men  being  discouraged,  about  half  of  them  re 
turned.  Only  half  a  dozen  stuck  by  him,  and  pro 
mised  so  to  do  until  they  should  meet  with  the  In 
dians. 

When  they  came  to  Sippican^,  river,  Mr.  How- 
land  began  to  tire,  upon  which  Mr.  Church  left  him 
and  two  more,  for  a  reserve,  at  the  river;  that  if  he 
should  meet  with  enemies,  and  be  forced  back,  they 
might  be  ready  to  assist  them  in  getting  over  the 
river.  Proceeding  in  their  march,  they  crossed 
another  river,  and  opened  a  great  bay,||  where  they 
might  see  many  miles  along  shore,  where  were  sands 
and  flats ;  and  hearing  a  great  noise  below  them,  to 
wards  the  sea,  they  dismounted  their  horses ;  left 
them,  and  creeped  among  the  bushes,  until  they 
came  near  the  bank,  and  saw  a  vast  company  of  In- 

*  Little  more  than  the  pages  of  this  history  furnish,  am  I 
able  to  communicate  of  the  worthy  Rowland.  More,  but 
for  the  fatal  winds,  or  more  fatal  flames  of  Courtstreet  might 
have  been  told.  He  was  a  son  of  the  venerable  John  How- 
land  of  Carver's  family,  (whose  name  is  the  13th  to  that 
memorable  instrument,  or  first  foundation  of  government  in 
Newengland,  which  may  be  seen  in  Appendix,  HI,  with  the 
other  signers.)  As  I  am  informed  by  my  worthy  friend,  Mr. 
Isaac  Howland  of  Westport,  who  is  also  a  descendant. 

f  This  gentleman  was  with  Mr.  Church  in  his  first  and 
second  expeditions  to  the.  eastward,  as  will  be  seen  in  those 
expeditions.  I  learn  nothing  more  of  him. 

J  A  small  river  in  Rochester.  Several  places  were  known 
by  this  name.  Our  Plymouth  fathers  proposed  to  go  to  a 
place  about  twenty  leagues  to  the  northward,  known  to  them 
by  the  name  of  Agawam,  (now  Ipswich.)  Morton,  20. 

§  (Rochester.) 

|1  Buzzard's  bay. 

8* 


90  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

dians,  of  all  ages  and  sexes ;  some  on  horseback 
running  races;  some  at  football;  some  catching  eels 
and  flat  fish  in  the  water ;  some  clamming,  &c. ; 
but,  which  way,  with  safety,  to  find  out  what  Indians 
they  were,  they  were  at  a  loss. 

But  at  length,  retiring  into  a  thicket,  Mr.  Church 
hallooed  to  them.  They  soon  answered  him,  and  a 
couple  of  smart  young  fellows,  well  mounted,  came 
upon  a  full  career  to  see  whom  it  might  be  that  call 
ed,  and  came  just  upon  Mr.  Church  before  they  dis 
covered  him.  But  when  they  perceived  themselves 
so  near  Englishmen,  and  armed,  were  much  surpris 
ed;  and  tacked  short  about  to  run  as  fast  back  as 
they  came  forward,  until  one  of  the  men  in  the  bushes 
called  to  them,  and  told  them  his  name  was  Church, 
and  [they]  need  not  fear  his  hurting  of  them.  Upon 
which  after  a  small  pause,  they  turned  about  their 
norses,  and  came  up  to  him.  One  of  them  that 
could  speak  English,  Mr.  Church  took  aside  and  ex 
amined  ;  who  informed  him,  that  the  Indians  below 
were  Awashonks  and  her  company,  and  that  Jack 
Havens  was  among  them ;  whom  Mr.  Church  imme 
diately  sent  for  to  come  to  him,  and  ordered  the  mes 
senger  to  inform  Awashonks  that  he  was  come  to 
meet  her.  Jack  Havens  soon  came,  and  by  that 
time  Mr.  Church  had  asked  him  a  few  questions,  and 
had  been  satisfied  by  him,  that  it  was  Awashonks 
and  her  company  that  were  below,  and  that  Jack  had 
been  kindly  treated  by  them,  a  company  of  Indians 
all  mounted  on  horseback,  and  well  armed,  came 
riding  up  to  Mr.  Church,  but  treated  him  with  all 
due  respects.  He  then  ordered  Jack  to  go  [and] 
tell  Awashonks,  that  he  designed  to  sup  with  her  in 
the  evening,  and  to  lodg^e  in  her  camp  that  night. 
Then  taking  some  of  the  Indians  with  him,  he  wrent 
back  to  the  river  to  take  care  of  Mr.  Howland. 

Mr.  Church  having  a  mind  to  try  what  mettle  he 
was  made  of,  imparted  his  notion  to  the  Indians  that 
were  with  him,  and  gave  them  directions  how  to  act 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  91 

their  parts.  When  he  came  pretty  near  the  place, 
he  and  his  Englishmen  pretendedly  fled,  firing  on 
their  retreat  towards  the  Indians  that  pursued  them, 
and  they  firing  as  fast  after  them.  Mr.  Rowland 
being  upon  his  guard,  hearing  the  guns,  and  by  and 
by  seeing  the  motion  both  of  the  English  and  In 
dians,  concluded  [that]  his  friends  were  distressed, 
and  was  soon  on  the  full  career  on  horseback  to  meet 
them ;  [when]1  he  [perceived]2  their  laughing,  [and] 
mistrusted  the  truth. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Church  had  given  him  the  news, 
they  hastened  away  to  Awashonks.  Upon  their  ar 
rival,  they  were  immediately  conducted  to  a  shelter 
open  on  one  side  whither  Awashonks  and  her  chiefs 
soon  came,  and  paid  their  respects ;  and  the  multi 
tudes  gave  shouts  as  made  the  heavens  to  ring. 

It  being  now  about  sunsetting,  or  near  the  dusk 
of  the  evening,  the  Netops*  came  running  from  all 
quarters  loaclen  with  the  tops  of  dry  pines,  and  the 
like  combustible  matter,  making  a  huge  pile  there 
of,  near  Mr.  Church's  shelter,  on  the  open  side 
thereof.  But  by  this  time  supper  was  brought  in 
in  three  dislies ;  viz.,  a  curious  young  bass  in  one 
dish  ;  eels  and  flat  fish  in  a  second ;  and  shell  fish 
in  a  third.  But  neither  bread  nor  salt  to  be  seen  at 
table.  But  by  that  time  supper  was  over,  the  mighty 
pile  of  pine  knots  and  tops,  &c.,  was  fired ;  and  all 
the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  rin^ 
round  it,  Awashonks,  with  the  oldest  of  her  people, 
men  and  women  mixed,  kneeling  down,  made  the 
first  ring  next  the  fire ;  and  all  the  lusty  stout  men, 
1  [until]  2  [perceiving] 

*  This  name  is  used  by  our  author,  I  suspect,  in  the  same 
sense  as  other  writers  use  that  of  sannop.  See  Winthrop's 
Journal,  sub  anno  1630,  and  Hubbard,  Nar.  SO,  where  it  ap 
pears  to  be  an  Indian  word  employed  by  the  sachems  as  a 
common  nair*e  for  their  men.  The  latter  author  spelt  it 
sannap.  Nipnet  was  a  general  name  for  all  inland  Indians 
between  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  river.  Ibid.  15. 


92  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

standing  up,  made  the  next,  and  then  all  the  rabble 
in  a  confused  crew,  surrounded,  on  the  outside. 

Then  the  chief  Captain  stepped  in  between  the 
rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  spear  in  one  hand,  and  a 
hatchet  in  the  other  ;  danced  round  the  fire,  and  be 
gan  to  fight  with  it;  making  mention  of  all  the  seve 
ral  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  coun 
try,  that  were  enemies  to  the  English.  And  at 
naming  of  every  particular  tribe  of  Indians,  he  would 
draw  out  and  fight  a  new  firebrand ;  and  at  finishing 
his  fight  with  each  particular  firebrand,  would  bow 
to  him,  and  thank  him ;  and  when  he  had  named  all 
the  several  nations  and  tribes,  and  fought  them  all, 
he  stuck  down  his  spear  and  hatchet,  and  came  out, 
and  another  Slept  in,  and  acted  over  the  same  dance, 
with  more  fury,  if  possible,  than  the  first ;  and  when 
about  half  a  dozen  of  their  chiefs  had  thus  acted  their 
parts,  the  Captain  of  the  guard  stept  up  to  Mr. 
Church,  and  told  him,  [that]  they  were  making  sol 
diers  for  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing  was  all 
one  [as]  swearing  of  them.  And  having  in  that 
manner  engaged  all  the  stout  lusty  men,  Awashonks 
and  her  chiefs  came  to  Mr.  Church,  and  told  him, 
that  now  they  were  all  engaged  to  fight  for  the  Eng 
lish,  and  [that]  he  might  call  forth  all,  or  any  of 
them,  at  any  time,  as  he  saw  occasion,  to  fight  the 
enemy.  And  [then]  presented  him  with  a  very  fine 
firelock. 

Mr.  Church  accepts  their  offer,  drew  out  a  num 
ber  of  them,  and  set  out  next  morning  before  day 
for  Plymouth,  where  they  arrived  the  same  day. 

The  Governour  being  informed  of  it,  came  early 
to  town*  next  morning  ;f  and  by  that  time,  he  had 
Englishmen  enough  to  make  a  good  company,  when 
joined  with  Mr.  Church's  Indians,  that  offered  their 

*  The  Governour  resided  at  Marshfield  a  few  miles  north 
of  Plymouth, 
t  July  23. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  93 

voluntary  service,  to  go  under  his  command  in  quest 
of  the  enemy.  The  Governour  then  gave  him  a 
commission  which  is  as  follows. 

"  Captain  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  you  are  hereby  no 
minated,  ordered,  commissioned,  and  empowered  to 
raise  a  company  of  volunteers  of  about  two  hundred 
men,  English  and  Indians ;  the  English  not  exceed 
ing  the  number  of  sixty,  of  which  company,  or  so 
many  of  them  as  you  can  obtain,  or  shall  see  cause  at 
present  to  improve,  you  are  to  take  the  command, 
conduct,  and  to  lead  them  forth  now  and  hereafter, 
at  such  time,  and  unto  such  places  within  this  colony, 
or  elsewhere  within  the  confederate  colonies,  as  you 
shall  think  fit ;  to  discover,  pursue,  fight,  surprise, 
destroy,  or  subdue  our  Indian  enemies,  or  any  part 
or  parties  of  them,  that  by  the  providence  of  God 
you  may  meet  with,  or  them,  or  any  of  them,  by 
treaty  and  composition  to  receive  to  mercy,  if  you  see 
reason,  (provided  they  be  not  murderous  rogues,  or 
such  as  have  been  principal  actors  in  those  villanies.) 
And  forasmuch  as  your  company  may  be  uncertain, 
and  the  persons  often  changed,  you  are  also  here 
by  empowered  with  the  advice  of  your  company,  to 
choose  and  commissionate  a  Lieutenant,  and  to  es 
tablish  Sergeants,  and  Corporals  as  you  see  cause 
And  you  herein  improving  your  best  judgment  and 
discretion,  and  utmost  ability,  faithfully  to  serve  the 
interest  of  God,  his  Majesty's  interest,  and  the  inter 
est  of  the  colony  ;  and  carefully  governing  your  said 
company  at  home  and  abroad.  These  shall  be  unto 
you  full  and  ample  commission,  warrant  and  dis 
charge.  Given  under  the  publick  seal,  this  24th  day 
of  July,  1676. 

Per  JOS.  WINSLOW,  Gavernour." 

Receiving  commission,  he  marched  the  same  night 
into  the  woods,  got  to  Middleborough*  before  day  ; 

*  About  15  miles  from  Plymouth.  The  fruitful  waters  in 
this  town  and  the  plenty  of  game  in  its  woods,  caused  it  to 
be  a  principal  residence  for  Indians.  Mourt  says  (in  Prince, 


94  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

and  as  soon  as  the  light  appeared,  took  into  the 
woods  and  swampy  thickets,  towards  a  place  where 
they  had  some  reason  to  expect  to  meet  with  a  par 
cel  of  Narraganset  Indians,  with  some  others  that 
belonged  to  Mounthope.  Coming  near  to  where 
they  expected  them,  Captain  Church's  Indian  scout 
discovered  the  enemy  ;  and  well  observing  their  fires, 
and  postures,  returned  with  the  intelligence  to  their 
Captain;  who  gave  such  directions  for  the  surround 
ing  of  them,  as  had  the  desired  effect ;  surprising 
them  from  every  side,  so  unexpectedly,  that  they 
were  all  taken,  not  so  much  as  one  escaped.* 

And  upon  a  strict  examination,  they  gave  intelli 
gence  of  another  parcel  of  the  enemy,  at  a  place 
called  Munponset  pond.f  Captain  Church  hastening 
with  his  prisoner*  through  the  woods  to  Plymouth, 

Chron.  191,)  "  thousands  of  men  have  lived  here,  who  died 
of  the  great  plague,  about  3  years  before  our  arrival."  It 
was  subject  to  Massassoit,  and  was  first  visited  by  the  Eng 
lish,  3  July,  1621.  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,  and  Mr.  Stephen 
Hopkins  passed  through  there,  on  their  way  to  visit  Massas 
soit.  They  saw  the  bones  of  many  that  died  of  the  plague, 
where  their  habitations  had  been.  Ibid.  Relicks  of  anti 
quity  are  often  found  to  this  day.  A  gentleman  lately  dig 
ging  to  set  posts  for  a  front  yard,  near  the  town  house,  discov 
ered  an  Indian  sepulchre.  It  contained  a  great  quantity  of 
beads  of  different  kinds,  with  many  other  curiosities.  A 
remnant  of  a  tribe  of  Indians  now  lives  on  the  northeast  side 
of  the  great  Assawomset.  They  have  mixed  with  the  blacks, 
and  none  remain  of  clear  blood.  The  last  thai  remained  un 
mixed,  was  a  man  who  died  a  few  years  since,  at  the  age, 
it  was  supposed,  of  100  years.  He  went  by  the  name  of  Cy- 
mon.  What  is  known  of  the  troubles  of  the  inhabitants  in 
this  war  is  found  scattered  through  Mr.  Hubbard's  Narra 
tive,  in  Bachus' Hist.  Middieborough,  and  note  1,  for  page 
51,  of  this  work. 

*  We  have  to  rrgret  that  our  author  does  not  tell  us  the 
number  which  he  took,  and  the  place  where  he  took  them. 
But  his  indefinite  mode  of  writing,  may,  in  part,  be  account 
ed  for,  by  the  consideration,  that  it  is  given  after  nearly  forty 
years,  mostly  from  recollection  ;  especially  this  part  of  the 
history. 

f  A  small  pond  in  the  north  part  of  the  present  town  of 
Halifax. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  95 

disposed  of  them  all,  excepting,  only  one,  Jeffrey, 
\vho  proving  very  ingenuous  and  faithful  to  him,  in 
informing  where  other  parcels  of  Indians  harboured, 
Captain  Church  promised  him,  that  if  he  continued 
to  be  faithful  to  him,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of 
the  country,  but  should  be  his  waiting  man,  to  take 
care  of  his  horse,  &c. ;  and  accordingly  he  served 
him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived. 

But  Captain  Church  was  forthwith  sent  out  again, 
and  the  terms  for  his  encouragement  being  conclud 
ed  on,  viz.,  that  the  country  should  find  them  am 
munition  and  provision,  and  have  half  the  prisoners 
and  arms  [that]  they  took :  The  Captain  and  his 
English  soldiers  to  have  the  other  half  of  the  prison 
ers  and  arms ;  and  the  Indian  soldiers  the  loose 
plunder.  Poor  encouragement !  But  after  some  time 
it  was  mended. 

They  soon  captivated  the  Munponsets,*  and 
brought  them  in,  not  one  escaping. 

This  stroke  he  held  several  weeks,  never  returning 
empty  handed.  When  he  wanted  intelligence  of 
their  kenneling  places,  he  would  march  to  some 
place,  likely  to  meet  with  some  travellers  or  ramblers, 
and  scattering  his  company,  would  lie  close ;  and 
seldom  lay  above  a  day  or  two,  at  most,  before  some 
of  them  would  fall  into  their  hands ;  whom  he  would 
compel  to  inform  where  their  company  were.  And 
so  by  his  method  of  secret  and  sudden  surprises, 
took  great  numbers  of  them  prisoners. 

The  government  observing  his  extraordinary 
courage  and  conduct,  and  the  success  from  heavenf 

*  A  small  tribe  of  Indians  that  resided  near  Munponset 
pond. 

t  Whether  Hea-,en  had  any  thing  to  do  with  making 
slaves  of  the  Indians  after  they  were  made  prisoners,  may  be 
doubled  by  scepticks,  on  the  same  principles  that  every  feel 
ing  man  now  doubts  of  the  justness  of  our  southern  breth 
ren  to  make  slaves  of  N  ^groes.  But  to  the  commendation  of 
our  hero  be  it  spoken,  that  his  voice  was  always  against  en- 


96  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

added  to  it,  saw  cause  to  enlarge  his  commission ; 
gave  him  power  to  raise  and  dismiss  his  forces,  as  he 
should  see  occasion ;  to  commissionate  officers  un 
der  him,  and  to  march  as  far  as  he  should  see  cause, 
within  the  limits  of  the  three  united  colonies ;  to  re 
ceive  to  mercy,  give  quarter,  or  not ;  excepting  some 
particular  and  noted  murderers,  viz.,  Philip,  and  all 
that  were  at  the  destroying  of  Mr.  Clark's  garrison, 
and  some  few  others. 

Major  Bradford  being  now  at  Taunton  with  his 
army,  and  Wanting  provisions,  some  carts  were  or 
dered  from  Plymouth  for  their  supply,  and  Captain 
Church  to  guard  them.  But  he  obtaining  other 
guards  for  the  carts,  as  far  as  Middleborough,  ran 
before  with  a  small  company,  hoping  to  meet  with 
some  of  the  enemy  ;  appointing  the  carts  and  their 
guards  to  meet  with  them  at  Nemascut,*  about  an 
hour  after  sun's  rising,  next  morning. 

He  arrived  there  about  the  breaking  of  the  day 
light,  and  discovered  a  company  of  the. enemy;  but 
his  time  was  too  short  to  wait  for  gaining  advantage, 
and  therefore  ran  right  in  upon  them,  surprised  and 
captivated  about  sixteen  of  them,  who  upon  exami 
nation,  informed  that  Tispaquinf  a  very  famous  Cap- 
slaving  mankind.  What  greater  proof  can  we  have  of  his 
humanity,  considering  the  age  in  which  he  lived?  Seepage 
52,  and  note  1. 

*  (Near  Raynham.) 

That  part  of  Middleborough  along  the  river  of  that  name. 
This  name,  like  many  others  was  written  differently  by  the 
early  contemporary  writers.  It  is  generally  spelt  Namasket ; 
but  more  properly  Nemasket;  Holmes,  I,  211,  from  1  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  Ill,  148,  says,  it  was  that  part  of  Middleborough, 
which  the  English  first  planted.  Hutchinson,  I,  262,  says, 
that  Philip  sometimes  resided  here.  See  note  1,  on  page  93. 
Savage,  in  Winthrop,  I,  55,  says,  "  This  name  belonged  to 
part  of  the  tract  now  included  in  Middleborough  ;  but  the 
lines  of  Indian  geography  were  probably  not  very  precise,  or 
are  forgotten." 

t  He  was  at  the  destroying  of  Mr.  Clark's  house  at  Ply 
mouth.  After  his  wife  and  child  were  taken  by  Captain 
Church,  he  came  and  delivered  himself  up  at  Plymouth,  as  a 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  97 

tain  among  the  enemy  was  at  Assawompset*  with  a 
numerous  company. 

But  the  carts  must  now  be  guarded,  and  the  op 
portunity  of  visiting  Tispaquin  must  now  be  laid 
aside ;  the  carts  are  to  be  faithfully  guarded,  lest 
Tispaquin  should  attack  them. 

Coming  towards  Taunton,  Captain  Church  taking 
two  men  with  him,  made  all  speed  to  the  town.  And 
coming  to  the  river  side,  he  hallooed,  and  inquiring 
of  them  that  carne  to  the  river,  for  Major  Bradford 
or  his  Captains.  He  was  informed  [that]  they  were 
in  the  town,  at  the  tavern.  He  told  them  of  the 
carts  that  were  coming,  that  he  had  the  cumber  of 
guarding  them,  which  had  already  prevented  his  im 
proving  opportunities  of  doing  service ;  prayed, 
therefore,  that  a  guard  might  be  sent  over  to  receive 
the  carts,  that  he  might  be  at  liberty — refusing  all 
invitations  and  persuasions  to  go  over  to  the  tavern 
to  visit  the  Major.  He  at  length  obtained  a  guard 
to  receive  the  carts,  by  whom  also  he  sent  his  prison 
ers  to  be  conveyed  with  the  carts,  to  Plymouth ;  di 
recting  them  not  to  return  by  the  way  they  came, 
but  by  Bridgewater. 

prisoner  of  war  ;  but  was  afterward  barbarously  murdered^ 
the  government  for  his  confidence  in  them,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  progress  of  this  history.  ,• 

To  do  justice  in  some  degree,  to  the  memory  of  the  nu 
merous  race  of  human  beings,  who  have  left  this  delightful 
country  to  us,  a  biographical  work  should  be  written,  contain 
ing  as  much  of  the  lives  and  actions  as  can  now  be  found,  of 
such  of  those  natives,  whose  names  have  come  down  to  us. 
The  author  of  the-.e  notes  has  taken  some  steps  toward  that 
end,  which  would  be  freely  contributed  to  assist  an  able  hand 
in  the  undertaking.  Should  no  other  attempt  it,  some  years 
to  come  may  produce  it  from  his  pen. 

*  (In  Middleborough.) 

This  word  again  occurs  in  the  course  of  a  few  paragraphs 
and  is  th^re  spelt  right.  It  must  have  been  inattention  that 
caused  the  difference  in  its  orthography,  as  well  as  in  many 
others.  The  country  around  the  ponds  bore  the  name  of 
Assawomset.  See  note  4,  on  page  27.  In  modern  writers  we 
see  it  sometimes  spelt  as  above. 
9 


98  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

Hastening  back,  he  proposed  to  camp  that  night 
at  Assawomset  neck.*  But  as  soon  as  they  came 
to  the  river  that  runs  into  the  great  pond,f  through 
the  thick  swamp  at  the  entering  of  the  neck,  the 
enemy  fired  upon  them,  but  hurt  not  a  man.  Cap 
tain  Church's  Indians  ran  right  into  the  swamp,  and 
fired  upon  them,  but  it  being  in  the  dusk  of  the  eve 
ning,  the  enemy  made  their  escape  in  the  thickets. 

The  Captain  then  moving  about  a  mile  into  the 
neck,  took  the  advantage  of  a  small  valley  to  feed 
his  horses.  Some  held  the  horses  by  the  bridles,  the 
rest  on  the  ground,  looked  sharp  out  for  the  enemy, 
[who  were]  within  hearing  on  every  side,  and  some 
very  near.  But  in  the  dead  of  the  night  the  enemy 
being  out  of  hearing,  or  still,  Captain  Church  moved 
out  of  the  neck  (not  the  same  way  he  came  in,  lest 
he  should  be  ambuscaded)  towards  Cuslmet,J  where 
all  the  houses  were  burnt.  And  crossing  Cushnet 
river,§  being  extremely  fatigued  with  two  nights' 
and  one  day's  ramble  without  rest  or  sleep.  And  ob 
serving  good  forage  for  their  horses,  the  Captain 
concluded  upon  baiting,  and  taking  a  nap.  Setting 
six  men  to  watch  the  passage  of  the  river;  two  to 

*  A  short  distance  below  or  to  the  south  of  Sampson's  Tav 
ern.  The  "  thick  swamp,"  next  mentioned,  remains  to  this 
time. 

t  The  Assawomset. 

|  (In  Dartmouth.) 

Newbedford  has  been  since  taken  from  Dartmouth.  The 
part  where  Newbedford  now  is  was  meant. 

§  The  river  on  which  Newbedford  stands  is  called  Cush 
net.  Dr.  Douglass  wrote  this  word  Accushnot.  Summary, 
I,  403.  And  I  think,  that  if  we  write  Aponaganset,  we 
should  also  write  Accushnot,  or  rather  Acushnet.  But  he 
wrote  Polyganset.  Ibid.  See  note  2,  on  page  51,  of  this 
history.  The  most  ancient  way  of  writing  those  names,  in 
general,  is  to  be  preferred  ;  for  it  is  the  most  direct  road  to 
uniformity,  and  consistency.  Two  very  desirable  and  agre<v 
able  attendants  to  be  met  with  in.language  ;  yet,  the  writer 
of  these  notes  is  very  sensible  of  his  failures  in  these  as  wfcll 
as  other  respects. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  99 

watch  at  a  time,  while  the  others  slept,  and  so  to 
take  their  turns,  while  the  rest  of  the  company  went 
into  a  thicket  to  sleep  under  a  guard  of  two  senti 
nels  more.  But  the  whole  company  being  very 
drowsy,  soon  forgot  their  danger,  and  were  fast 
asleep,  sentinels  and  all.  The  Captain  first  awakes, 
looks  up,  and  judges  he  had  slept  four  hours  ;  which 
being  longer  than  he  designed,  immediately  rouses 
his  company,  and  sends  away  a  file  to  see  what  was 
become  of  the  watch,  at  the  passage  of  the  river ; 
but  they  no  sooner  opened  the  river  in  sight,  but 
they  discovered  a  company  of  the  enemy  viewing  of 
their  tracks,  where  they  came  into  the  neck.  Cap 
tain  Church,  and  those  with  him,  soon  dispersed 
into  the  brush,  on  each  side  of  the  way,  while  the  file 
sent,  got  undiscovered  to  the  passage  of  the  river, 
and  found  their  watch  all  fast  asleep.  But  these 
tidings  thoroughly  awakened  the  whole  company. 
-  But  the  enemy  giving  them  no  present  disturbance, 
they  examined  their  [knapsacks,]1  and  taking  a 
little  refreshment,  the  Captain  ordered  one  party  to 
guard  the  horses,  and  the  other  to  scout,  who  soon 
met  with  a  track,  and  following  of  it,  they  were 
brought  to  a  small  company  of  Indians,  who  proved 
to  be  Littleeyes,*  and  family,  and  near  relations, 
who  were  of  Sogkonate,  but  had  forsaken  their 
countrymen,  upon  their  making  peace  with  the  Eng 
lish.  Some  of  Captain  Church's  Indians  asked  him, 
if  he  did  not  know  this  fellow  *?  [and]  told  him, 
"  This  is  the  rogue  that  would  have  killed  you  at 
Awashonks'  dance."  And  signified  to  him,  that. now 
he  had  an  opportunity  to  be  revenged  on  him.  But 
the  Captain  told  them,  [that]  it  was  not  English 
men's  fashion  to  seek  revenge  ;  and  that  he  should 
have  the  quarter  the  rest  had. 

Moving  to  the  river  side,  they  found  an  old  canoe, 
i  [snapsacks] 

«  See  page  25. 


10Q  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

with  which  the  Captain  ordered  Littleeyes  and  his 
company  to  be  carried  over  to  an  island,*  telling 
him,  [that]  he  would  leave  him  on  that  island  until 
he  returned.  And  lest  the  English  should  light  on 
them,  and  kill  them,  he  would  leave  his  cousin  Light- 
footf  (whom  the  English  knew  to  be  their  friend)  to 
be  his  guard.  Littleeyes  expressed  himself  very 
thankful  to  the  Captain. 

He  leaving  his  orders  with  Lightfoot,  returns  to 
the  river  side,  towards  Ponaganset,  to  Russel's  orch 
ard.  J  [On]  coming  near  the  orchard  they  clapped 
into  a  thicket,  and  there  lodged  the  rest  of  the  night 
without  any  fire.  And  upon  the  morning  light's  ap 
pearing,  moved  towards  the  orchard,  [and]  discover 
ed  some  of  the  enemy,  who  had  been  there  the  day 
before,  and  had  beat  down  all  the"  apples,  and  carri 
ed  them  away;  discovered  also  where  they  had 
lodged  that  night,  and  saw  the  ground,  where  they 
set  their  baskets,  [was]  bloody ;  being,  as  they  sup 
posed,  and  as  it  was  afterwards  discovered,  [ — ]* 
with  the  flesh  of  swine,  &c.,  which  they  had  killed 
that  day.  They  had  lain  under  the  fences  without 
any  fires,  and  seemed  by  the  marks  [which]  they  left 
behind  them,  'to  be  very  numerous;  perceived  also 
by  the  dew  on  the  grass,  that  they  had  not  been 
long  gone,  and  therefore,  moved  apace  in  pursuit  of 
them. 

Travelling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the 
country  road  where  the  tracks  parted.  One  parcel 
i  [to  be] 

*  What,  I  suspect,  is  now  called  Palmer's  island.  There 
are  others  further  out,  which  from  their  distance,  it  is  thought 
unlikely  that  they  went  down  so  far. 

t  Cousin  to  Littleeyes.  He  was  a  valuable  and  faithful 
servant  to  Church,  and  is  notorious  for  his  exploits  in  the 
eastern  wars. 

J  This  orchard  stood  just  in  rear  of  the  old  garrison  before 
mentioned.  See  note  2,  on  page  50.  The  remains  of  which 
were  to  be  seen  within  the  age  of  some  recently  living. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  101 

steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the  great  cedar 
swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  The  Captain 
halted,  and  told  his  Indian  soldiers,  that  they  had 
heard,  as  well  as  he,  what  some  men  had  said  at 
Plymouth,  about  them,  &c. ;  that  now  was  a  good 
opportunity  for  each  party  to  prove  themselves. 
The  track  being  divided,  they  should  follow  one  and 
the  English  the  other,  being  equal  in  number.  The 
Indians  declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to 
move  any  where  without  him ;  said,  [that]  they 
should  not  think  themselves  safe  without  him.  But 
the  Captain  insisting  upon  it,  they  submitted.  He 
gave  the  Indians  their  choice,  to  follow  which  track 
they  pleased.  They  replied,  that  they  were  light 
and  able  to  travel,  therefore,  if  he  pleased,  they 
would  take  the  west  track.  And  appointing  the 
ruins  of  John  Cook's  house  at  Cushnet,  for  the  place 
to  meet  at,  each  company  set  out  briskly  to  try  their 
fortunes. 

Captain  Church,  with  his  English  soldiers,  follow 
ed  their  track  until  they  came  near  entering  a  miry 
swamp,  when  the  Captain  heard  a  whistle  in  the 
rear ;  (which  was  a  note  for  a  halt)  looking  behind 
him,  he  saw  William  Fobes*  start  out  of  the  com 
pany,  and  made  towards  him,  who  hastened  to  meet 
him  as  fast  as  he  could.  Fobes  told  him  [that]  they 
had  discovered  abundance  of  Indians,  and  if  he 
pleased  to  go  a  few  steps  back,  he  might  see  them 
himself.  He  did  so,  and  saw  them  across  the  swamp; 
observing  them,  he  perceived  [that]  they  were  gath 
ering  whortleberries,  and  they  had  no  apprehensions 
of  their  being  so  near  them.  The  Captain  supposed 
them  to  be  chiefly  women,  and  therefore  calling  one 
Mr.  Dillano,  who  was  acquainted  with  the  ground, 
and  the  Indian  language,  and  another  named  Mr. 

*  Perhaps  Forbes  would  have  been  the  proper  way  of  spel 
ling  this  name.  He  went  commissary  with  Church  in  bis 
third  eastern  expedition. 


102  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Barns.*  With  these  two  men, he  takes  right  through 
the  swamp,  as  fast  as  he  could,  and  orders  the  rest 
to  hasten  after  them. 

Captain  Church  with  Dillano  and  Barns,  having 
good  horses,  spurred  on  and  were  soon  amongst  the 
thickest  of  the  Indians,  and  out  of  sight  of  their  own 
men.  Among  the  enemy  was  an  Indian  woman, 
who  with  her  husband  had  been  driven  off  from 
Rhodeisland,  notwithstanding  they  had  a  house  upon 
Mr.  Sanford's  land,  and  had  planted  an  orchard 
before  the  war ;  yet  the  inhabitants  would  not  be 
satisfied,  till  they  were  sent  off.  Captain  Church 
with  his  family,  living  then  at  the  said  Sanford's, 
came  acquainted  with  them,  who  thought  it  very 
hard  to  turn  off  such  old  quiet  people.  But  in  the 
end  it  proved  a  providence,  and  an  advantage  to  him 
and  his  family,  as  you  may  see  afterwards. 

This  Indian  woman  knew  Captain  Church,  and  as 
soon  as  she  knew  him,  held  up  both  her  hands,  and 
came  running  towards  them,  crying  aloud,  "  Church  ! 
Church  !  Church !"  Captain  Church  bid  her  stop  the 
rest  of  the  Indians,  and  tell  them,  [that]  the  way 
to  save  their  lives,  was,  not  to  run,  but  yield  them 
selves  prisoners,  and  he  would  not  kill  them."  So 
with  her  help,  and  Dillano's,  who  could  call  to  them 
in  their  own  language,  many  of  them  stopped  and 
surrendered  themselves,  others  scampering  and  cast 
ing  away  their  baskets,  &c.,  betook  themselves  to 
the  thickets  ;  but  Captain  Church  being  on  horse 
back,  soon  came  up  with  them,  and  laid  hold  of  a 
gun  that  was  in  the  hand  of  one  of  the  foremost  of 
the  company,  pulled  it  from  him,  and  told  him  he 
must  go  back.  And  when  he  had  turned  them,  he 
began  to  look  about  him  to  see  where  he  was,  and 
what  was  become  of  his  company;  hoping  they 
i  [and] 

*  Of  this  person  as  well  as  Dillano  and  Fobes,  after  consid 
erable  pains  and  search,  I  can  tell  nothing.  The  names  are 
common  in  the  old  colonv. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  103 

might  be  all  as  well  employed  as  himself.  But  he 
could  find  none  but  Dillano,  who  was  very  busy 
gathering  up  prisoners.  The  Captain  drove  his  that 
he  had  stopped,  to  the  rest ;  inquiring  of  Dillano 
for  their  company,  but  could  have  no  news  of  them  ; 
[and]1  moving  back,picked  up  now  and  then  a  sculk- 
mg  prisoner  by  the  way. 

When  they  came  near  the  place  where  they  first 
started  the  Indians,  they  discovered  their  company 
standing  in  a  body  together,  and  had  taken  some  few 
prisoners ;  when  they  saw  their  Captain,  they  hasten 
ed  to  meet  him.  They  told  him  [that]  they  found 
it  difficult  getting  through  the  swamp,  and  neither 
seeing  nor  hearing  any  thing  of  him,  they  concluded 
[that]  the  enemy  had  killed  him,  and  were  at  a  grent 
loss  what  to  do. 

Having  brought  their  prisoners  together,  they 
found  [that]  they  had  taken  and  killed  sixty-six  of 
the  enemy.  Captain  Church  then  asked  the  old 
squaw,  what  company  they  belonged  unto  7  She  said, 
[that]  they  belonged  part  to  Philip,  and  part  to  Q,un- 
nappin*  and  the  Narraganset  sachem  ;f  discovered 
i  [but] 

*An  old  Queen  among  the  Narragansets,  says  Hutch.  I,  263. 
Trum.  I,  347,  says  that  Magnus  an  old  Narraganset  Queen 
was  killed  3  July.  It  is  possible  that  both  names  meant  the 
same  person.  She  signed  the  treaty  in  June,  of  which  men 
tion  has  been  made.  In  Hutchinson,  the  name  is  spelt 
Quaiapen,  and  in  Hubbard,  Quenoquin,  and  by  a  writer  in 
N.  H.  Hist.  Col.  Ill,  108,  Quannopin.  But  these  names 
•jnay  not  all  mean  the  same  person,  as  the  author  last  cited, 
says,  that  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  wife  of  the  minister  of  Lancas 
ter,  when  taken  was  sold  to  Quannopin  whose  wife  was  a 
sister  to  Philip's  wife.  The  same  writer  observes,  on  page 
141,  that  one  of  Quannopin's  wives'  names  was  Wittimore. 
She  could  not  be  the  same  that  was  drowned  near  Swanzey, 
for  that  was  before  Mrs.  R.  was  taken.  See  note  2,  on 
page  27. 

t  Who  is  meant  by  this  Narraganset  sachem,  it  is  difficult 
to  determine.  There  were  six  that  subscribed  the  treaty  in 
June.  Canonchet,  who  was  noted  for  his  enmity  to  the  Eng- 


104  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

also  upon  her  declaration,  that  both  Philip  and  Qun- 
napin  were  about  two  miles  off,  in  the  great  cedar 
swamp.  He  inquired  of  her  what  company  they 
had  with  them,  She  answered,  "  Abundance  of  In 
dians."  The  swamp,  she  said,  was  full  of  Indians 
from  one  end  unto  the  other,  that  were  settled  there  ; 
[and]  that  there  were  near  an  hundred  men,  [who] 
«came  from  the  swamp  writh  them,  and  left  them  upon 
that  plain  to  gather  whortleberries,  and  promised  to 
•call  them  as  they  came  back  out  of  Sconticut  neck,* 
whither  they  went  to  kill  cattle  and  horses  for  pro 
visions  for  the  company. 

She  perceiving  Captain  Church  move  towards  the 
neck,  told  him,  [that]  if  they  went  that  way  they 
would  be  killed.  He  asked  her  where  about  they 
crossed  the  river  *?  She  pointed  to  the  upper  passing 
place.  Upon  which  Captain  Church  passed  over  so 
low  down,  as  he  thought  it  not  probable  [that]  they 
should  meet  with  his  track  in  their  return,  and  has- 
lened  towards  the  island,  where  he  left  Littleeyes 
«.vith  Lightfoot.  Finding  a  convenient  place  by  the 
yiver  side  for  securing  his  prisoners,  Captain  Church 
smd  Mr.  Dillano  went  down  to  see  what  was  become 
•of  Captain  Lightfoot,  and  the  prisoners  left  in  his 
•charge. 

Lightfoot  seeing  and  knowing  them,  soon  came 
over  with  his  broken  canoe,  and  informed  them,  that 

Jish,  but  it  could  not  be  he,  because  he  was  ta)cen  by  the 
-Connecticut  volunteers  the  first  week  in  April,  1676,  accord 
ing  to  Hubbard,  158,  and  it  was  now  July  ;  Canonicus,  who 
was  killed  by  the  Mohawks  in  June  ;  Mattatoag,  of  whom 
<u-e  hear  nothing  ;  Ninigret,  who  did  not  join  with  the  rest 
in  the  war  ;  and  Pumham,  who  was  killed  in  the  woods  near 
1)edham,  about  the  last  week  in  July,  as  before  observed, 
and  who  it  is  possible  this  might  be.  He  must  have  been  a 
very  old  man,  as  I  presume  he  is  the  same  who  sold  land  to 
Mr.  Samuel  Gorton  about  1643,  and  became  dissatisfied  and 
complained  of  him  to  the  court,  See  Savage's  Winthrop, 
II,  120. 

*  The  point  of  land  opposite  Newbedford  where  the  village 
of  Fairhaven  now  is, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  IO5 

he  had  seen  that  day  about  one  hundred  men  of  the  - 
enemy  go  down  into  Sconticut  neck,  and  that  they 
were  now  returning  again.  Upon  which  they  three 
ran  down  immediately  to  a  meadow  where  Lightfoot 
said  [that]  the  Indians  had  passed,  where  they  not 
only  saw  their  tracks,  but  also  them.  Whereupon 
they  lay  close,  until  the  enemy  came  into  the  said 
meadow,  and  the  foremost  set  down  his  load,  and 
halted  until  all  the  company  came  up,  and  then  took 
up  their  loads  and  marched  again  the  same  way  that 
they  came  down  into  the  neck,  which  was  the  near 
est  way  unto  their  camp.  Had  they  gone  the  other 
way,  along  the  river,  they  could  not  have  missed 
Captain  Church's  track,  which  would  doubtless  have 
exposed  them  to  the  loss  of  their  prisoners,  if  not  of 
their  lives. 

But  as  soon  as  the  coast  was  clear  of  them,  the 
Captain  sends  his  Lightfoot  to  fetch  his  prisoners 
from  the  island,  while  he  and  Mr.  Dillano  returned 
to  the  company  ;  sent  part  of  them  to  conduct  Light- 
foot  and  his  company  to  the  aforesaid  meadow,  where 
Captain  Church  and  his  company  met  them.  Cross 
ing  the  enemy's  track,  they  made  all  haste  until  they 
got  over  Mattapoiset  river,*  near  about  four  miles 
beyond  the  ruins  of  Cook's  house,  where  he  appoint 
ed  to  meet  his  Indian  company,  whither  he  sent  Dii- 
lano  with  two  more  to  meet  them ;  ordering  them 
that  if  the  Indians  were  not  arrived  to  wait  for  them. 
Accordingly,  finding  no  Indians  there,  they  waited 
until  late  in  the  night,  when  they  arrived  with  their 
booty.  They  despatched  a  post  to  their  Captain,  to 
give  him  an  account  of  their  success,  but  the  day 
broke  before  they  came  to  him.  And  when  they 
had  compared  successes,  they  very  remarkably  found 
that  the  number  that  each  company  had  taken  and 

*  (In  Rochester.) 

Quite  a  small  stream,  to  the  east  of  which  is  the  village  of 
this  name,  though  now  usually  pronounced  Mattapois.  See 
note  2.  on  page  32. 


105  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

slain  was  equal.  The  Indians  had  killed  three  of 
the  enemy,  and  taken  sixty-three  prisoners,  as  the 
English  had  done  before  them. 

Both  the  English  "and  Indians  were  surprised  at 
this  remarkable  providence,  and  were  both  parties 
rejoicing  at  it ;  being  both  before  afraid  of  what 
might  have  been  the  unequal  success  of  the  parties. 
But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to  take  more  arms 
than  the  English. 

They  told  the  Captain,  that  they  had  missed  a 
brave  opportunity  by  parting  ;  [that]  they  came  upon 
a  great  town  of  the  enemy,  viz.,  Captain  Tyasks'* 
company ;  (Tyasks  was  the  next  man  to  Philip)  that 
they  fired  upon  the  enemy  before  they  were  discover 
ed,  and  ran  upon  then*  with  a  shout ;  [and]  the  men 
ran  and  left  ^heir  wives  and  children,  and  many  of 
them  their  guns.  They  took  Tyasks'  wife  and  son, 
and  thought,  that  if  their  Captain  and  the  English 
company  had  been  with  them,  they  might  have  taken 
some  hundreds  of  them;  and  now  they,  determined 
not  to  part  any  more. 

That  night,  Philip  sent  (as  afterwards  they  found 
out)  a  great  army  to  waylay  Captain  Church  at  the 
filtering  on  of  Assawomset  neck,  expecting  [that]  he 
would  have  returned  the  same  way  [that]  he  went  in  ; 
but  that  was  never  his  method  to  return  the  same  way 
that  he  came ;  and  at  this  time  going  another  way, 
he  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies. 
The  next  day  they  went  home  by  Scipican,f  and  got 
well  with  their  prisoners  to  Plymouth. 

*  In  another  place,  Annawon  is  called  the  next  man  to 
Philip,  or  his  chief  Captain.  Hubbard  spelt  his  name 
Tiashq,  and  informs  us  that  he  surrendered  himself  to  the 
English  in  June  ;  but  this  could  not  be  the  case,  as  it  was 
now  near  the  end  of  July,  if  the  Indians  knew  the  company 
to  be  Tyasks'.  Though  nothing  is  said  in  the  text  that  we 
jnight  be  positive  that  Tyasks  was  there,  yet  Hubbard  says 
that  his  "  wife  and  child"  were  taken  first.  Nar.  230. 

t  A  small  river  in  Rochester.  Near  its  rnouth  is  the  little 
pillage  of  Scipican,  4  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Mattapoiset 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  107 

He  soon  went  out  again,  and  this  stroke  he  drove 
many  weeks.  And  when  he  took  any  number  of 
prisoners,  he  would  pick  out  some  that  he  took  a 
fancy  to,  and  would  tell  them,  [that]  he  took  a  par 
ticular  fancy  to  them,  and  had  chosen  them  for  him 
self  to  make  soldiers  of;  and  if  any  would  behave 
themselves  well,  he  would  do  well  by  them,  and  they 
should  be  his  men,  and  not  sold  out  of  the  country. 
If  he  pereeived  [that]  they  looked  surly,  and  his  In 
dian  soldiers  called  tlrem  treacherous  dogs,  as  some 
of  them  would  sometimes  do,  all  the  notice  he  would 
take  of  it,  would  only  be  to  clap  them  on  the  back, 
and  tell  them,  "  Come,  come,  you  look  wild  and  surly, 
and  mutter,  but  that  signifies  nothing  ;  these  my  best 
soldiers,  were,  a  little  while  ago,  as  wild  and  surly 
as  you  are  now ;  by  that  time  you  have  been  but  one 
day  along  with  me,  you  will  love  me  too,  and  be  as 
brisk  as  any  of  them."  And  it  proved  so;  for  there 
was  none  of  them,  but  (after  they  had  been  a  little 
while  with  him,  and  seen  his  behaviour,  and  how 
cheerful  and  successful  his  men  were)  would  be  as 
ready  to  pilot  him  to  any  place  where  the  Indians 
dwelt  or  haunted,  (though  their  own  fathers,  or  near 
est  relations  should  be  among  them)  or  to  fight  for 
him,  as  any  of  his  own  men. 

Captain  Church  was,  in  two  particulars,  much  ad 
vantaged  by  the  great  English  army*  that  was  now 

*  I  cannot  learn  as  this  "  great  army3'  was  in  much  active 
service  about  this  time.  But  the  Connecticut  soldiers  were 
very  active.  A  party  under  Capt.  Denison  took  prisoner 
Ganonchet,  or  Nanunttenoo,  as  he  was  last  called,  "the 
chief  sachem  of  all  the  Narragansets,"  who  had  comedown 
from  the  Nipmuck  country  to  get  seed  corn  to  plant  the  de 
serted  settlements  on  Connecticut  river.  Canonchet  was 
near  Pautucket  river  with  a  company  of  his  men,  and  while 
secure  in  his  tent,  and  was  relating  over  his  exploits  against 
the  English,  Denison  came  upon  him.  He  fled  with  ajl 
haste,  but  as  he  was  crossing  the  river,  a  misstep  brought 
his  gun  under  water,  and  retarded  his  progress.  One  Mo- 
nopoide,  a  Pequot,  being  swift  of  foot,  first  came  up  with 
him.  He  made  no  resistance,  though  he  was  a  man  of  great 


108  PHILIP'S   WAR. 

abroad.  One  was,  that  they  drove  the  enemy  down 
to  that  part  of  the  country,  viz.,  to  the  eastward  of 
Taunton  river,  by  which  his  business  was  nearer 
home.  The  other  was,  that  when  he  fell  on  with  a 
push  upon  any  body  of  the  enemy,  (were  they  never 
so  many)  they  fled,  expecting  the  great  army.  And 
his  manner  of  marching  through  the  woods  was 
such,  [that]1  if  he  were  discovered,  they  appeared 
to  be  more  than  they  were  ;  for  he  always  marched 
at  a  wide  distance  one  from  another,  partly  for  their 
safety  :  And  this  was  an  Indian  custom  to  march 
thin  and  scattered. 

Captain  Church  inquired  of  some  of  the  Indians 
that  were  become  his  soldiers,  how  they  got  such 
advantage,  often,  of  the  English  in  their  marches 
through  the  woods?  They  told  him,  that  the  In- 
-1  [as] 

strength.  A  young  Englishman  next  came  up,  and  asked 
him  some  questions,  but  he  would  make  no  answer.  At 
length,  casting  a  look  of  neglect  on  his  youthful  face,  said,  in 
broken  English,  "  You  too  much  child  ;  no  understand  mat 
ters  of  war — Let  your  Captain  come  ;  him  I  will  answer.' 
He  would  riot  accept  of  his  life  when  offered  him  ;  and  when 
told  that  he  was  to  die,  said,  "  He  liked  it  well ;  that  he 
should  die  before  his  heart  was  soft,  or  he  had  spoken  any 
thing  unworthy  of  himself."  He  was  afterward  shot  at  Sto- 
nington.  And  by  autumn,  this  with  other  volunteer  com 
panies  killed  and  took  230  of  the  enemy,  and  50  muskets ; 
these  exploits  were  continued  until  the  Narragansets  were 
all  driven  out  of  the  country,  except  Ninigret.  Trumlmll, 
I,  343  to  845.  The  regular  soldiers  under  Major  Talcot 
marched  into  the  Nipmuck's  country, where  atone  time  they 
killed  and  took  52  of  the  enemy.  This  was  in  the  beginning 
of  June.  On  12  June  they  came  upon  about  700  In 
dians,  who  were  furiously  besieging  Hadley,  whom  they  im 
mediately  dispersed.  On  their  return  to  the  Narragan^et 
country  they  came  upon  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  near  a 
large  cedar  swamp,  who  mostly  fled  into  it.  But  being  sur 
rounded,  171  were  killed  and  taken.  Among  them  was 
Magnus,  the  old  Queen  of  Narraganset.  Near  Providence 
they  made  prisoners,  arid  killed  67  ;  and  soon  after  60  more 
on  their  return  to  Connecticut.  Holmes,  I,  431  to  433.  See 
note  1,  on  page  103. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  109 

dians  gained  great  advantage  of  the  English  by  two 
things ;  [they]1  always  took  care  in  their  marches 
and  fights,  not  to  come  too  thick  together;  but  the 
English  always  kept  in  a  heap  together ;  [so]  that  it 
was  as  easy  to  hit  them,  as  to  hit  a  house.  The  other 
was,  that  if  at  any  time  they  discovered  a  company 
of  English  soldiers  in  the  woods,  they  knew  that 
there  were  all,  for  the  English  never  scattered,  but 
the  Indians  always  divided  and  scattered. 

Captain  Church  [being]  now  at  Plymouth,  some 
thing  or  other  happened  that  kept  him  at  home  a, 
few  days,  until  a  post  came  to  Marshfield  on  the 
Lord's*  day  morning,  informing  the  Governour,  that 
a  great  army  of  Indians  were  discovered,  who  it  was 
supposed  were  designing  to  get  over  the  river  to 
wards  Taunton  or  Bridgewater,f  to  attack  those 
towns  that  lay  on  that  side  [of]  the  river.  The  Go 
vernour  hastened  to  Plymouth,  raised  what  men  he 
could  by  the  way,  came  to  Plymouth  in  the  begin 
ning  of  the  forenoon  exercise,  sent  for  Captain 
Church  out  of  the  meeting  house,  gave  him  the 
news,  and  desired  him  immediately  to  rally  what  of 
his  company  he  could,  and  what  men  he  had  raised 
should  join  them. 

The  Captain  bestirs  himself,  but  found  no  bread 
in  the  store  house,  and  so  was  forced  to  run  from 
house  to  house  to  get  household  bread  for  their 
march.  But  this  nor  any  thing  else  prevented  his 
marching  by  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon  exercise. 
Marching  with  what  merit  were  ready,  he  took  with 
him  the  post  that  came  from  Bridgewater  to  pilot 
him  to  the  place  where  he  thought  he  might  meet 
with  the  enemy. 

1  [the  Indians] 

*  July  30,  1676. 

1  f  This  word  in  the  text  was  given  uniformly  without  th« 
first  e. 

$  He  had   "  about  30  Englishmen  and  20  reconciled  In 
dians."     Hubbard,  Nar.  223. 
10 


110  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

In  the  evening  they  heard  a  smart  firing  at  a  dis 
tance  from  them,  but  it  being  near  night,  and  tho 
firing  but  of  short  continuance,  they  missed  the 
place,  and  went  into  Bridgewaler  town.  It  seems 
[that]  the  occasion  of  the  firing  was,  that  Philip, 
finding  that  Captain  Church  made  that  side  of  the 
country  toojiot  for  him,  designed  to  return  to  tho 
other  side  of  the  country  that  he  came  last  from. 
And  coming  to  Taunton  river  with  ,his  company, 
they  felled  a  great  tree  across  the  river,  for  a  bridge 
to  pass  over  on.  And  just  as  Philip's  old  uncle, 
Akkompoin,*  and  some  other  of  his  chiefs  were  pass 
ing  over  the  tree,  some  brisk  Bridgewater  lads  had 
ambushed  them,  fired  upon  them,  and  killed  the  old 
man,  and  several  others,  which  put  a  stop  to  their 
coming  over  the  river  that  night.f 

Next  morning,  Captain  Church  moved  very  early 
with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgewater,  that  enlisted  under  him  for  that  expe 
dition  ;  and  by  their  piloting,  soon  came  very  still 
to  the  top  of  the  great  tree,  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  the  river,  and  the  Captain  spied  an  In 
dian  sitting  on  the  stump  of  it  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up,  and  had  doubt 
less  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians 
called  hastily  to  him,  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it 
was  one  of  their  own  men.  Upon  which  the  Indian 
upon  the  stump,  looked  about,  and  Captain  Church's 
Indian  seeing  his  face,  perceived  his  mistake,  for  ho 
knew  him  to  be  Philip ;  clapped  up  his  gun  and 
fired,  but  it  was  too  late ;  for  Philip  immediately 
threw  himself  off  the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river  and  made  his  escape.! 

*  This  might  be  a  brother  of  Massassoit,  but  we  hear  of 
none  but  Quadequinah. 

t  Hubbard  places  the  date  of  this  action  on  the  31  ;  but 
according  to  our  author  it  was  on  Sunday,  and  Sunday  was 
(he  30. 

J  He  had  not  long  before  cut  off  his  hair  that  he  might  not 
fee  known.  Hubbard, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  „       H I 

Captain  Church,  as  soon  as  possible  got  over  the 
river,  and  scattered  in  quest  of  Philip  and  his  com 
pany  ;  but  the  enemy  scattered  and  fled  every  way. 
[ — ]  l  He  picked  up  a  considerable  many  of  their 
women  and  children,  among  which  were  Philip's 
wife  and  son ;  [the  son] 2  about  nine  years  old. 
Discovering  a  considerable  new  track  along  the  river, 
and  examining  the  prisoners,  found  [that]  ,it  was 
Qunnapin  and  the  Narragansets,  that  were  drawing 
off  from  those  parts  towards  the  Narraganset  coun 
try.  He  inquired  of  the  prisoners,  whether  Philip 
was  gone  in  the  same  track  9  They  told  him  that 
they  did  not  know;  for  he  fled  in  a  great  fright  when 
the  first  English  gun  was  fired,  and  [that]  they  had 
none  of  them  seen  or  heard  any  thing  of  him  since. 

Captain  Church  left  part  of  his  company  there  to 
secure  the  prisoners  [which]  they  got,  and  to  pick 
up  what  more  they  could  find,  and  with  the  rest  of 
his  company  hastened  in  the  track  of  the  enemy  to 
overtake  them,  if  it  might  be  before  they  got  over  the 
river ;  and  ran  some  miles  along  the  river,  until  he 
came  to  a  place  where  the  Indians  had  waded  over ; 
and  he  with  his  company  waded  over  after  them,  up 
to  the  armpits ;  being  almost  as  wet  before  with 
sweat  as  the  river  could  make  them.  Following 
about  a  mile  further,  and  not  overtaking  them,  and 
the  Captain  being  under  [a]  necessity  to  return  that 
night  to  the  army,  came  to  a  halt ;  told  his  company, 
[that]  he  must  return  to  his  other  men.  His  Indian 
soldiers  moved  for  leave  to  pursue  the  enemy, 
(though  he  returned) ;  [they]  said  [that]  the  Narra 
gansets  were  great  rogues,  and  [that]  they  wanted 
to  be  revenged  on  them  for  killing  some  of  their 
relations ;  named  Tockamona,  (Awashonks'  brother) 
and  some  others.  Captain  Church  bade  them  go  and 
prosper,  and  made  Lightfoot  their  chief,  and  gave 
him  the  title  of  Captain.  Bid  them  go  and  quit 
themselves  like  men.  And  away  they  scampered  like 
so  many  horses. 


112  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Next  morning*  early  they  returned  to  their  Cap 
tain,  and  informed  him  that  they  had  come  up  with 
the  enemy,  and  killed  several  of  them,  axid  brought 
him  thirteen  of  them  prisoners.  [They]  were  mighty 
proud  of  their  exploit,  and  rejoiced  much  at  the  op 
portunity  of  avenging  themselves,  j-  Captain  Church 
sent  the  prisoners  to  Bridgewater,  and  sent  out  his 
scouts  to  see  what  enemies  or  tracks  they  could 
[find.]  Discovering  some  small  tracks,  he  followed 
them,  found  where  the  enemy  had  kindled  some  fires, 
and  roasted  some  flesh,  &c.,  but  had  put  out  their 
fires  and  were  gone. 

The  Captain  followed  them  by  the  track,  putting 
his  Indians  in  the  front ;  some  of  which  were  such 
as  he  had  newly  taken  from  the  enemy,  and  added 
to  his  company.  [He]  gave  them  orders  to  march 
softly,  and  upon  hearing  a  whistle  in  the  rear,  to  sit 
down,  till  further  order ;  or,  upon  discovery  of  any 
of  the  enemy,  to  stop ;  for  his  design  was,  if  he 
could  discover  where  the  enemy  were,  not  to  fall 
upon  them  (unless  necessitated  to  it)  until  next  morn 
ing.  The  Indians  in  the  front  came  up  with  many 
women  and  children,  and  others  that  were  faint  and 
tired,  and  so  not  able  to  keep  up  with  the  company. 
These  gave  them  an  account,  that  Philip  with  a 
great  number  of  the  enemy,  was  a  little  before. 

Captain  Church's  Indians  told  the  others,  [that] 
they  were  their  prisoners,  but  if  they  would  submit 
to  order,  and  be  siil!5  no  one  should  hurt  them. 
They  being  their  old  acquaintance,  were  easily  per 
suaded  to  conform.  A  little  before  sunset  there 
was  a  halt  in  the  front,  until  the  Captain  came  up. 
They  told  him  [that]  they  discovered  the  enemy. 
He  ordered  them  to  dog  them,  and  watch  their  mo 
tion  till  it  was  dark.  But  Philip  soon  came  to  a 
stop,  and  fell  to  breaking  and  chopping  wood,  to 

*  August  1st. 

t  Mr.  Hubbard  takes  no  notice  of  this  exploit. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  113 

jnake  fires;  and  a  great  noise  they  made.  Captain 
Church  draws  his  company  up  in  a  ring,  and  sat 
down  in  the  swamp  without  any  noise  or  fire. 

The  Indian  prisoners  were  much  surprised  to  see 
the  English  soldiers ;  but  the  Captain  told  them, 
[that]  if  they  would  be  quiet,  and  not  make  any  dis 
turbance  or  noise,  they  should  meet  with  civil  treat 
ment  ;  but  if  they  made  any  disturbance,  or  offered 
to  run,  or  make  their  escape,  he  would  immediately 
kill  them  all ;  so  they  were  very  submissive  and  ob 
sequious. 

When  the  day  broke,  Captain  Church  told  his  pri 
soners,  that  his  expedition  was  such,  at  [that]1  time, 
that  he  could  not  afford  them  any  guard  ;  told  them, 
[that]  they  would  find  it  to  be  [to]  their  interest, 
to  attend  the  orders  he  was  now  about  to  give 
them ;  which  were,  that  when  the  fight  was  over, 
which  they  now  expected,  or  as  soon  as  the  firing 
ceased,  they  must  follow  the  track  of  his  company, 
and  come  to  them.  (An  Indian  is  next  to  a  blood 
hound  to  follow  a  track.)  He  said  to  them,  it 
would  be  in  vain  for  them  to  think  of  disobedience, 
or  to  gain  any  thing  by  it ;  for  he  had  taken  and  kill 
ed  a  great  many  of  the  Indian  rebels,  and  should,  in 
a  little  time  kill  and  take  all  the  rest,  &c. 

By  this  time  it  began  to  be  [as]2  light  as  the  time 
that  he  usually  chose  to  make  his  onset.  He  moved, 
sending  two  soldiers  before,  to  try,  if  they  could 
privately  discover  the  enemy's  postures.  But  very 
unhappily  it  fell  out,  that  [at]  the  very  same  time, 
Philip  had  sent  two  of  his  [men]  as  a  scout  upon  his 
own  track,  to  see  if  none  dogged  [him.]3  [They]4 
spied  the  two  Indian  men,  [ — ]5  turned  short  about, 
and  fled  with  all  speed  to  their  camp,  and  Captain 
Church  pursued  as  fast  as  he  could.  The  two  In 
dians  set  a  yelling  and  howling,  and  made  the  most 
hideous  noise  they  could  invent,  soon  gave  the  alarm 
to  Philip  and  his  camp,  who  all  fled  at  the  first  tid~ 
i  [this]  2  [so]  3  [them]  4  [who]  * 
10* 


114  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ings;  left  their  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting 
upon  their  wooden  spits,  and  ran  into  a  swamp,* 
with  no  other  breakfast,  than  what  Captain  Church 
afterwards  treated  them  with. 

Captain  Church  pursuing,  sent  Mr.  Isaac  How- 
landf  with  a  party  on  one  side  of  the  swamp, while 
himself  with  the  rest,  ran  on  the  other  side,  agreeing 
to  run  on  each  side,  until  they  met  on  the  further 
end.  Placing  some  men  in  secure  stands  at  that  end 
of  the  swamp  where  Philip  entered,  concluding  that 
if  they  headed  him,  and  beat  him  back,  that  he 
would  take  back  in  his  own  track.  Captain  Church 
and  Mr.  Howland  soon  met  at  the  further  end  of  the 
swamp,  (it  not  being  a  great  one)  where  they  met 
with  a  great  number  of  the  enemy,  well  armed,  com- 
'mg  out  of  the  swamp.  But  on  sight  of  the  English, 
they  seemed  very  much  surprised  and  tacked  short. 
Captain  Church  called  hastily  to  them,  and  said, 
[that]  if  they  fired  one  gun  they  were  all  dead  men ; 
for  he  would  have  them  to  know  that  he  had  them 
jiemmed  in  with  a  force  sufficient  to  command  them; 
but  if  they  peaceably  surrendered,  they  should  have 
good  quarter;J  &c.  They  seeing  the  Indians  and 
English  come  so  thick  upon  them,  were  so  surprised, 
that  many  of  them  stood  still  and  let  the  English 
come  and  take  the  guns  out  of  their  hands,  when 
they  were  both  charged  and  cocked. 

]\lany,  both  men,  women  and  children  of  the  ene 
my,  vv'ere  imprisoned  at  this  time ;  while  Philip, 

*  This  swamp  vyas  on  the  west  side  of  Taunton  river,  in 
Maltapoiset  neck  in  Swanzey. 

t  A  brother  to  Jabez  Rowland  before  mentioned.,  and  son 
of  the  first  John  Howland,  whose  name  lives  among  the  cele 
brated  FORTY  ONE.  See  note  1,  page  89. 

J  We  may  conclude  that  Mr.  Hubbard  is  more  correct  in 
Ms  account  of  this  affair  than  our  author  ;  he  says,  that  one 
of  Church's  Indians  called  to  them  in  their  own  language, 
&c.,  which  from  the  circumstance  that  Mr.  Church  could  not 
#peak  Indian,  is  creditable,  Nar.  223, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  1 1  5 

Tispaquin,  Totoson,*  &c.,  concluded  that  the  Eng 
lish  would  pursue  them  upon  their  tracks,  so  were 
waylaying  [them]1  at  the  first  end  of  the  swamp ; 
hoping  thereby  to  gain  a  shot  upon  Captain  Church, 
who  was  now  better  employed  in  taking  prisoners, 
and  running  them  into  a  valley,  in  form  something 
[ — ]2  like  a  punch  bowl ;  and  appointing  a  guard 
of  two  files,  treble  armed  with  guns  taken  from  the 
enemy. 

But  Philip  having  waited  all  this  while  in  vain, 
now  moves  on  after  the  rest  of  his  company  to  see 
what  was  become  of  them.  And  by  this  time  Cap 
tain  Church  had  got  into  the  swamp  ready  to  meet 
him,  and  as  it  happened  made  the  first  discovery, 
clapped  behind  a  tree,  until  Philip's  company  came 
pretty  near,  and  then  fired  upon  them ;  killed  many 
of  them,  and  a  close  skirmish  followed.  Upon  this 
Philip  having  grounds  sufficient  to  suspect  the  event 
of  his  company  that  went  before  them,  fled  back 
upon  his  own  track ;  and  coming  to  the  place  where 
the  ambush  lay,  they  fired  on  each  other,  and  one 
Lucas  of  Plymouth,  not  being  so  careful  as  he  might 
have  been  about  his  stand,  was  killed  by  the  Indians. 

In  this  swamp  skirmish  Captain  Church,  with  hig 
two  men  who  always  ran  by  his  side,  as  his  guard, 
met  with  three  of  the  enemy,  two  of  which  surren 
dered  themselves,  and  the  Captain's  guard  seized 
them,  but  the  other,  being  a  great,  stout,  surly  fellow, 
i  [their  tracks]  2  [shaped] 

*  A  son  of  the  noted  Sam  Barrow.  Totoson,  as  will  pre 
sently  he  seen,  died  of  grief  for  the  destruction  of  his  family, 
and  loss  of  his  country.  He  was  one  of  the  six  Narraganset 
sachems  that  subscribed  the  treaty  in  July,  1675.  His  prin 
cipal  place  of  resort  was  in  Rochester,  on  the  left  of  the  main 
road  as  you  pass  from  the  village  of  Rochester  to  Mattapoi- 
set,  and  about  two  miles  from  the  latter.  It  was  a  piece  of 
high  ground  in  a  large  swamp, connected  to  the  high  land  by 
a  narrow  neck,  over  which,  all  had  to  pass  to  visit  him.  The 
road  passes  near  where  this  neck  joins  the  high  ground 
Recollections,  > 


116  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

with  his  two  locks  tied  up  with  red,  and  a  great  rat 
tlesnake's  skin  hanging  to  the  back  part  of  his  head, 
(who  Captain  Church  concluded  to  be  Totoson)  raw 
from  them  into  the  swamp.  Captain  Church  in  per 
son  pursued  him  close,  till  coming  pretty  near  up 
with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders, 
but  it  missing  fire,  the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned 
and  presented  at  Captain  Church,  [but  his  gun]1 
missing  fire  also ;  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  tho 
fog  and  dew  of  the  morning)  [and]2  the  Indian  turn 
ing  short  for  another  run,  his  foot  tripped  in  a  small 
grape  vine,  and  he  fell  flat  on  his  face.  Captain 
Church  was  by  this  time  up  with  him,  and  struck  the 
muzzle  of  his  gun,  an  inch  and  a  half,  into  the  back 
part  of  his  head,  which  despatched  him  without 
another  blow.*  But  Captain  Church  looking  behind 
him,  saw  Totoson,  the  Indian  whom  he  thought  he 
had  killed,  come  flying  at  him  like  a  dragon  ;  but 
this  happened  to  be  fair  in  sight  of  the  guard  that 
were  set  to  keep  the  prisoners,  who,  spying  Totoson 
and  others  that  were  following  him,  in  the  very  sea 
sonable  juncture  made  a  shot  upon  them,  and  rescu 
ed  their  Captain ;  though  he  was  in  no  small  danger 
from  his  friends  bullets ;  for  some  of  them  came  so 
near  him  that  he  thought  he  felt  the  wind  of  them. 

The  skirmish  being  over,  they  gathered  their  pri 
soners  together,  and  found  the  number  that  they  had 
killed  and  taken,  was  one  hundred  and  seventythree, 
(the  prisoners  which  they  took  over  night  included) 
who  after  the  skirmish,  came  to  them,  as  they  were 
ordered. f 

Now  having  no  provisions  but  what  they  took  from 
i  [and]  2  [but] 

*  It  cannot,  now,  be  ascertained  who  this  Indian  warriour 
was,  but  his  bravery  was  not  unequal,, perhaps,  to  num 
berless  civilized  warriours  whose  individual  fame  lias  filled 
far  bulkier  books  than  this. 

t  These  exploits  took  up  two  days,  namely  the  a,  and  8 
Angvisl, 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  117 

the  enemy,  they  hastened  to  Bridgewater,  sending 
an  express?  before  to  provide  for  them,  their  company 
being  now  very  numerous.* 

The  gentlemen  of  Bridgewater  met  Captain  Church 
with  great  expressions  of  honour  and  thanks,  and  re 
ceived  him  and  his  army  with  all  due  respect  and 
kind  treatment. 

Captain  Church  drove  his  prisoners  (that  night) 
into  Bridgewater  pound,  and  set  his  Indian  soldiers 
to  guard  them.  They  being  well  treated  with  victu 
als  and  drink,  they  had  a  merry  night,  and  the  pri 
soners  laughed  as  loud  as  the  soldiers ;  not  being 
so  treated  [for]  a  long  time  before. 

Some  of  the  Indians  now  said  to  Captain  Church, 
"  Sir,  you  have  now  made  Philip  ready  to  die,  for 
you  have  made  him  as  poor  and  miserable  as  he  used 
to  make  the  English ;  for  you  have  now  killed  or 
taken  all  [of]  his  relations;  that  they  believed  he 
would  now  soon  have  his  head,  and  that  this  bout 
had  almost  broken  his  heart." 

The  next  dayf  Captain  Church  moved,  and  arriv 
ed  with  all  his  prisoners  safe  at  Plymouth.  The 
great  English  army  was  now  at  Taunton,  and  Major 
Talcot,J  with  the  Connecticut  forces,  being  in  these 
parts  of  the  country,  did  considerable  spoil  upon  the 
enemy. 

*  Church  had  but  about  30  Englishmen  and  20  reconciled 
Indians,  says  Hubbard,  228,  as  before  noted  ;  and  that  he 
took  about  153  prisoners.  It  is  probable  that  he  is  a  little 
out  of  the  way  in  the  former,  as  well  as  the  latter  part  of  the 
statement. 

t  August  14. 

|  Major  John  Talcot.  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  have 
no  account  of  this  military  chieftain  in  a  biographical  work. 
There  are  many  of  this  class,  which,  should  they  receive  a 
small  part  of  the  attention  bestowed  on  some  obscure  charac 
ters,  would  add  much  to  the  value  of  such  works.  I  have 
little  information  of  Major  Talcot,  except  what  is  contain 
ed  in  the  valuable  History  of  Connecticut  In  note .  1,  on 
page  107,  a  few  of  his  exploit  arc  sketched  5  but  about  this 
time  he  was  as  busy  as  Church,  aac!  ^erfonnod  very  signal 


PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Now  Captain  Church  being  arrived  at  Plymouth, 
Teceived  thanks  from  the  government  for  his  good 
service,  &c.  Many  of  his  soldiers  were  disbanded, 
and  he  thought  to  rest  himself  awhile;  being  much 
fatigued,  and  his  health  impaired,  by  excessive  heats 
and  colds,  wading  through  rivers,  &c.  But  it  was 
not  long  before  he  was  called  upon  to  rally,  upon 
advice  that  some  of  the  enemy  were  discovered  in 
Dartmouth  woods. 

He  took  his  Indians,  and  as  many  English  volun 
teers  as  presented  to  go  with  him;  scattering  into 
small  parcels,  Mr.  Jabez  Howland  (who  was  now, 
and  often,  his  Lieutenant,  and  a  worthy  good  soldier) 
had  the  fortune  to  discover  and  imprison  a  parcel 
of  the  enemy.  In  the  evening  they  met  together  at 
an  appointed  place,  and  by  examining  the  prisoners 
they  gained  intelligence  of  Totoson's  haunt.*  And 
being  brisk  in  the  morning,  they  soon  gained  an  ad 
vantage  of  Totoson's  company, f  though  he  himself, 

services.  After  he  had  recruited  his  men  at  home  a  short 
time,  he  received  intelligence  that  a  large  body  of  Indians 
were  fleeing  to  the  westward.  Major  Talcot  overtook  them 
near  the  close  of  the  third  day,  between  Westfield  and  Alba 
ny  on  the  west  side  of  Housatonick  river.  On  the  following 
morning  he  divided  his  men  into  two  parties ;  one  was  to 
cross  the  river  and  come  upon  their  front,  at  the  same  time 
the  other  fell  upon  their  rear.  This  well  concerted  plan 
came  near  being  ruined  ;  as  the  first  party  were  crossing  the 
river  they  were  discovered  by  one  of  the  enemy  who  was 
out,  fishing.  He  hallooed,  "Awannux!  Awannux!"  and 
was  immediately  shot  down.  This  surprised  the  enemy, 
and  the  gun  was  taken  for  the  signal  to  begin  the  onset  by 
the  other  party,  who  discharged  upon  them  as  they  were 
rising  from  sleep.  All  that  were  not  killed  or  wounded  fled 
into  the  woods  which  were  very  thick,  and  the  pursuit  was 
given  up.  Fortyfive  of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  taken, 
among  the  former  was  the  sachem  of  Quabaog.  The  army 
now  returned.  The  Major  had  at  first  350  men  beside 
friendly  Indians. 

*  See  note  on  page  115. 

t  Hubbard,  Nar.  232,  says  that  about  fifty  were  taken  at 
this  time. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  119 

with  his  son  about  eight  years  old,  made  their  escape, 
and  one  old  squaw  with  them,  to  Agawom,*  his  own 
country.  But  Sam  Barrow,-)-  as  noted  a  rogue  as 
any  among  the  enemy,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng 
lish  at  this  time.  Captain  Church  told  him,  that 
because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbarities,  the 
Court  had  allowed  him  no  quarter,  but  was  to  be 
forthwith  put  to  death ;  and  therefore  he  was  to  pre 
pare  for  it.  Barrow  replied,  that  the  sentence  of 
death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  indeed  he  was 
ashamed  to  live  any  longer,  and  desired  no  more 
favour,  than  to  smoke  a  whiff  of  tobacco  before  his 
execution.  When  he  had  taken  a  few  whiffs,  he  said, 
he  was  ready  ;  upon  which  one  of  Captain  Church's 
Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  into  his  brains. 

The  famous  Totoson  arriving  at  Agawom,  {  his 
son,  §  which  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the  family, 
(Captain  Church  having  destroyed  all  the  rest)  fell 
sick.  The  wretch  reflecting  upon  the  miserable  con 
dition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart  became 
a  stone  within  him,  and  [he]  died.  The  old  squaw 
iltmg  a  few  leaves  and  brush  over  him,  came  into 
Sandwich,  and  gave  this  account  of  his  death ;  and 
offered  to  show  them  where  she  left  his  body  ;  but 
never  had  the  opportunity,  for  she  immediately  fell 
sick  and  died  also. 

*  In  Rochester. 

f  I  find  nothing  more  recorded  of  Barrow,  than  what  is 
here  given.  It  appears  that  he  had  been  a  noted  villain,  and 
perhaps  his  sentence  was  just.  But  he  was  an  old  man,  and 
would  have  died  soon  enough  without  murdering.  No  doubt 
he  made  great  efforts  to  redeem  his  sinking  country,  an  ac 
count  of  which  cannot  be  had  at  this  day,  which  with  many 
others  we  have  greatly  to  lament  the  loss  of,  with  the  genera 
tions  to  come. 

J  (Several  places  were  called  Agawom  ;  [or  Agawam]  as 
at  Ipswich  and  Springfield  ;  this  Agawom  lies  in  Wareham.) 

k  is  probable  that  Totoson  had  other  places  of  resort  as  • 
well  as  in  Rochester,  but  that  described  in  note  on  page 
II 5,  is  supposed  to  be  the  principal. 

§  Totoson,  son  of  Sam  Barrow,  is  meant,, 


&0  PHILIP'S  \VAR. 

Captain  Church  being  now  at  Plymouth  again, 
weary  and  worn,  would  have  gone  home  to  his  wife 
and  family,  but  the  government  being  solicitous  to 
engage  him  in  the  service  until  Philip  was  slain;  and 
promising  him  satisfaction  and  redress  for  some  mis 
treatment  that  he  had  met  with,  he  fixes  for  another 
expedition. 

He  had  soon  volunteers  enough  to  make  up  the 
company  he  desired,  and  marched  through  the 
woods,  until  he  came  to  Pocasset.  And  not  "seeing 
or  hearing  of  any  of  the  enemy,  they  went  over  the 
ferry  to  Rhodeisland,  to  refresh  themselves.  The 
Captain  with  about  half  a  dozen  in  his  company, 
took  horses  and  rode  about  eight  miles  down  the 
island,  to  Mr.  Sanford's,  where  he  had  left  his  wife.* 
[She]1  no  sooner  saw  him,  but  fainted  with  surprise; 
and  by  that  time  she  was  a  little  revived,  they  spied 
two  horsemen  coming  a  great  pace.  Captain  Church 
told  his  company,  that  "  Those  men  (by  their  riding) 
come  with  tidings.'"  When  they  came  up,  they  prov 
ed  to  be  Major  Sanford,f  and  Captain  Golding. 
[They]2  immediately  asked  Captain  Church,  what 
he  would  give  to  hear  some  news  of  Philip  9  He  re 
plied,  that  [that]  was  what  he  wanted.  They  told 
him,  [that]  they  had  rode  hard  with  some  hopes  of 
Overtaking  him,  and  were  now  come  on  purpose  to 
inform  him,  that  there  were  just  now  tidings  from 
Mounthope.  An  Indian  came  down  from  thence 
(where  Philip's  camp  now  was)  [ — ]3  to  Sandy  point, 
over  against  Trip's,  and  hallooed,  and  made  signs  to 
i  [who]  2  [who]  3  [on] 

*  This  was  on  the  1 1  August. 

t  The  same,  very  probably,  who  arrested  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  at  R.  I.  in  1689.  Andros  was  then  a  prisoner  at  the 
castle  in  Boston  harbour,  when  his  servant,  by  the  assistance 
of  Bacchus,  caused  the  sentinel  to  let  him  stand  in  his  stead, 
and  Sir  Edmund  escaped.  Hutchinson,  I,  349.  The  name 
is  not  uniformly  spelt.  In  the  text  of  Hutchinson  the  first 
d  is  omitted,  as  in  our  text  page  102,  but  in  his  Index  two 
des  are  used. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  121 

be  fetched  over.  And  being  fetched  over,  he  report 
ed,  that  he  was  fled  from  Philip,  "  who  (said  he)  has 
killed  my  brother  just  before  I  came  away,  for  giv 
ing  some  advice  that  displeased  him."*  And  said, 
[that]  he  was  fled  for  fear  of  meeting  with  the  same 
his  brother  had  met  with.  Told  them  also,  that 
Philip  was  now  in  Mounthope  neck. '  Captain  Church 
thanked  them  for  their  good  news,  and  said,  [that] 
he  hoped  by  to-morrow  morning  to  have  the  rogue's 
head.  The  horses  that  he  and  his  company  came 
on,  standing  at  the  door,  (for  they  had  not  been  un 
saddled)  his  wife  must  content  herself  with  a  short 
visit,  when  such  game  was  ahead.  They  immediate 
ly  mounted,  set  spurs  to  their  horses,  and  away. 

The  two  gentlemen  that  brought  him  the  tidings, 
told  him,  [that]  they  would  gladly  wait  upon  him  to 
see  the  event  of  the  expedition.  He  thanked  them, 
and  told  them,  [that]  he  should  be  as  fond  of  their 
company  as  any  men's ;  and  (in  short)  they  went 
with  him.  And  they  were  soon  at  Trip's  ferry,  (with 
Captain  Church's  company)  where  the  deserter  was. 
[He]1  was  a  fellow  of  good  sense,  and  told  his  story 
handsomely.  He  offered  Captain  Church,  to  pilot 
him  to  Philip,  and  to  help  to  kill  him,  that  he  might 
revenge  his  brother's  death.  Told  him,  that  Philip 
was  now  upon  a  little  spot  of  upland,  that  was  in  the 
south  end  of  the  miry  swamp,  just  at  the  foot  of  the 
mount,  which  was  a  spot  of  ground  that  Captain 
Church  was  well  acquainted  with. 

By  that  time  they  were  over  the  ferry,  and  came 
near  the  ground,half  the  night  was  spent.  The  Cap 
tain  commands  a  halt,  and  bringing  the  company  to 
gether,  he  asked  Major  Sanford's  and  Captain  Gold- 
ing's  advice,  what  method  [it]  was  best  to  take  in 
making  the  onset ;  but  they  declined  giving  him  any 
i  [who] 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  says  that  it  was  for  advising  him  to  make 
peace  with  the  English. 
11 


122  PHILIP'S  WAR, 

advice ;  telling  him,  that  his  great  experience  and 
success  forbid  their  taking  upon  them  to  give  advice. 
Then  Captain  Church  offered  Captain  Golding  [ — J1 
the  honour  (if  he  would  please  accept  of  it)  to  beat 
up  Philip's  headquarters.  He  accepted  the  offer 
and  had  his  allotted  number  drawn  out  to  him,  and 
the  pilot.  Captain  Church's  instructions  to  him 
were,  to  be  very  careful  in  his  approach  to  the  ene 
my,  and  be  sure  not  to  show  himself,  until  by  day 
light  they  might  see  and  discern  their  own  men  from 
the  enemy  ;  told  him  also,  that  his  custom  in  like 
cases,  was,  to  creep  with  his  company,  on  their  bel 
lies,  until  they  came  as  near  as  they  could ;  and  that 
as  soon  as  the  enemy  discovered  then;,  they  would 
cry  out,  and  that  was  the  word  for  his  men  to  fire 
and  fall  on.  [He]  directed  him,  [that]  when  the 
enemy  should  start  and  take  into  the  swamp,  [that] 
they  should  pursue  with  speed  ;  every  man  shouting 
and  making  what  noise  [he]2  could ;  for  he  would 
give  orders  to  his  ambuscade  to  fire  on  any  that 
should  come  silently. 

Captain  Church  knowing  that  it  was  Philip's  cus 
tom  to  be  foremost  in  the  flight,  went  down  to  the 
swamp,  and  gave  Captain  Williams  of  Scituate  the 
command  of  the  right  wing  of  the  ambush,  and  pla 
ced  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian  together  behind 
such  shelters  of  trees,  &c.,  [as]3  he  could  find,  and 
took  care  to  place  them  at  such  distance,  that  none 
might  pass  undiscovered  between  them ;  charged 
them  to  be  careful  of  themselves,  and  of  hurting 
their  friends,  and  to  fire  at  any  that  should  come  si 
lently  through  the  swamp.  But  [it]  being  somewhat 
farther  through  the  swamp  than  he  was  aware  of,  he 
wanted  men  to  make  up  his  ambuscade. 

Having  placed  what  men  he  had,  he  took  Major 
Sanford  by  the  hand,  [and]  said,  "  Sir  I  have  so  pla 
ced  them  that  it  is  scarce  possible  Philip  should 
escape  them."  The  same  moment  a  shot  whistled 
i  [that  he  should  have]  2  [they]  3  [that] 


PHILIP'S  WAR. 

over  their  heads,  and  then  the  noise  of  a  gun  towards 
Philip's  camp.  Captain  Church,  at  first,  thought 
[that]  it  might  be  some  gun  fired  by  accident ;  but 
Before  he  could  speak,  a  whole  volley  followed,  which 
was  earlier  than  he  expected.  One  of  Philip's  gang 
going  forth  to  ease  himself,  when  he  had  done,  look 
ed  round  him,  and  Captain  Golding  thought  [that] 
the  Indian  looked  right  at  him,  (though  probably  it 
was  but  h,is  conceit)  so  fired  at  him ;  and  upon  his 
firing,  the  whole  company  that  were  with  him  fired 
upon  the  enemy's  shelter,  before  the  Indians  had 
time  to  rise  from  their  sleep,  and  so  over  shot  them. 
But  their  shelter  was  open  on  that  side  next  the 
swamp,  built  so  on  purpose  for  the  convenience  of 
flight  on  occasion.  They  were  soon  in  the  swamp, 
and  Philip  the  foremost,  who  starting  at  the  first  gun, 
threw  his  petunk  and  powderhorn  over  his  head, 
catched  up  his  gun,  and  ran  as  fast  as  he  could 
scamper,  without  any  more  clothes  than  his  small 
breeches  and  stockings ;  and  ran  directly  on  two  of 
Captain  Church's  ambush.  They  let  him  come  fair 
within  shot,  and  the  Englishman's  gun  missing  fire, 
he  bid  the  Indian  fire  away,  and  he  did  so  to  [the] 
purpose  ;  sent  one  musket  bullet  through  his  heart, 
and  another  not  above  two  inches  from  it.  He  fell 
upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun 
under  him.* 

*  Thus  fell  the  celebrated  King  Philip,  the  implacable 
enemy  of  civilization.  Never,  perhaps,  did  the  fall  of  any 
prince  or  warriour  afford  so  much  space  for  solid  reflection. 
Had  the  resources  of  this  hero  been  equal  to  those  of  his  ene 
mies,  what  would  have  been  their  fate  ?  This  exterminating 
war  had  not  been  known  to  millions!  How  vast  the  con 
trast!  when  this  country  is  viewed  in  its  present  populous 
and  flourishing  state,  extending  over  thousands  of  miles,  and 
the  sound  of  civilization  emanating  from  every  part ;  and 
when  presented  to  the  imagination  in  the  days  of  Philip  ; 
with  only  here  and  there  a  solitary  dwelling,  surrounded  with 
an  endless  wilderness. 

Before  the  fall  of  Philip,  the  I  idians  for  some  time  had 
been  loosing  ground,  and  were  considered  as  nearly  subdued, 


124  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

By  this  time  the  enemy  perceived  [that]  they  were 
waylaid  on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  [and]  tacked 
short  about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be 
a  great,  surly  old  fellow ;  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice, 
and  often  called  out,  "  lootash,  lootash"*  Captain 
Church  called  to  his  Indian,  Peter,  and  asked  him, 
who  that  was  that  called  so  •?  He  answered,  that  it 
was  old  Annawon,f  Philip's  great  Captain ;  calling 

but  this  event  clearly  decided  their  fate  ;  doubts  were  no 
longer  entertained  of  their  appearing  formidable.  To  this 
memorable  and  important  event,  we  are  able  to  fix  the  date, 
with  that  certainty,  which  adds  lustre  to  the  pages  of  histo 
ry.  Other  historians  agree  that  it  was  on  the  12  August, 
and  this  history  clearly  indicates  that  it  was  on  the  morning 
of  a  certain  day,  which,  therefore,  falls  on  Saturday  morning, 
12  August,  1676.  Mr.  Hubbard,  Nar.  226,  says,  "With 
Philip  at  this  time  fell  five  of  his  trustiest  followers."  To 
know  their  names  would  be  a  relief. 

*  This  is  evidently  a  word  of  three  syllables,  and  is  very  easy 
to  pronounce.  It  should  be  thus  divided,  1-oo-tash  ;  giving  the 
second  syllable  the  same  sound  that  oo  has  in  moose,  mood, 
&c.  Why  Dr.  Morse  should  alter  this  word  to  Tootash,  I 
cannot  account.  It  is  certainly  an  unwarrantable  deviation 
and  should  not  be  countenanced.  See  Annals  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution,  53,  and  the  edition  of  1820  of  his  Hist.  N. 
England. 

f  This  word  also,  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution  has  thought  proper  to  alter  to  Anawon  ;  this, 
however,  is  less  important  than  that  mentioned  in  the  last 
note,  but  should  not  be  warranted.  Some  contend  that  its 
termination  should  be  written  wan,  as  being  more  agreeable 
to  analogy.  I  cannot  think  that  it  is  ;  because  the  author, 
without  doubt,  intended  by  the  termination  won,  to  convey 
the  sound  of  wun,  and  not  that  heard  in  swan. 

What  is  preserved  of  this  warriour  is  found  in  this  history. 
His  principal  camp  was  in  Squannaconk  swamp,  in  Reho- 
both,  where  he  was  taken  by  Church,  as  will  presently  be 
seen.  In  a  preceding  page,  Tyasks  was  called  the  next  man 
to  Philip  ;  but,  that  Annawon  stood  in  that  place,  is  evident 
from  his  being  possessed  of  that  chief's  royalties  after  he  was 
killed.  Mr.  Hubbard  says 'that  a  son  of  Philip's  chief  Captain 
was  killed  when  Philip  was.  But  as  it  is  not  possible  for  me 
io  ascertain  with  certainty  who  he  means  by  Philip's  chief 
Captain,  we  cannot  tell  whether  he  were  a  son  of  Annawoa 
or  not ;  but  it  appears  quite  }  ix.bable-to  me  that  he  was. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  125 

on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight  stoutly.  Now 
the  enemy  finding  that  place  of  the  swamp  which 
was  not  ambushed,  many  of  them  made  their  escape 
in  the  English  tracks. 

The  man  that  had  shot  down  Philip,  ran  with  all 
speed  to  Captain  Church,  and  informed  him  of  his 
exploit,  who  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it 
and  let  no  man  more  know  it,  until  they  had  driven 
the  swamp  clean.  But  when  they  had  driven  the 
swamp  through,  and  found  [that]  the  enemy  had 
escaped,  or  at  least,  the  most  of  them,  and  the  sun 
now  up,  and  so  the  dew  gone,  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  the  whole  company  met  together 
at  the  place  where  the  enemy's  night  shelter  was, 
and  then  Captain  Church  gave  them  the  news  of 
Philip's  dsath.  Upon  which  the  whole  army  gave 
three  loud  huzzas. 

Captain  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out 
of  the  mire  to  'the  upland.  So  some  of  Captain 
Church's  Indians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings, 
and  some  by  his  small  breeches  (being  otherwise 
naked)  and  drew  him  through  the  m  id  to  the  up 
land;  and  a  doleful,  great,  naked,  dirty  beast  he 
looked  like.*  Captain  Church  then  said,  that  foras 
much  as  he  had  caused  many  an  Englishman's  body 
to  be  unburied,  and  to  rot  above  ground,  that  not 
one  of  his  bones  should  be  buried.  And  calling  his 
old  Indian  executioner,  bid  him  behead  and  quarter 
him.  Accordingly  he  came  with  his  hatchet  and 
stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck  he  made  a  small 
speech  directing  it  to  Philip,  [which  was,  thatj1  "  he 
had  been  a  very  great  man,  and  had  made  many  a 
man  afraid  of  him,  but  so  big  as  he  was,  he  would  now 
1  [and  said] 

*  How  natural  is  the  propensity  of  man,  to  exult  in  the  fall 
of  his  enemy!  However  great  or  brave,  if  the  great  disposer 
of  events  renders  him  unprofitably  so,  no  allowance  is  made 
in  the  day  of  victory,  though  the  honour  of  the  conqueror  is 
measured  by  that  of  his  foe. 


126  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

chop  his  arse  for  him."*  And  so  he  went  to  work 
and  did  as  he  was  ordered. f 

Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being 
much  scarred,  occasioned  by  the  splitting  of  a  pis 
tol  in  it  formerly,  Captain  Church  gave  the  head 
and  that  hand  to  Alderman,  J  the  Indian  who  shot 
him,  to  show  to  such  gentlemen  as  would  bestow  gra 
tuities  upon  him ;  and  accordingly  he  got  many  a 
penny  by  it. 

This  being  on  the  last  day  of  the  week,  the  Cap 
tain  with  his  company,  returned  to  the  island,  [and] 
tarried  there  until  Tuesday  ;§  and  then  went  off  and 
ranged  through  all  the  woods  to  Plymouth,  and  re-* 
ceived  their  premium,  which  was  thirty  shillings  per 
head,  for  the  enemies  which  they  had  killed  or  taken., 
instead  of  all  wages  ;  and  Philip's  head  went  at  the 
same  price.  Methinks  it  is  scanty  reward,  and  poor 
encouragement ;  though  it  was  better  than  [it]1  had 
i  [what] 

*  Dr.  Morse  in  copying  from  this  history,  quotes  the  above 
speech  thus;  "You  have  been  one  very  great  man.  You 
have  made  many  a  man  afraid  of  you.  But  so  big  as  you  be, 
I  will  chop  you  in  pieces."  By  his  liberties  with  authors,  we 
might  take  him  for  the  Cotton  Mather  of  the  age.  How-* 
ever,  we  are  willing  to  excuse  him  in  this  instance,  on  the 
score  of  chastity. 

t  Being  quartered  he  was  hanged  up,  and  his  head  carried 
in  triumph  to  Plymouth.  Magnalia,  II,  498,  499.  "  That 
very  night  [previous  to  his  death]  Philip  had  been  dreaming 
that  he  was  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  English  ;  and  now 
just  as  he  was  telling  his  dream,  with  advice  unto  his  friends 
to  fly  for  their  lives,  lest  the  knave  who  had  newly  gone  from 
them  should  show  the  English  how  to  come  at  them,  Captain 
Church,  with  his  company,  fell  in  upon  them."  Ibid.  Per 
haps  this  story  deserves  as  much  credit  as  that  on  page  20, 
note  1.  Mr.  Hubbard,  no  doubt  heard  this  part  of  the  story, 
but  perhaps  not  having  as  much  faith  in  dreams  as  the  au 
thor  of  the  Magnalia,  thought  proper  to  omit  it. 

J  This  was  the  same  Indian,  whose  brother  was  killed, 
and  who  informed  the  English  where  to  find  Philip.  Trum- 
bull,  Hist.  Con.  I,  349. 

§  August  15. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  127 

been  some  time  before.  For  this  inarch  they  receiv 
ed  four  shillings  and  sixpence  a  man,  which  was  all 
the  reward  they  had,  except  the  honour  of  killing 
Philip.  This  was  in  the  latter  end*  of  August,  1676. 

Captain  Church  had  been  but  a  little  while  at  Ply 
mouth,  before  a  post  from  Rehoboth  came  to  inform 
the  Governour,  that  old  Annawon,  Philip's  chief  Cap 
tain,  was  with  his  company  ranging  about  their 
woods,  and  was  very  offensive  and  pernicious  to  Re 
hoboth  and  Swanzey.  Captain  Church  was  imme 
diately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with  to  engage  in 
one  expedition  more.  He  told  them,  [that]  their  en 
couragement  was  so  poor,  he  feared  [that]  his  sol 
diers  would  be  dull  about  going  again.  But  being 
a  hearty  friend  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to 
Mr.  Jabez  Rowland,  his  old  Lieutenant,  and  some 
of  his  soldiers  that  used  to  go  out  with  him ;  told 
them  how  the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he 
had  intelligence  of  old  Annawon's  walk  and  haunt, 
and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him.  They  did  not  want 
much  entreating,  but  told  him,  [that]  they  would  go 
with  him  as  long  as  there  was  an  Indian  left  in  the 
woods.  He  moved  and  ranged  through  the  woods 
to  Pocasset. 

It  being  the  latter  end  of  the  week,  he  proposed 
to  go  on  to  Rhodeisland,  and  rest  until  Monday ; 
but  on  the  Lord's  day  morning,f  there  came  a  post 
to  inform  the  Captain,  that  early  the  same  morning, 
a  canoe  with  several  Indians  in  it,  passed  from  Pru 
dence  islandj  to  Poppasquash§  neck.  Captain 
Church  thought  if  he  could  possibly  surprise  them, 

*  The  reason  of  this  anachronism  is  explained  in  note  1 
on  page  94. 

t  August  20. 

J  A  long  and  crooked  Island  on  the  west  side  of  Rhode- 
island,  extending  from  near  the  centre  of  Rhodeisland  to 
Warwick  neck,  in  length  about  6  miles. 

§  (On  the  west  side  of  Bristol.) 

And  separated  from  it  by  Bristol  bay. 


128  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

[that]  he  might  probably  gain  some  intelligence  of 
more  game ;  therefore  he  made  all  possible  speed 
after  them.  The  ferry  boat  being  out  of  the  way, 
he  made  use  of  canoes.  But  by  that  time  they  had 
made  two  freights,  and  had  got  over  about  fifteen  or 
sixteen  of  his  Indians,  the  wind  sprung  up  with  such 
violence  that  canoes  could  no  more  pass.*  The 
Captain  seeing  it  was  impossible  for  any  more  of  his 
soldiers  to  come  to  him,  he  told  his  Indians,  [that] 
if  they  were  willing  to  go  with  him,  he  would  go  to 
Poppasquash,  and  see  if  they  could  catch  some  of 
the  enemy  Indians.  They  were  willing  to  go,  but 
were  sorry  [that]  they  had  no  English  soldiers. f 
So  they  marched  through  the  thickets  that  they 
might  not  be  discovered,  un-til  they  came  unto  the 
salt  meadow,  to  the  northward  of  Bristol  town,  that 
now  is,  [when] l  they  heard  a  gun ;  the  Captain 
looked  about,  not  knowing  but  it  might  be  some  of 
his  own  company  in  the  rear.  So  halting  till  they  all 
came  up,  he  found  [that]  it  was  none  of  his  own 
company  that  fired. 

Now.  though  he  had  but  a  few  men,  [he]  was 
minded  to  send  some  of  them  out  on  a  scout.  He 
moved  it  to  Captain  Lightfoot  to  go  with  three 
[others]  2  on  a  scout ;  he  said  [that]  he  was  willing, 
provided  the  Captain's  man,  Nathaniel  (which  was 
an  Indian  they  had  lately  taken)  might  be  one  of 
them,  because  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
1  [then]  2  [more] 

*  This  event  was  but  a  few  days  more  than  one  hundred 
years  before  the  celebrated  passage  of  Washington  over  the 
Delaware  to  attack  the  Hessians  at  Trenton,  which  has  been 
so  beautifully  described  1by  Barlow.  See  his  Columbiad,  B. 
vi.  line  91  to  214.  Perhaps  this  expedition  of  the  heroick 
Church,  in  the  small  days  of  Newengland  was  of  as  much 
consequence  as  greater  ones  were  a  century  after.  It  is  not 
impossible,  but  that  another  Barlow  may  arise  and  sing  over 
the  events  of  these  days  of  yore.  A  vast  theme  for  a  poet ! 

t  They  had  one  or  more  Englishmen  in  the  company  M 
will  appear  presently, 


PHILIPS  WAR. 

neck,  and  coming  lately  from  among  them,  knew 
how  to  call  them. 

The  Captain  bid  him  choose  his  three  companions, 
and  go ;  and  if  they  came  across  any  of  the  enemy, 
not  to  kill  them  if  they  could  possibly  take  them 
alive,  that  they  might  gain  intelligence  concerning 
Annawon.  The  Captain  with  the  rest  of  his  com 
pany  moved  but  a  little  way  further  toward  Poppa- 
squash,  before  they  heard  another  gun,  which  seem 
ed  to  be  the  same  way  with  the  other,  but  further  off; 
but  they  made  no  halt  until  they  came  unto  the  nar 
row  of  Poppasquash  neck;  where  Captain  Church 
left  three  men  more  to  watch,  [and  see]  if  any  should 
cjme  out  of  the  neck,  and  to  inform  the  scout,  when 
they  returned,  which  way  he  was  gone. 

He  parted  the  remainder  of  his  company,  half  on 
one  side  of  the  neck,  and  the  other  with  himself  went 
on  the  other  side,  [ — ]  l  until  they  met;  and  meeting 
neither  with  Indians  nor  canoes,  returned  big  with  ex 
pectations  of  tidings  by  their  scout.  But  when  they 
came  back  to  the  three  men  at  the  narrow  of  the 
nock,  they  told  their  Captain  [that]  the  scout,  [had]2 
not  returned,  [and]  had  heard  nor  seen  any  thing  of 
them.  This  filled  them  with  thoughts  of  what  should 
become  of  them.  By  that  time  they  had  sat  and 
waited  an  hour  longer,  it  was  very  dark,  and  they 
despaired  of  their  returning  to  them. 

Some  of  the  Indians  told  their  Captain,  [that] 
they  feared  his  new  man,  Nathaniel,  had  met  with  his 
old  Mounthope  friends,  and  [ — ]3  turned  rogue. 
They  concluded  to  make  no  fires  that  night,  (and 
indeed  they  had  no  great  need  of  any)  for  they  had 
no  victuals  to  cook,  [ — ]  4  not  so  much  as  a  morsel 
of  bread  with  them. 

They  took  up  their  lodgings  scattering,  that  if  pos 
sibly  their  scout  should  come  in  the  night,  and  whis 
tle,  (which  was  their  sign)  some  or  other  of  them 
might  hear  them.  They  had  a  very  solitary,  hun- 
i  [of  the  neck]  2  [was]  3  [was]  4  [had] 


PHILIPS  WAR. 

gry  night ;  and  as  soon  as  the  day  broke,*  they  drew 
off  through  the  brush  to  a  hill  without  the  neck. 
And  looking  about  them  they  espied  one  Indian  man 
come  running  somewhat  towards  them.  The  Cap 
tain  ordered  one  man  to  step  out  and  show  himself. 
Upon  this  the  Indian  ran  right  to  him,  and  who 
should  it  be  but  Captain  Lightfoot,  to  their  great 
joy.  Captain  Church  asked  him  what  news  ?  He 
answered,  "Good  news;"  [that]  they  -were  all 
well,  and  had  catched  ten  Indians;  and  that  they 
guarded  them  all  night  in  one  of  the  flankers  of  the 
old  English  garrison  ;f  that  their  prisoners  were 
part  of  Annawon's  company,  and  that  they  had  left 
their  families  in  a  swamp  above  Mattapoiset  neck.J 
And  as  they  were  marching  towards  the  old  garrison, 
Lightfoot  gave  Captain  Church  a  particular  account 
of  their  exploit,  viz. ;  that  presently  after  they  left 
him,  they  heard  another  gun,  which  seemed  toward 
the  Indian  burying  place ;  and  moving  that  way, 
they  discovered  two  of  the  enemy  flaying  of  a  horse. 
The  scout  clapping  into  the  brush,  Nathaniel  bid 
them  sit  down,  and  he  would  presently  call  all  the 
Indians  thereabout  unto  him.  They  hid,  and  he 
went  a  little  distance  back  from  them,  and  set  up  his 
note  and  howled  like  a  wolf.  One  of  the  two  im 
mediately  left  his  horse,  and  came  running  to  see 
who  was  there ;  but  Nathaniel  howling  lower  and 
lower,  drew  him  in  between  those  that  lay  in  wait 
for  him,  who  seized  him.  Nathaniel  continuing  the 
tame  note,  the  other  left  the  horse  also, following  his 
mate,  and  met  with  the  same.  When  they  caught 
these  two,  they  examined  them  apart  and  found  them 

*  Monday  August  28. 

t  This  was  the  fort  that  was  built  in  June,  1675,  which 
Church  so  much  disapproved  of.  See  page  35.  It  was  pro 
bably  of  more  service  now  than  it  had  ever  been  before,  if 
we  judge  from  any  account  since  given. 

f  (In  Swanzey.  There  is  another  Mattapoiset  in  Roch 
ester.) 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  131 

to  agree  in  their  story ;  that  there  were  eight  more 
of  them  [who  came]1  down  into  the  neck  to  get 
provisions,  and  had  agreed  to  meet  at  the  burying 
place  that  evening.  These  two  being  some  of  Na 
thaniel's  old  acquaintance,  he  had  great  influence 
upon  them,  and  with  his  enticing  story,  (telling  what 
a  brave  captain  he  had,  how  bravely  he  lived  since 
he  had  been  with  him,  and  how  much  they  might 
better  their  condition  by  turning  to  him,  &c.,)  per 
suaded  and  engaged  them  to  be  on  his  side,  which, 
indeed,  now  began  to  be  the  better  side  of  the  hedge. 
They  waited  but  a  little  while  before  they  espied  the 
rest  of  theirs  coming  up  to  the  burying  place,  and 
Nathaniel  soon  howled  them  in,  as  he  had  done  their 
mates  before. 

When  Captain  Church  came  to  the  garrison,  he 
met  his  Lieutenant,*  and  the  rest  of  his  company. 
And  then  making  up  good  fires  they  fell  to  roasting 
their  horse  beef,  enough  to  last  them  a  whole  day, 
but  had  not  a  morsel  of  bread,  though  salt  they  had, 
(which  they  always  carried  in  their  pockets,  [and] 
which  at  this  time  was  very  acceptable  to  them.) 

Their  next  motion  was  towards  the  place  where 
the  prisoners  told  them  [that]  they  had  left  their 
women  and  children,  and  surprised  them  all ;  and 
some  others  that  [had]2  newly  come  to  them.  And 
upon  examination  they  held  to  one  story,  that  it  was 
hard  to  tell  where  to  find  Annawon,  for  he  never 
roosted  twice  in  a  place. 

Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church 
had  gained  over  to  be  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he 
might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his  father,  who, 
he  said,  was  about  four  miles  from  that  place,  in  a 
swamp,  with  no  other  than  a  young  squaw.  Captain 
Church  inclined  to  go  with  him,  thinking  [that]  it 
might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of 
Annawon ;  and  so  taking  one  Englishman  and  a  few 
1  [come]  2  [were] 

*  Mr.  Jabez  Rowland. 


132  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

Indians  with  him,  leaving  the  rest  there,  he  went 
with  his  new  soldier  to  look  [after]  his  father. 

When  he  came  to  the  swamp,  he  bid  the  Indian 
go  [and]1  see  if  he  could  find  his  father.  He  was 
no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a 
track  coming  down  out  of  the  woods ;  upon  which 
he  and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on  one 
side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  other.  They 
heard  the  Indian  soldier  making  a  howling  for  his 
father,  and  at  length  somebody  answered  him ;  but 
while  they  were  listening,  they  thought  [that]  they 
heard  somebody  coming  towards  them ;  presently 
[they]  saw  an  old  man  coming  up  with  a  gun  on  his 
shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  following  in  the  track 
which  they  lay  by.  They  let  them  come  up  between 
them,  and  then  started  up  and  laid  hold  of  them 
both.  Captain  Church  immediately  examined  them 
apart,  telling  them  what  they  must  trust  to,  if  they 
told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young  woman,  what 
company  they  came  from  last'?  She  said,  "  From 
Captain  Annawon's."  He  asked  her  how  many  were 
in  company  with  him  when  she  left  him  9  She  said, 
"  Fifty  or  sixty."  He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it 
was  to  the  place  where  she  left  him  1  She  said,  [that] 
she  did  not  understand  miles,  but  he  was  up  in 
Squannaconk  swamp. * 

The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Philip's  coun 
cil,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  ac 
count.  Captain  Church  asked  him  if  they  could  get 
there  that  night  ?  He  said,  [that]  if  they  went  pre 
sently,  and  travelled  stoutly,  they  might  get  there 
by  sunset.  He  asked  whither  he  was  going  9  He 
answered,  that  Annawon  had  sent  him  down  to  look 
[for]  some  Indians,  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount- 
hope  neck  to  kill  provisions.  Captain  Church  let 
him  know  that  those  Indians  were  all  his  prisoners. 
i  [to] g  [but] 

•  (Southeasterly  part  of  Rehoboth) 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  133 

By  this  time  came  the  Indian  soldier  and  brought 
his  father  and  one  Indian  more.  The  Captain  was 
now  in  a  great  strait  of  mind  what  to  do  next ;  he 
had  a  mind  to  give  Annawon  a  visit,  now  he  knew 
where  to  find  him.  But  his  company  was  very  small, 
[only]1  half  a  dozen  men  beside  himself,  and  was 
under  a  necessity  to  send  some  body  back  to  acquaint 
his  Lieutenant  and  company  with  his  proceedings. 
However,  he  asked  his  small  company  that  were  with 
him,  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and 
give  Annawon  a  visit'?  They  told  him,  [that]  they 
were  always  ready  to  obey  his  commands,  &c. ;  but 
withal  told  him.  that  they  knew  this  Captain  Anna- 
won  was  a  great  soldier ;  that  lie  had  been  a  valiant 
Captain  under  Asuhmequin,*  Philip's  fither ;  and 
i  [but] 

*  Morton,  122,  calls  him  Woosamequen.  This  was  the 
last  name  by  which  the  "  good  old  Massassoit"  was  known. 
This  name  he  took  about  the  time  of  the  Pequot  war  as  was 
mentioned  in  note  1,  on  page  17.  Allen  in  his  Biographical 
Dictionary,  has  given  a  short  sketch  of  him,  which  is  rery 
deficient.  Not  even  informing  us  that  he  was  evef  known 
by  any  other  name  than  Massassoit.  This  celebrated  chief  en 
tered  into  a  league  of  friendship  with  the  Ply  mouth  Pilgrims, 
the  next  spring  after  their  arrival,  which  was  kept  until  h;j 
death.  Some  of  the  other  tribes  insultingly  told  him,  thit 
through  his  cowardice  he  had  treated  with  the  English. 
However  this  might  be,  he  is  said  always  to  have  advised  bin 
sons  against  engaging  in  a  war  with  them,  for  he  believed 
that  in  time  the  Indians  would  be  annihilated.  He  was  re 
markable  for  his  aversion  to  the  English  relig;on.  Hutchin- 
son,  I,  252,  says  that  "  when  he  was  treating  lor  the  pale  of 
some  of  his  lands  at  Swanzey,  insisted  upon  it  as  a  condition, 
that  the  English  should  never  attempt  to  draw  otf  any  of  his 
people  from  their  religion  to  Christianity,  and  would  not  re 
cede  until  he  found  the  treaty  would  break  off  if  he  urged 
it  any  further."  He  was  personally  several  times  at  Ply 
mouth.  On  his  first  arrival  there, "in  March,  1620-21,  he 
made  his  appearance  on  the  hill,  the  south  side  of  Town  brook, 
with  several  of  his  principal  men  with  him.  Here  he  made  a 
stop  and  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  was  sent  to  him  with  a  pre 
sent,  and  the  Governour's  (Carver)  compliments  that  he  de- 
see  him,  and  treat  with  him.  He  left  Mr.  Winslow 
13 


1-4  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

that  he  had  been  Philip's  chieftain  all  this  war.  A  very 
subtle  man,  of  great  resolution,  and  had  often  said, 
that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive  by  the  English. 

as  a  hostage  with  his  men,  and  with  about  twenty  of  his  sol 
diers  went  clown  to  the  brook,  where  Captain  Standish  met 
him  with  a  file  of  six  men,  and  conducted  him  to  a  new 
house.  A  green  rug  was  spread  over  the  floor,  and  three  or 
four  cushions  laid  upon  it.  The  Governour  then  came,  pre 
ceded  by  a  drum  and  trumpet,  at  the  sound  of  which  they 
appeared  much  delighted.  After  some  introduction^  the 
above  mentioned  league  or  treaty  was  entered  upon  and  con 
cluded  as  follows : 

Article  I.  That  neither  he,  nor  any  of  his,  should  injure 
or  do  hurt  to  any  of  their  people.  Art.  II.  That  if  any  of  his 
did  any  hurt  to  any  of  theirs,  he  should  send  the  offender 
that  they  might  punish  him.  Art.  III.  That  if  any  thing 
were  taken  away  from  any  of  theirs,  he  should  cause  it  to  be 
restored  ;  and  they  should  do  the  like  to  his.  Art.  IV.  That 
if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  they  would  aid  him ; 
and  if  any  did  war  against  them,  he  should  aid  them.  Art.  V. 
Thai  he  should  send  to  his  neighbour  confederates,  to  inform 
them  of  this,  that  they  might  not  wrong  them,  but  might  be 
likewise  comprised  in  these  conditions  of  peace.  Art.  VI. 
That  when  his  men  came  to  them  upon  any  occasion,  they 
should  leave  their  arms  (which  were  then  bows  and  arrows) 
behind  them.  Art.  VII.  Lastly,  that  so  doing,  their  sove 
reign  Lord,  King  James  would  esteem  him  as  his  friend  and 
ally. 

Two  years  after  (in  1623)  Massassoit  fell  sick,  and  Mr. 
Winslow  went  to  visit  him.  He  found  the  house  crowded 
with  men  who  were  using  their  rude  exertions  to  restore  him 
to  health.  Being  informed  that  his  friends  were  come  to  see 
him,  he  desired  to  speak  with  them.  (He  was  very  sick  and 
his  sight  had  left  him.)  When  Mr.  Winslow  went  to  him 
he  took  him  by  the  hand  and  faintly  said,  "  Keen  Wins- 
now?"  That  is*  "  Art  thou  Winslow  ?"  Being  informed  that 
he  was,  he  then  said,  "  Matta  neen  wonckunet  namen  Wins- 
noio/"  That  is,  "O  Winslow  I  shall  never  see  thee  again  !"  He 
had  not  taken  any  thing  for  two  days,  but  Mr.  Winslow  gave 
him  something  that  he  had  prepared  which  he  was  able  to 
swallow,  and  he  immediately  grew  better,  and  soon  entirely 
recovered.  In  1639,  this  Indian  King  was  at  Plymouth  with 
Mooanam  or  Wamsutta,  his  son,  then  or  afterwards  named 
Alexander,  and  renewed  the  former  league.  The  precise 
time  of  his  death  is  unknown.  But  from  Hubbard,  59,  it  ap 
pears  that  it  was  about  1656.  Morton,  26,  and  122.  Hutcn- 
inson,  I,  252,  25i.  Belknap,  Amer.  Biog.  I,  212,  204. 


PHILIP'S  V>'AR,  135 

And  moreover  they  knew  that  the  men  that  were 
with  him  were  resolute  fellows,  some  of  Philip's 
chief  soldiers ;  and  therefore,  feared  whether  it  was 
practicable  to  make  an  attempt  upon  him  with  so 
small  a  handful  of  assailants  as  were  now  with  hin: 
Told  him  further,  that  it  would  be  a  pity,  [ — J1  after 
all  the  great  things  he  had  done,  [that]  he  should 
throw  away  his  life  at  last.  Upon  which  he  replied, 
that  he  doubted  not  Annawon  was  a  subtle  and  val 
iant  man  ;  that  he  had  a  long  time,  but  in  vain,  sought 
for  him,  and  never  till  now  could  find  his  quarters, 
and  he  was  very  loath  to  miss  of  the  opportunity ; 
and  doubted  not,  [ — ]2  that  if  they  would  cheerfully 
go  with  him,  the  same  Almighty  Providence  that  had 
hitherto  protected  and  befriended  them,  would  do  so 
still,  &c. 

Upon  this  with  one  consent  they  said,  [that]  they 
would  go.  Captain  Church  then  turned  to  one  Cook 
of  Plymouth,  (the  only  Englishman  then  with  him) 
and  asked  him,  what  he  thought  of  it'?  [He]3  repli 
ed,  "  Sir,  I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when 
you  are  with  me."  Then  Captain  Church  asked  the 
old  Indian,  if  he  could  carry  his  horse  with  him  9 
(For  he  conveyed  a  horse  thus  far  with  him.)  He 
replied  that  it  was  impossible  for  a  horse  to  pass  the 
swamps.  Therefore,  he  sent  away  his  new  Indian 
soldier  with  his  father,  and  the  Captain's  horse,  to 
his  Lieutenant,  and  orders  for  him  to  move  to  Taun- 
ton  with  the  prisoners,  to  secure  them  there,  and  to 
come  out  in  the  morning  in  the  Rehoboth  road,  in 
which  he  might  expect  to  meet  him,  if  he  were  alive 
and  had  success. 

The  Captain  then  asked  the  old  fellow  if  he  would 
pilot  him  [to]4  Annawon  *?  He  answered,  that  he  hav- 
i  [that]  2  [but]          3  [Who]          4  [Unto] 

Holmes,  I,  208.  Prince,  185,  &,c.  Whether  he  had  more 
than  two  sons  is  uncertain  ;  but  it  seems  by  a  letter  to  Lon 
don,  written  during  this  war,  that  there  was  another.  See 
Hutchinson,  I,  265, 


ISO  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

ing  given  him  his  life,  he  was  obliged  to  serve  him* 
He  bid  him  move  on  then,  and  they  followed.  The 
old  man  would  out  travel  them  so  far  sometimes, 
that  they  were  almost  out  of  sight ;  [and]  looking 
over  his  shoulder,  and  seeing  them  behind,  he  would 
halt. 

Just  as  the  sun  was  setting,  the  old  man  made  a 
full  stop  and  sat  down  ;  the  company  coming  up,  also 
sat  down,  behlg  all  weary.     Captain  Church  asked, 
;'  What  news'?"  He  answered,  that  about  that  time 
in  the  evening,  Captain  Annawon  sent  out  his  scouts 
to  see  if  the  coast  were  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  be 
gan  to  grow  dark,  the  scouts  returned  ;  and  then 
(said  he)  "we  may  move   again  securely."  When  it 
began  to  grow  dark,  the  old  man  stood  up  again, 
[and]  Captain  Church  asked  him  if  he  would  take  a 
gun  and  fight  for  him  ?  He  bowed  very  low,  and 
prayed  him  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  him,  as 
to  fight  against  Captain  Annawon  his  old   friend. 
But  says  he,  "  I  will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  help 
ful  to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall 
offer  to  hurt  you." 

It  being  now  pretty  dark,  they  moved  close  to 
gether; — anon  they  heard  a  noise.  The  Captain 
stayed  the  old  man  with  his  hand,  and  asked  his  own 
men  what  noise  they  thought  it  might  be  ?  They 
concluded  it  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar.  The 
old  man  had  given  Captain  Church  a  description  of 
the  place*  where  Annawon  now  lay,  and  of  the  diffi- 

*  This  solitary  retreat  is  in  the  southeasterly  part  of  the 
town  of  Rehoboth,  but  being  near  Taunton  line,  some,  in  re 
lating  the  story,  report  it  to  be  in  this  town.  It  is  about  8 
miles  from  Taunton  green,  and  nearly  in  a  direct  line  to 
Providence.  The  northwest  corner  of  Dighton  runs  up  be 
tween  Taunton  and  Rehoboth,  through  which  we  pass  in 
going  from  Taunton  to  ANNAWON'S  ROCK.  (By  this  name  it 
is  known  throughout  that  part  of  the  country.)  It  is  in  a 
great  swamp,  called  Squannaconk,  containing  nearly  3000 
acres,  as  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  A.  Bliss,  the  nearest  inhabi 
tant  to  it.  The  road  passes  round  the  northwesterly  part  of 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  137 

culty  of  getting  at  him.  Being  sensible  that  they 
were  pretty  near  them,  with  two  of  his  Indians  he 
creeps  to  the  edge  of  the  rocks,  from  whence  he 
could  see  their  camps.  He  saw  three  companies  of 
Indians  at  a  little  distance  from  each  other ;  being 
easy  to  be  discovered  by  the  light  of  their  fires.  He 
saw  also  the  great  ANNA  WON  and  his  company, 
who  had  formed  his  camp  or  kenneling  place  by 
falling  a  tree  under  the  side  of  the  great  cliffs  of 
rocks,  and  setting  a  row  of  birch  bushes  up  against 
it ;  where  he  himself,  his  son,  and  some  of  his  chiefs 
had  taken  up  their  lodgings,  and  made  great  fires 
without  them,  and  had  their  pots  and  kettles  boiling, 
and  spits  roasting.  Their  arms  also  he  discovered, 
all  set  together,  in  a  place  fitted  for  the  purpose, 
standing  up  an  end  against  a  stick  lodged  in  two 
crotches,  and  a  mat  placed  over  them,  to  keep  them 
from  the  wet  or  dew.  The  old  Annawon's  feet  and 
his  son's  head  were  so  near  the  arms,  as  almost  to 
touch  them.  [ — ~]1 

The  rocks  were  so  steep  that  it  was  impossible  to 
get  down,  [only]2  as  they  lowered  themselves  by  the 
i  [but] '  2  [but] 

the  swamp,  and  within  6  or  8  rods  of  the  rock.  This  im 
mense  rock  extends  northeast  and  southwest  70  or  80  feet, 
and  to  this  day  the  camp  of  Annawon  is  approached  with 
difficulty.  A  part  of  its  southeast  side  hangs  over  a  little, 
and  the  other,  on  the  northeast  part,  seems  in  no  very  dis 
tant  period,  to  have  tumbled  down  in  large  clefts.  Its  height 
may  be  SO  feet.  It  is  composed  of  sand  and  pebbles.  A  few 
scattering  maple,  beech,  birch,  &c.,  grow  about  it ;  as  also 
briars  and  water  bushes,  so  thick  as  almost  to  forbid  ap 
proach.  Formerly,  it  was,  no  doubt,  entirely  surrounded  by 
water,  as  it  is  to  this  time  in  wet  seasons.  T-he  northwest 
side  of  the  rock  is  easily  ascended,  as  it  gradually  slopes  away 
from  its  summit  to  its  base,  and  at  an  angle,  perhaps,  not  ex 
ceeding  35°.  Small  bushes  grow  from  the  seams  in  its  steep 
side,  as  in  the  days  of  Church.  Near  the  southwest  extremi 
ty  is  an  opening  of  an  angular  form,  in  which,  it  is  said, 
Annawon  and  the  other  Chiefs  were  encamped.  This  open 
ing  now  contains  the  stump  of  a  large  tree,  which  must  have 
grown  since  those  days,  as  it  nearly  fills  it  up. 
12* 


138  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

boughs,  and  the  bushes  that  grew  in  the  cracks  of  the 
rocks.  Captain  Church  creeping  back  again  to  the 
old  man,  asked  him,  if  there  were  no  possibility  of 
getting  at  them  some  other  way  1  He  answered, 
"  No."  That  he  and  all  that  belonged  to  Annawon, 
were  ordered  to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come 
any  other  way  without  difficulty,  or  danger  of  being 
shot. 

Captain  Church  then  ordered  the  old  man  arid  his 
daughter  to  go  down  foremost  with  their  baskets  at 
their  backs,  that  when  Annawon  saw  them  with  their 
baskets  he  should  not  mistrust  the  intrigue.  Captain 
Church  and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down  also, 
under  the  shadow  of  those  two  and  their  baskets. 
The  Captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man, 
with  his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over  the 
.young  man's  head  to  the  arms.  The  young  Anna- 
won  discovering  of  him,  whipped  his  blanket  over 
his  head,  and  shrunk  up  in  a  heap.  The  old  Cap 
tain  Annawon  started  up  on  his  breech,  and  cried 
out  "Howoh."*  And  despairing  of  escape,  threw 
himself  back  again,  and  lay  silent  until  Captain 
Church  had  secured  all  the  arms,  &c.  And  having 
secured  that  company,  he  sent  his  Indian  soldiers  to 
the  other  fires  and  companies,  giving  them  instruc 
tions,  what  to  do  and  say.  Accordingly  they  went 
into  the  midst  of  them.  When  they  [had]  discover- 

*  This  word  according  to  the  tradition  of  aged  people, 
signified,  "  I  am  taken."  Dr.  Morse  has  thought  fit  to  alter 
the  spelling  of  this  word  to  Howah.  It  is  very  evident  that 
the  writer  of  this  history,  intended  in  the  termination  of  this 
woH  to  convey  the  sound  of  tih,  and  not  ah.  Were  this  not 
the  case,  it  is  certainly  better  to  .give  it  to  posterity  as  wo 
find  it.  Such  alterations,  however  small  and  unimportant 
they  may  seem  to  some  readers,  have  a  very  bad  tendency  ; 
they  tend  to  cause  us  to  doubt  of  the  authenticity  of  any  ac 
counts  that  are  handed  down  to  us.  It  may  be  said  that  an 
alteration  of  this  kind  is  of  no  consequence,  because  it  does 
not  alter  the  sense.  But  it  should  be  recollected,  that  the 
authority  is  as  good  for  any  other  alteration  ;  for  to  alter  let- 
twre  w  to  alter  words ;  to  alter  words  is  to  change  the  sense. 


PHILIPS  WAR. 

ed  themselves  [to  the  enemy,  they]1  told  them  that, 
their  Captain  Annawon  was  taken,  and  [that]  it 
would  be  best  for  them,  quietly  and  peaceably  to 
surrender  themselves,  which  would  procure  good 
quarter  for  them ;  otherwise,  if  they  should  pretend 
to  resist  or  make  their  escape,  it  would  be  in  vain, 
and  they  could  expect  no  other  but  that  Captain 
Church,  with  his  great  army,  who  had  now  entrap 
ped  them,  would  cut  them  to  pieces.  Told  them 
also,  [that]  if  they  would  submit  themselves,  and  de 
liver  up  all  their  arms  unto  them,  and  keep  every 
man  in  his  place  until  it  was  day,  they  would  assure 
them  that  their  Captain  Church,  who  had  been  so 
kind  to  themselves  when  they  surrendered  to  him, 
should  be  as  kind  to  them.  Now  they  being  old  ac 
quaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations-,  did  much 
the  readier  give  heed  to  what  they  said ;  [so]  compli 
ed,  and  surrendered  up  their  arms  unto  them,  both 
their  guns  and  hatchets,  &c.,  and  were  forthwith 
carried  to  Captain  Church.* 

Things  being  so  far  settled,  Captain  Church  asked 
Annawon,  "  what  he  had  for  supper?"  "  for  (said  he) 
I  am  come  to  sup  with  you."  "  Taubut"  (said  An 
nawon)  with  a  big  voice,  and  looking  about  upon 
his  women,  bid  them  hasten  and  get  Captain  Church 
and  his  company  some  supper.  [He]  then  turned 
to  Captain  Church  and  asked  him  whether  he  would 
eat  cow  beef  or  horse  beef6?  The  Captain  told  him 
cow  beef  would  be  most  acceptable.  It  was  soon 
got  ready,  and  pulling  his  little  bag  of  salt  out  of 
his  pocket,  which  was  all  the  provision  he  brought 
with  him.  This  seasoned  his  cow  beef.  So  that 
with  it  and  the  dried  green  corn,  which  the  old  squaw 
was  pounding  in  the  mortar,  while  they  were  sliding 
1  [who  they  were] 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  differs  considerably  in  his  relation  of  the 
taking  of  Annawon,  from  our  author,  and  is  much  shorter. 
Nothing  very  important  seems  to  be  omitted  in  this  account, 
««««ptirxg  the  date,  and  tha4  Mr.  HuWjard  omits 


HO  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

down  the  rocks,  he  made  a  very  hearty  supper.  Arid 
this  pounding  in  the  mortar,  proved  lucky  for  Cap 
tain  Church's  getting  down  the  rocks ;  for  when  the 
old  squaw  pounded,  they  moved,  and  when  she  ceas 
ed,  to  turn  the  corn,  they  ceased  creeping.  The 
noise  of  the  mortar  prevented  the  enemy's  hearing 
their  creeping,  and  the  corn  being  now  dressed,  sup 
plied  the  want  of  bread,  and  gave  a  fine  relish  with 
the  cow  beef. 

Supper  being  over,  Captain  Church  sent  two  of 
his  men  to  inform  the  other  companies,  that  he  had 
killed  Philip,  and  taken  their  friends  in  Mounthope 
neck,  but  had  spared  their  lives,  and  that  he  had  sub 
dued  now  all  the  enemy,  (he  supposed)  except  this 
company  of  Annawon ;  and  now  if  they  would  be 
orderly  and  keep  their  places  until  morning,  they 
should  have  good  quarter,  and  that  he  would  carry 
them  to  Taunton,  where  they  might  see  their  friends 
again,  &c. 

The  messengers  returned,  [and  informed]  that  the 
Indians  yielded  to  his  proposals. 

Captain  Church  thought  it  was  now  time  for  him 
to  take  a  nap,  having  had  no  sleep  in  two  days  and 
one  night  before.  [So  he]  told  his  men,  that  if  they 
would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all 
the  rest  of  the  night.  He  laid  himself  down  and  en 
deavoured  to  sleep,  but  all  disposition  to  sleep  de 
parted  from  him. 

After  he  had  lain  a  little  while,  he  looked  up  to 
see  how  his  watch  managed,  but  found  them  all  fast 
asleep.  Now  Captain  Church  had  told  Captain  An- 
nawon's  company,  as  he  had  ordered  his  Indians  to 
tell  the  others ;  [namely]  that  their  lives  should  all 
be  spared,  excepting  Captain  Annawon's,  and  it  was 
not  in  his  power  to  promise  him  his  life,  but  he  must 
carry  him  to  his  masters  at  Plymouth,  arid  he  would 
entreat  them  for  his  life. 

Now  when  Captain  Church  found  not  only  his  own 
men,  but  all  the  Indians  fast  asleep,  Annawon  only 
who,  he  perceived  was  as  broad  awake  as 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  141 

himself;  and  so  they  lay  looking  one  upon  the  other, 
perhaps  an  hour.  Captain  Church  said  nothing  to 
him,  for  he  could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  An- 
nawon  could  not  speak  English. 

At  length  Annawon  raised  himself  up,  cast  off  his 
blanket,  and  with  no  more  clothes  than  his  small 
breeches,  walked  a  little  way  back  from  the  company. 
Captain  Church  thought  no  other  but  that  he  had  oc 
casion  to  ease  himself,  and  so  walked  to  some  distance 
rather  than  offend  them  with  the  stink.  But  by  and 
by  he  was  gone  out  of  sight  and  hearing,  and  then 
Captain  Church  began  to  suspect  some  ill  design  in 
him ;  and  got  all  the  guns  close  to  him,  and  crowd 
ed  himself  close  under  young  Annawon;  that  if  he 
should  anywhere  get  a  gun,  he  should  not  make  a 
shot  at  him,  without  endangering  his  son.  Lying 
very  still  awhile,  waiting  for  the  event,  at  length, 
he  heard  somebody  coming  the  same  way  that  An 
nawon  went.  The  moon  now  shining  bright,  he 
saw  him  at  a  distance  coming  with  something  in  his 
hands,  and  coming  up  to  Captain  Church,  he  fell 
upon  his  knees  before  him,  and  offered  him  what  he 
had  brought,  and  speaking  in  plain  English,  said, 
"Great  Captain,  you  have  killed  Philip,  and  con 
quered  his  country  ;  for  I  believe  that  I  and  my  com 
pany  are  the  last  that  war  against  the  English,  so 
suppose  the  war  is  ended  by  your  means ;  and  there 
fore  these  things  belong  unto  you."  Then  opening 
his  pack,  he  pulled  out  Philip's  belt,*  curiously 
wrought  with  wompom,f  being  nine  inches  broad, 

*  This  belt  and  some  other  of  Philip's  ornaments  are  now 
owned  in  a  family  at  Swanzey,  as  I  was  informed  by  an  in 
habitant  of  the  place. 

f  Wampum,  or  wampom,  called  also  wampampeag  ;  a  kind 
of  money  in  use  among  the  Indians.  It  was  a  kind  of  bead 
made  of  shells  of  the  great  conch,  muscles,  &c.,  and  curiously 
wrought  and  polished,  with  a  hole  through  them.  They 
were  of  different  colours,  as  black,  blue,  red,  white  and  pur 
ple  j  the  last  of  which  were  wrought  by  the  Fivenations. 
Six  of  the  white,  and  three  of  the  black,  or  blue  passed  for  a 
penny.  Trumbull,  Hist.  U.  S.  I,  23.  In  1667  wampom 


142  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

wrought  with  black  and  white  wompom,  in  various 
figurefe,  and  flowers  and  pictures  of  many  birds  and 
beasts.  This,  when  hanged  upon  Captain  Church's 
shoulders,  reached  his  ancles ;  and  another  belt  of 
wompom  he  presented  him  with,  wrought  after  the 
former  manner,  which  Philip  was  wont  to  put  upon 
his  head.  It  had  two  flags  on  the  back  part, 
which  hung  down  on  his  back,  and  another  small 
belt  with  a  star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  used 
to  hang  on  his  breast,  and  they  were  all  edged  with 
red  hair,  which  Annawon  said  they  got  in  the  Mo- 
hog's*  country.  Then  he  pulled  out  two  horns  of 
glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  He  told 
Captain  Church  [that]  these  were  Philip's  royalties, 
which  he  was  wont  to  adorn  himself  with,  when  he 
sat  in  state  ;  that  he  thought  himself  happy  that  he 
had  an  opportunity  to  present  them  to  Captain 
Church,  who  had  won  them,  &c.  [They]  spent  the 
remainder  of  the  night  in  discourse.  And  [Captain 
Annawon]  gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success 
he  had  [had]  formerly  in  wars  against  many  nations 
of  Indians,' f  when  he  served  Asuhmequin,  Philip's 
father,  &C.J 

was  made  a  tender  by  law  for  the  payment  of  debts  "  not  ex 
ceeding  40  shillings,  at  8  white  or  4  black  a  penny  j  this  was 
repealed  in  1671."  Douglass,  I,  437. 

*  Mohawk's.  This  word  is  spelt  Moohag  on  page  68.  See 
note  2,  of  page  68. 

t  How  much  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  Mr.  Church  did  not 
preserve  the  conversation  of  Annawon  at  this  time.  Nothing 
could  have  added  more  value  to  his  history. 

|  Thus  ended  Monday  night  28  August.  It  is  unaccounta 
ble  that  Mr.  Hubbard  fixes  no  date  to  this  transaction,  and 
the  more  so,  as  he  wrote  so  near  the  time  that  it  took  place. 
It  is  not  without  some  hesitation  that  the  above  is  admitted, 
on  account  of  the  disagreements  in  the  narratives.  Hub- 
bard,  230,  says  that  Tispaquin  came  in,  in  September,  and 
places  it  before  the  taking  of  Annawon,  which  if  our  author 
be  correct  is  a  gross  mistake.  Now  it  is  evident  that  it  was 
on  Monday  night  from  the  text,  and  that  there  was  a  moon 
»ot  long  after  dark,  perhaps  an  hour  or  two.  This  ex- 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  143 

In  the  morning,  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  the  Cap 
tain  marched  with  his  prisoners  out  of  that  swampy 
country  towards  Taunton.  [He]  met  his  Lieutenant 
and  company  about  four  miles  out  of  town,  who  ex 
pressed  a  great  deal  of  joy  to  see  him  again,  and 
said,  [that]  it  was  more  than  ever  they  expected. 
They  went  into  Taunton,  were  civilly  and  kindly 
treated  by  the  inhabitants.  [Here  they]  refreshed 
and  rested  themselves  that  night. 

Early  next  morning,  the  Captain  took  old  Anna- 
won,  and  half  a  dozen  of  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  hig 
own  man,  and  went  to  Rhodeisland ;  sending  the 
rest  of  his  company,  and  his  prisoners  by  his  Lieu 
tenant*  to  Plymouth.  Tarrying  two  or  three  days 
upon  the  island,  he  then  went  to  Plymouth,  and  car- 
r;ed  his  wife  and  his  two  children  with  him. 

Captain  Church  had  been  but  a  little  while  at 
Plymouth,  when  he  was  informed  of  a  parcel  of  In 
dians  who  had  haunted  the  woods  between  Plymouth 
and  Sippican ;  that  did  great  damage  to  the  Eng 
lish,  in  killing  their  cattle,  horses,  and  swine.  The 
Captain  was  soon  in  pursuit  of  them.  [He]  went 
out  from  Plymouth  the  next  Monday  in  the  after 
noon,  [and]  next  morning  early  they  discovered  a 
track.  The  Captain  sent  two  Indians  on  the  track 
to  see  what  they  could  discover,  whilst  he  and  his 
company  followed  gently  after.  But  the  two  In 
dians  soon  returned  with  tidings,  that  they  discover 
ed  the  enemy  sitting  round  their  fires,  in  a  thick 
place  of  brush.  When  they  came  pretty  near  the 
place,  the  Captain  ordered  every  man  to  creep  as 
lie  did,  and  surround  them  by  creeping  as  near  as 
they  could,  till  they  should  be  discovered,  and  then 

actly  corresponds  with  the  date  given  above,  because  the 
moon  was  at  the  full  on  the  26  August,  and  this  being  two 
nights  after,  they  would  of  course  have  the  moon  a  abort 
time  after  dark. 

*  Mr.  Jabw  Rowland. 


144  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

to  run  [ — J1  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive  if 
possible,  (for  their  prisoners  were  their  pay.)  They 
did  so,  [taking]2  every  one*  that  were  at  the  fires, 
not  one  escaping. 

Upon  examination  they  agreed  in  their  stories, 
that  they  belonged  to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone 
with  John  Bump,f  and  one  more,  to  AgawomJ  and 
Sippican§  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not  expected 
back  in  two  or  three  days.  || 

This  same  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great  Captain, 
and  the  Indians  reported,  that  he  was  such  a  great 
Pauwau^,  that  no  bullet  could  enter  him,  &c.  Cap 
tain  Church  said,  [that]  he  would  not  have  him  kill 
ed,  for  there  was  a  war**  broke  out  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  country,  and  he  would  have  him  saved  to 
go  with  him  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agreea 
bly  he  left  two  old  squaws,  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid 
them  tarry  there  until  their  Captain,  Tispaquin,  re 
turned,  and  to  tell  him  that  Church  had  been  there, 
and  had  taken  his  wife  and  children,  and  company, 
and  carried  them  down  to  Plymouth,  and  would 
spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would  come 
down  to  them,  and  bring  the  other  two  that  were 
with  him,  and  they  should  be  his  soldiers,  (fee. 

Captain  Church  then  returned  to  Plymouth,  leav 
ing  the  old  squaws  well  provided  for,  and  biscuit  for 
Tispaquin  when  he  returned;  telling  his  soldiers, 
that  he  doubted  not,  but  he  had  laid  a  trap  that 
i  [on]  2  [took] 

*  About  50  according  to  Hubbard,  231.  "  The  place  was 
near  Lakenham  upon  Pocasset  neck,  so  full  of  bushes  that  a 
man  could  not  see  a  rod  before  him."  Ibid. 

t  Nothing  more  is  said  of  this  Indian  as  I  can  find.  There 
are  respectable  white  people  in  Middleborough  by  this  nanl^, 
from  the  ancestors  of  whom  he  might  have  derived  his  name. 
(Wareham.)  §  (Rochester.) 

This  was  in  September. 

i  Wizard  or  conjurer.  English  writers  denominate  their 
priests  by  this  name. 

**  An  account  of  this  war  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix 
Sw»  No.  V. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  145 

would  take  him.  Captain  Church  two  days  after 
went  to  Boston,  (the  commissioners*  then  sitting) 
and  waited  upon  the  honourable  Governour  Leve- 
rett5f  who  then  lay  sick.  [He]1  requested  Captain 
Church  to  give  him  some  account  of  the  war,  who 
readily  obliged  his  honour  therein,  to  his  great  satis 
faction,  as  he  was  pleased  to  express  himself;  tak 
ing  him  by  the  hand,  and  telling  him,  [that]  if  it 
pleased  God  [that]  he -lived,  he  would  make  it  a 
brace  of  a  hundred  pounds  advantage  to  him  out  of 
the  Massachusetts  colony,  and  would  endeavour  that 
the  rest  of  the  colonies  should  do  proportionally. 
But  he  died  within  a  fortnight  after,  and  so  nothing 
was  done  of  that  nature. 

i  [who] 

*  I  find  no  mention  of  any  other  court  in  Massachu 
setts  at  this  time,  than  that  called  together  the  9  August,  oc 
casioned  by  a  letter  from  the  King,  summoning  the  colony 
to  appoint  commissioners  to  answer  to  the  complaints  of  Gor 
ges  and  Mason,  concerning  boundaries,  foe.  See  Hist. 
Mass.  I,  280,  231.  This  ana  other  business,  it  is  probable, 
kept  them  together  until  the  time  alluded  to  in  our  text. 

f  Governour  John  Leverett  came  to  America  with  his  fa 
ther  in  1633,  from  Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  England.  He 
was  made  deputy  Governour  in  1671,  and  in  1673,  Gover 
nour.  He  continued  in  the  office  until  his  death,  which,  ac- 
fording  to  our  author,  was  in  1676.  Dr.  Douglass  also,  in 
nis  Summary,  I,  429,  says  that  it  was  "  in  the  autumn  of 
1676."  It  is  remarkable,  that  most,  if  not  all,  later  histori 
ans  place*  his  death  in  1678',  on  the  authority  of  Mather,  I 
conclude.  In  my  first  edition  of  this  work  I  followed  the  Bi 
ographical  Dictionaries  without  scruple,  but  soon  discovered 
the  errour.  Eliot  and  Allen,  perhaps,  followed  Mather  with 
out  hesitation,  because  Hutchinson  did  not  differ  from  him. 

The  former  part  of  this  note  \vas  written  previous  to  the 
appearance  of  Mr.  Savage's  edition  of  Winthrop's  History 
of  Newengland.  It  there  appears,  II,  245,  note  2,  that  a  let 
ter  was  received  1677,  from  the  court  of  England,  creating 
him  Knight.  This  title  was  never  i^sed,  which  Mr.  Savage 
conjectures  various  reasons  for.  But  if  he  were  dead  before 
his  appointment  arrived,  that  is  a  sufficient  reason.^  Io 
Snow's  Hist.  Boston,  some  account  of  his  funeral  i*  given, 
tout  under  the  same  date. 


146  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

The  same  day*  Tispaquin  came  in,  and  those 
that  were  with  him.  But  when  Captain  Church  re 
turned  from  Boston,  he  found,  to  his  grief,  the  heads 
of  Annawon,  Tispaquin,  &c.,f  cut  off  which  were 
the  last  of  Philip's  friends. { 

*  The  same  day  that  the  trap  was  set. 

t  The  full  import  of  this  &c.  is  not  known.  We  can  only 
observe,  that  a  great  many  others  at  different  times  were  ex 
ecuted,  much  to  the  dishonour  of  those  concerned.  Of 
the  numbers  of  those  poor  natives  that  were  thus  murdered, 
we  must  remain  ignorant. 

|  Melancholy  indeed  is  the  reflection,  a  nation  is  no  more! 
Thus  we  behold  the  instability  of  all  things,  acted  upon  by 
the  exterminating  hand  of  time.  The  rude  government  of 
the  natives  could  not  protect  them  against  treachery  in  an 
uncommon  degree.  Their  means  of  support  being  often 
scant,  and  many  times  nearly  cut  off,  was  a  groat  inducement 
to  desertion  to  the  English,  where  they  always  fared  much 
better.  Hence  their  first  great  disaster,  at  the  swamp  tight 
in  Narraganset,  was  owing  to  a  fugitive's  leading  the  Eng 
lish  to  the  only  assailable  part  of  the  fort  ;  Philip  fell  by  the 
same  foul  treachery  ;  and,  lastly,  Annawon,  who,  had  he 
been  a  Roman,  would  have  been  called  the  great.  The  fol 
lowing  lines  admirably  portray  the  frailty  of  man. 

*'  Like  leaves  on  trees  the  race  of  man  is  found ; 

Now  green  in  youth,  now  with'ring  on  the  ground ; 

Another  race  the  following  spring  supplies; 

They  fall  successive,  and  successive  rise  : 

So  generations  in  their  course,  decay ; 

So  flourish  these,  when  those  are  past  away."     POPE'S  HOMER. 

The  conduct  of  the  government  in  putting  to  death  "  An 
nawon,  Tispaquin,  8cc.,"  has  ever  been  viewed  as  barbarous; 
no  circumstance  now  made  it  necessary.  The  Indians  were 
subdued,  therefore  no  example  was  wanting  to  deter  others. 
It  is  true,  some  were  mentioned  by  the  government  as  un- 
meriting  mercy  ;  but  humanity  forbade  the  execution  of 
laws  formed  only  for  the  emergencies  of  the  moment.  Gov- 
ernour  Hutchinson  observes,  "Every  person,  almost,  in  the 
two  colonies,  [Massachusetts  and  Plymouth]  had  lost  a  rela 
tion  or  near  friend,  and  the  people  in  general  were  exaspera 
ted:  but  all  does  not  sufficiently  excuse  this  great  severity.'* 
Hist.  Mass.  I,  277. 

Mr.  Hubbard,  who  wrote  at  the  time  does  not  fail  to  justi 
fy  all  the  measures  of  government.  He  says  that  Church 
promised  Tispaquin  an  office  under  him,  if  what  he  had  mad* 


PHILIP'S  WAR,  147 

The  general  court  of  Plymouth  then  sitting,  sent 
for  Captain  Church,  who  waited  upon  them  accord 
ingly,  and  received  their  thanks  for  his  good  ser 
vice,  wHfch  they  unanimously  voted,  [and]  which 
was  all  that  Captain  Church  had  for  his  aforesaid 
service. 

Afterwards,  in  the  year  lG7ft,*  in  the  month  of 
January,  Captain  Church  received  a  commission 
from  Governour  Winslow,f  to  scour  the  woods  of 
some  of  the  lurking  enemy,  which  they  were  well 
informed  were  there. 

[Here  followed  the  commission  which  is  omitted  as  it  is 
very  similar  to  that  at  page  93.  It  bears  date  15  Jap.  1676, 
but  should  be  taken  1676-7.] 

his  followers  believe  were  true,  that  a  bullet  could  not  kill 
him.  When  he  delivered  himself  up,  the  government 
thought  proper  to  see  if  it  were  the  case  ;  so  shot  at  him,  and 
he  fell  dead  the  first  fire  !  Annawon  was  accused  of  torturing 
and  murdering  many  English  prisoners,  "  which  he  could 
not  deny,"  therefore  he  was  put  to  death  in  the  same  manner. 
Mr.  Hubbard,  though  an  eminent  historian,  was  not  free  from 
the  prejudices  of  the  times.  As  for  us,  we  can  only  lament 
the  end  of  those  heroes,  and  in  no  better  language,  than  that 
of  our  eminent  native  poet. 

"  Indulge,  our  native  land,  indulge  the  teai 
That  steals  impassioned  o'er  a  nation's  doom  ; 
To  us  each  twig  from  Adam's  stock  is  dear, 
And  tears  of  sorrow  deck  an  Indian's  tomb." 

Dwight's  Greenfield  Hill. 

*  This  was  according  to  the  old  method  of  dating,  when 
the  new  year  did  not  begin  until  the  25  March  ;  therefore, 
this  must  be  understood  1677.  Under  the  old  supputation, 
the  year  was  often  written  with  an  additional  figure,  from  1 
Jan.  to  25  March,  to  represent  both  the  old  and  new  method  ; 
thus,  at  that  time  the  above  date  would  have  been  properly 
written  1676-7.  By  the  inattention  of  authors,  sometimes 
using  the  additional  figure,  and  sometimes  omitting  it,  many 
anachronisms  have  been  committed.  Another  method, 
which  signifies  the  same  was  often  used  ;  thus,  167^  express 
the  same  as  1676-7.  But  writers  frequently  fell  into  mis 
takes  by  taking  the  wrong  figure  of  the  fraction. 

t  This  Gentleman  having  managed  the  affairs  of  Plymouth 
colony  during  this  troublesome  war,  it  will  be  proper  to  give 
some  account  of  him  at  its  close.  He  was  a  son  of  the  dis 
tinguished  Edward  Winslow,  whose  name  is  the  third  to 


148  PHILIPS  WAR. 

Accordingly  Captain  Church   accompanied  with 
several  gentlemen   and  others,  went  out  and   took 

that  celebrated  "  combination,"  or  "  first  foundation  of  the 
government  of  New  Plymouth."  In  1656,  Alexander  was  mis 
trusted  of  plotting  against  the  English,  as  has  been  mentioned 
in  note  1,  on  page  17.  Mr.  Winslow  with  8  or  10  men  sur 
prised  him  at  a  hunting  house  where  he  had  just  arrived 
with  about  80  men.  These  having  left  their  guns  without 
their  house,  were  seized  by  Winslow,  who  then  compelled 
Alexander  to  go  with  him  to  Plymouth.  This  caused  in  him 
an  indignant  languishment,  of  which  he  died,  as  has  been  ob 
served. 

When  Philip's  war  commenced,  Mr.  Winslow  wrote  to  the 
Govcrnour  of  Massachusetts  as  follows:  "  July  4,  1675.  I 
do  solemnly  profess  we  know  not  any  thing 'from  us  that 
might  put  Philip  upon  these  motions,  nor  have  heard  that  he 
pretends  to  have  suffered  any  wrong  from  us,  save  only  that 
we  had  killed  some  Indians  and  intended  to  send  for  himself 
for  the  murder  of  John  Sausaman  [Sassamon.]  The  last 
that  was  executed  this  week  confessed  that  he  saw  the  other 
two  do  the  murder.  Neither  had  we  any  thoughts  to  com 
mand  him  in  about  it."  See  note  1,  on  page  26. 

Again  he  writes,  "I  think  I  can  clearly  say,  that  before 
these  present  troubles  broke  out,  the  English  did  not  possess 
one  foot  of  land  in  this  colony,  but  what  was  fairly  obtained 
by  honest  purchase  of  the  Indian  proprietors:  Nay,  because 
some  of  our  people  are  of  a  covetous  disposition,  and  the  In 
dians  are  in  their  straits  easily  prevailed  with  to  part  with 
their  lands,  we  first  made  a  law  that  none  should  purchase 
or  receive  by  gift,  any  land  of  the  Indians  without  the  know 
ledge  and  allowance  of  our  court,"  &c.  Hubbard,  66.  Thus 
justice  appears  to  have  been  aimed  at  by  the  leaders  in  gov 
ernment,  from  its  beginning,  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
effectually  prevented  the  private  abuses  of  individuals, 
which  was,  no  doubt,  impossible.  The  remark  of  Mr.  Ma- 
kin  I  will  lay  before  the  reader  that  he  may  judge  how  far  it 
is  correct,  and  whether  the  contrast  be  so  great  between  the 
treatment  of  the  Indians  in  Newengland  and  Pennsylvania, 
as  to  deserve  what  follow-.  (See  Appendix,  XIII.) 

"  On  just  and  equal  terms  the  land  was  gain'd,* 

No  force  of  amis  has  a;:y  right  obtain'd  : 

'Tis  here  without  the  use  of  arms,  alone, 

The  bless'd  inhabitant  enjoys  his  own  ; 

Here  many,  to  their  wish,  in  peace  enjoy 

Their  happy  lots,  and  nothing  doth  annoy. 

But  sad  Neiv  England's  diff'rent  conduct  sliow'd 

What  dire  effects  from  injur'd  Indians  flow'd." 
*  In  Pennsylvania.  Makin  in  Proud,  II,  863. 


PHILIP'S  WAR.  149 

divers  parties  of  Indians.  In  one  of  which  there  was 
a  certain  old  man,  whom  Captain  Church  seemed  to 
take  particular  notice  of,  and  asking  him  where  he 
belonged,  he  told  him  at  Swanzey.  The  Captain 
asked  his  name,  he  replied,  Conscience.  Conscience, 
said  the  Captain,  smiling,  then  the  war  is  over ;  for 
that  was  what  they  were  searching  for,  it  being  much 
wanted,  and  returned  the  said  Conscience  to  his  post 
again  at  Swanzey,  to  a  certain  person  [that]  the  said 
Indian  desired  to  be  sold  to,  and  then  returned 
home.* 

*  Nothing  very  brilliant,  to  be  sure,  occurred  in  those  expe 
ditions,  if  the  author  has  given  us  the  chief  exploit  of  them 
all,  and  we  may  be  satisfied  that  we  have  no  more  of  them.  Mr. 
Hubbard  takes  no  notice  of  any  actions  of  Church  after  the  tak 
ing  of  Annawon,  which  had  they  been  very  important  would 
not  have  escaped  his  attention.  He  closes  the  war  in  this 
Quarter  with  a  few  interesting  exploits,  the  chief  of  which 
it  will  be  proper  to  notice.  In  October  one  Mr.  Stanton  with 
three  Indians  came  from  Seconet  and  on  the  way  beared  by 
a  captive,  that  there  were  a  number  of  the  enemy  not  far  off. 
The  Indians  leaving  Mr.  Stanton  pursued  and  took  them  all. 
Among  them  was  an  old  man  not  able  to  go  their  pace,  and 
they  spared  his  life  by  his  promising  to  come  after.  It  ap 
pears  that  those  taken,  were  mostly  women  and  children, 
whose  men  were  out  a  hunting.  They  soon  returned,  and  the 
old  man  informed  them  of  what  had  befel  their  friends,  and 
they  set  out  in  pursuit  of  them,  overtook  them,  and  retook 
the  prisoners.  One  friendly  Indian  was  killed  in  the  skir 
mish,  and  the  other  two  hardly  escaped.  One  of  these  was 
called  Major  Symon,  part  Pequot  and  part  Narraganset. 
He  was  remarkable  for  his  strength  and  courage,  and  at  the 
first,  offered  to  fight  any  five  of  the  enemy  hand  to  hand  with 
their  hatchets,  but  they  declined  ;  upon  which  he  discharged 
his  gun  among  them,  and  then  rushed  upon  them  with  great 
fury,  broke  through  them,  and  escaped  with  the  other,  with 
out  injury.  Hubbard,  237,  238. 

13* 


[THE 

FRENCH  AND  INDIAN 

WARS 

IN 

NEWENGLAND, 

BETWEEN  THE  YEARS  1689,  AND  1704; 

BEING]  A  FURTHER  ACCOUNT  or  THE  ACTIONS  IN  THE  MORE 

LATE    WARS    AGAINST    THE    COMMON    ENEMY    AND    IN 
DIAN    REBELS,    IN    THE    EASTERN    PARTS, 
UNDER    THE    COMMAND    OF    THE 
AFORESAID 

CAPTAIN  BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

IN  the  time  of  Sir  Edmund  Andross'*  government, 
began  that  bloody  war  in  the  eastern  parts  of  New- 
<england  :  so  that  immediately  Sir  Edmund  sent  an 

*  Andross  was  sent  over  as  Governour  of  the  province  of 
Newyork,  in  1674,  by  the  Duke  of  York.  Was  appointed 
Oovernour  of  Newengland,  and  arrived  in  Boston,  20  De 
cember  1684.  Smith,  Hist.  N.  Y.  03,  gives  a  very  just  idea 
of  his  character  in  a  very  few  words.  "  He  knew  no  law, 
'hut  the  will  of  his  master,  and  Kirk  and  Jeiferies  were  not 
litter  instruments  than  he  to  execute  the  despotick  projects 
of  James  II."  And  that  "the  historians  of  Newengland 
justly  transmit  him  to  posterity,  under  the  odious  character 
of  a  sycophantick  tool  to  the  Duke,  and  an  arbitrary  tyrant 
over  the  pecnle  cou;miiied  to  his  care."  He  was  checked  in 
the  midst  of  his  oppressive  measures  by  the  abdication  of 
King  James.  This  had  been  expected  by  the  colonies,  and 
eagerly  wished  for.  The  people  of  Boston  on  a  report  of  the 
change  in  England,  and  without  waiting  for  its  confirmation, 
daringly  began  the  revolution  in  NewTengland.  Andross  and 
about  50  other  obnoxious  persons  were  seized,  and  the  old 
government  reassumc u.  He  was  afterwards  Governour  of 
Virginia,  and  we  hear  but*  little  more  about  him.  He  died 
ia  London,  Feb.  24,  1713.  Holmes,  I,  475.  His  life  is  more 
particularly  given  by  Eliot,  but  larger  and  better  by  Allen, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  151 

express  for  Captain  Church,  who  then  being  at  Little- 
compton,  received  it  on  a  Lord's  day,  in  the  after 
noon  meeting.  Going  home  after  meeting,  [he]  took 
his  horse  and  set  out  for  Boston,  as  ordered  ;  and  by 
sunrise  next  morning,  got  to  Braintree,*  where  he 
met  with  Colonel  Page  on  horseback,  going  to  Wey- 
mouth  and  Hingham  to  raise  forces  to  go  east.  [He]1 
said  [that]  he  was  glad  to  see  him,  and  that  his  ex 
cellency  would  be  as  glad  to  see  him  in  Boston  so 
early.  So  parting  he  soon  got  to  Boston,  and  waited 
upon  his  excellency,  who  informed  him  of  an  unhap 
py  war,  broken  out  in  the  eastern  parts  ;  and  said, 
[that]  he  was  going  himself  in  person,  and  that  he 
wanted  his  company  with  him.  But  Captain  Church 
not  finding  himself  in  the  same  spirit  he  used  to  have, 
said,  [that]  he  hoped  his  excellency  would  give  him 
time  to  consider  of  it.  He  told  him  he  might ;  and 
also  said  that  he  must  come  and  dine  with  him. 
Captain  Church  having  many  acquaintance  in  Boston, 
who  made  it  their  business,  some  to  encourage,  and 
others  to  discourage  him  from  going  with  his  excel 
lency.  So  after  dinner  his  excellency  took  him  into 
his  room,  and  discoursed  freely  ;  saying,  that  he  hav 
ing  knowledge  of  his  former  actions  and  successes, 
and  that  he  must  go  with  him,  and  be  his  second, 
with  other  encouragements.  But  in  short,  the  said 
Captain  Church  did  not  accept,  so  was  dismissed  and 
went  home.f 

i  [who] 

*  Formerly  mount  Wollaston.  Its  Indian  name  was  Wes- 
sagusset.  It  is  about  10  miles  from  Boston,  and  is  renowned 
as  the  birth  place  of  JOHN  An  VMS,  second  President  of  the 
U.  STATES,  whose  life  and  death  add  so  much  veneration  to 
the  auspicious  FOURTH  OF  JULY. 

Though  the  residence  of  the  President  is  nearly  4  miles 
from  what  was  mount  Wollaston,  and  in  the  present  town  of 
Quincy,  yet  it  is  believed,  that  it  was  anciently  included 
in  it. 

t  Notwithstanding,  Andross  undertook  an  eastern  expedi 
tion  at  the  head  of  7  or  800  men,  and  the  enemy  fled  before 


152  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Soon  after  this  was  the  revolution,*  and  the  other 
government  reassumed,  and  then  Governour  Brad- 
streetf  sent  for  Captain  Church  to  come  to  Boston, 
as  soon  as  his  business  would  permit ;  whereupon  he 
went  to  Boston  and  waited  upon  his  honour,  who  told 
him  [that]  he  was  requested  by  the  council  to  send 
for  him,  to  see  if  he  could  be  prevailed  with  to  raise 

him.  "  But,  by  establishing  garrisons,  by  detaching  nume 
rous  parties,  to  attack  their  settlements,  and  destroy  their 
scanty  provisions,  he  reduced  them  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  secured  the  country  from  their  incursions."  Holmes,  I, 
474.  But  he  did  as  much  mischief,  or  perhaps  more  than  he 
did  good.  He  plundered  Castine's  house,  a  Frenchman, 
who  had  great  influence  among  the  Indians,  which  caused 
him  to  stir  them  up  anew.  Belknap,  I,  196. 

*  The  change  of  government  at  home  being  mentioned  in 
a  preceding  note  it  will  be  necessary  here  to  take  notice  on 
ly  of  its  origin.  King  James  II.,  in  his  efforts  to  establish 
popery,  overthrew  himself.  He  published  certain  declara 
tions,  with  injunctions  upon  the  clergy  to  read  them  to  the 
people  after  service,  which  they  refused.  The  Bishops  in 
an  address  to  the  King,  remonstrated  that  they  could  not 
read  his  declarations  consistent  with  their  consciences  ;  and 
they  were  immediately  prosecuted  for  a  seditious  libel.  The 
people  took  great  interest  in  their  trial,  and  when  they  were 
acquitted  the  rejoicing  was  almost  universal.  At  this  very 
juncture,  while  the  people  were  enraged  against  the  King, 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  who  had  married  Mary,  eldest 
daughter  of  King  James,  landed  in  England  with  an  im 
mense  army  from  Holland,  and  were  proclaimed  without 
opposition.  The  old  King  with  much  difficulty  effected  hjs 
escape  to  France.  Goldsmith's  Hist.  England. 

t  Simon  Bradstreet  was  born  in  Lincolnshire,  England,  in 
March  1603,  and  lived  to  be  the  oldest  man  in  Newengland. 
After  marrying  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Dudley,  he  was  per 
suaded  to  make  a  settlement  in  Massachusetts.  In  1630  he 
was  chosen  assistant  of  the  colony,  and  arrived  at  Salem  the 
same  year.  He  was  in  several  important  offices,  and  at 
length  succeeded  Governour  Leverett  in  the  chief  magi& 
tracy  of  Massachusetts,  in  which  office  he  continued  until  the 
arrival  of  Andross,  when  he  was  superseded  ;  but  Andross^ 
in  1689,  being  put  down,  Mr.  Bradstreet  again  assumed  the 
government,  and  continued  in  it  until  the  arrival  of  Sir 
William  Phips,  in  1692.  He  died  in  Salem,  March  1697, 
aged  94  years.  Allen,  and  Eliot. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.          -1£3 

volunteers,  both  English  and  Indians  to  go  east ;  for 
the  eastward  Indians  had  done  great  spoil  .upon  the 
English  in  those  parts  ;  giving  him  an  account  of  the 
miseries  and  sufferings  of  the  people  there.     Captain 
Church's  spirits  being  affected,  said,  if  he  could  do 
any  service  for  his  honour,  the  country,  and  their  «e- 
lief,  he  was  ready  and  willing.     He  was  asked  how 
he  would'  act  9  He  said  [that]   he  would  take    with 
him  as  many  of  his  old  soldiers  as  he  could  get,  both 
English  and  Indians,  &c.     The  gentlemen  of  Boston 
requested   him  to  go  to  Pchodeisland  government  to 
ask  their  assistance.     So  giving  him  their  letter,  and 
about  forty  shillings   in  mqney,  he  took  leave  and 
went  home  to  Bristol*  on  a  Saturday ;  and  the  next 
Monday  morning  he  went  over  to  Rhodeisland, -ana 
waited  upon  their  Governour,f  delivering  the  lette 
as  ordered,  [and]  prayed  his  honour  for  a  speedy  an 
swer,  who  said,  they  could  not  give  an   answer  pre 
sently  ;  so  he  waited  on  them  till  he  had  their  answer 
And  when  he  had  obtained   it,  he  carried  it  to  the 
Boston  gentlemen,  who  desired  him  to  raise  what  vo 
lunteers  he  could  in  Plymouth  colony,   and  Rhode- 
island  government,  and  what  was  wanting  they  would 
make  up  out  of  theirs  that  were  already  out  in  the 
eastern  parts. 

The  summer  being  far  spent,  Captain  Church  made 
what  despatch  he  could,  and  raised  about  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  men,  volunteers,  and  received  his  com 
mission  from  Governour  HinkleyJ  which  is  as  fol- 
loweth,  viz. : 

*  He  settled  at  Bristol  soon  after  Philip's  war.  See  his  life 
page  xv. 

f  We  may  infer  from  Judge  Sewall's  diary,  in  Holmes,  I; 
468,  that  one  Clark  was  the  Governour  of  Rhodeisland  in 
1686,  on  the  arrival  of  Andross,  who  of  course  was  displaced. 
But  in  May  of  this  year,  1689,  it  was  resumed,  and  all  the  ge 
neral  officers  replaced.  Ihid.  476.  I  have  not  even  learned  his 
baptismal  name.  A  good  history  of  Rhodeisland  is  a  very 
desirable  work. 

J  Thomas  Hinkley  was  born  about  the  year  1632.  I  find 
no  mention  of  him,  until  he  assumed  the  government,  or 


154  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

^ 

"  The  Council  of  War  of  their  Majesties'  colony  of 
New  Plymouth  in  Newengland :  To  Major  Ben 
jamin  Church,  Commander  in  Chief. 

Whereas  the  Kennebeck  and  eastern  Indians  with 
their  confederates,  have  openly  made  war  upon  their 
Majesties'  subjects  of  the  province  of  Maine,  New- 
hampshire,  and  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  having 
committed  many  barbarous  murders,  spoils  and  ra 
pines  upon  their  persons  and  estates.  And  whereas 
there  are  some  forces  of  soldiers,  English  and  In 
dians,  now  raised  and  detached  out  of  the  several 
regiments  and  places  within  this  colony  of  New 
Plymouth,  to  go  forth  to  the  assistance  of  our  neigh 
bours  and  friends,  of  the  aforesaid  provinces  and 
colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  subjects  of  one  and 
the  same  crown  ;  and  to  join  with  their  forces  for  the 
repelling  and  destruction  of  the  common  enemy. 
And  whereas  you  Benjamin  Church,  are  appointed 
to  be  Major,  and  commander  in  chief  of  all  the  for 
ces,  English  and  Indians,  detached  within  this  colony 
for  the  service  of  their  Majesties  aforesaid.  THESE 
are  in  their  Majesties'  name  to  authorize  and  require 
you  to  take  into  your  care  and  conduct  all  the  said 
forces,  English  and  Indians,  and  diligently  to  attend 
that  service,  by  leading  and  exercising  of  your  infe- 
riour  officers  and  soldiers,  commanding  them  to  obey 
you  as  their  chief  commander;  and  to  pursue,  fight, 
take,  kill,  or  destroy  the  said  enemies,  their  aiders 
and  abettors,  by  all  the  ways  and  means  you  can,  as 
you  shall  have  opportunity.  And  you  are  to  observe 
and  obey  all  such  orders  and  instructions  as  from 
time  to  time  you  shall  receive  from  the  commission 
ers  of  the  colonies,  the  council  of  war  of  this  colony, 
or  the  Governour  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts 

rather  the  presidency  of  Plymouth  colony  after  the  fall  of 
Andross,  the  Caligula  of  Newengland,  in  1689.  He  continu 
ed  in  this  office  until  1692,  when  Sir  William  Phips  arrived. 
He  died  at  Barnstable,  in  1706,  aged  about  74  years.  Mor 
ton,  208.  Hutchinson,  II,  141. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  155 

colony.  In  testimony  whereof  the  publick  seal  of 
the  said  colony  of  New  Plymouth  is  hereunto  affixed. 
Dated  in  Plymouth,  the  sixth  day  of  September, 
Anno  Domini,  1689.  Jlnnoque  Regni  Regis  et  Regir 
TUB  Willielmi  et  Maria  JJnglice,  <^c.,  Primo.* 

THOMAS  HINKLEY,  President." 

And  now  inarching  them  all  down  to  Boston,  then 
received  his  further  orders  and  instructions,  which 
are  as  followeth. 

"Boston,  September  16th,  1689. 
To  all  Sheriffs,  Marshals,  Constables,  and  other 
officers,  military  and  civil,  in  their  Majesties'  pro 
vince  of  Maine. 

Whereas  pursuant  to  an  agreement  of  the  com 
missioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  Major  Benjamin 
Church  is  commissionated  commander  in  chief  over 
that  part  of  their  Majesties'  forces,  (levied  for  the 
present  expedition  against  the  common  enemy)  whose 
head  quarters  are  appointed  to  be  at  Falmouth,  in 
Casco  bay.  In  their  Majesties'  names,  you,  and 
every  of  you,  are  required  to  be  aiding  and  assisting 
to  the  said  Major  Church  in  his  pursuit  of  the  ene 
my,  as  any  emergency  shall  require ;  and  so  impress 
boats  or  other  vessels,  carts,  carriages,  horses,  oxen, 
provision  and  ammunition,  and  men  for  guides,  &c., 
as  you  shall  receive  warrants  from  the  said  Com 
mander  in  chief,  or  his  Lieutenant  so  to  do.  You 
may  not  fail  to  do  the  same  speedily  and  effectually, 
as  you  will  answer  your  neglect  and  contempt  of 
their  Majesties'  authority  and  service  at  your  utter 
most  peril.  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  the  day 

*  That  is.     And  of  the  reign  of  the  King  and  Queen, 
Ham  and  Mary  of  England,  #c.,  thejirst. 


156  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

and  year  above  written,     Annoque  Regni  Regis  et 
Regince  Williemi  et  Maria  Primo. 

By  THOMAS  DANFORTH,* 
President  of  the  province  of  Maine" 

"  By  the  Governour  and  Council  of  Massachusetts  : 
To  Major  Benjamin  Church. 

Whereas  you  are  appointed  and  commissioned 
by  the  council  of  war,  of  the  colony  of  New-Ply 
mouth,  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  raised  with 
in  the  said  colony,  against  the  common  Indian  ene 
my,  now  ordered  into  the  eastern  parts  to  join  with 
some  of  the  forces  of  this  colony;  for  the  prosecu 
tion,  repelling  and  subduing  of  the  said  enemy.  It 
.s  therefore  ordered  that  Captain  Simon  Willard, 
and  Captain  Nathaniel  Hall,  with  the  two  companies 
of  soldiers  under  their  several  commands,  blonging 
to  this  colony,  now  in  or  about  Casco  bay,  be,  arid 
are  hereby  put  under  you,  as  their  commander  in 
chief  for  this  present  expedition.  And  of  the  com 
missions  severally  given  to  either  of  them,  they  are 
ordered  to  observe  and  obey  your  orders  and  direc 
tions  as  their  commander  in  chief  until  further  order 
from  the  Governour  and  council,  or  the  commission 
ers  of  the  colonies.  Dated  in  Boston  the  17th  day 
of  September,  Anno  Domini,  2  698.  Jlnnoque  Regni 

*  This  gentleman  was  born  in  England  1622.  He  was  a 
man  of  influence,  which  he  employed  to  good  account  in  the 
difficult  days  of  Newengland.  In  1679  he  was  elected  depu 
ty  Governour,  and  the  same  year,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  of  Maine  chose  him  their  President.  On  the  arri 
val  of  the  tyrant,  Andross,  he  was  suspended  from  office. 
He  died  in  1699,  aged  77  years.  Nothing  more  honourable, 

Eerhaps,  can  be  said  of  him,  considering  the  age  in  which  he 
ved,  than,  that  he  opposed  with  firmness  the  proceedings  of 
those  courts,  whicR  caused  such  a  foul  page  in  our  history  by 
their  detestable  prosecutions  and  persecutions  for  witchcraft. 
See  Allen,  Biog.  240. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  157 

Regis  et  Regina  Guilielmi  et  Maria,  Anglia,  fyc., 
Primo. 

S.  BRlDSTREET,  Gov. 

Past  in  Council.  Attest,  Isaqc  *dddington,*  Seer." 

"  By  the  Commissioners  of  the  Colonies  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts,  Plymouth  and  Connecticut,  for  manag 
ing  the  present  war  against  the  common  enemy. 
Instructions/or  Major  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Comwiaw- 
der  in  Chief  of  the  Plymouth  forces,  with  others 
of  the  Massachusetts,  put  under  his  command. 

In  pursuance  of  the  commission  given  you,  for 
their  Majesties'  service  in  the  present  expedition 
against  the  common  Indian  enemy,  their  aiders  and 
abettors ;  reposing  confidence  in  your  wisdom.,  pru 
dence  and  fidelity  in  the  trust  committed  to  you  for 
the  honour  of  God,  good  of  his  people,  and  the  se 
curity  of  the  interest  of  Christ  in  his  churches,  ex 
pecting  and  praying  that  in  your  dependence  upon 
him,  you  may  be  helped  and  assisted  with  all  that 
grace  and  wisdom  which  is  requisite  for  carrying 
you  on  with  success  in  this  difficult  service ;  and 
though  much  is  and  must  be  left  to  your  discretion, 
as  providence  and  opportunity  may  present  from 
time  to  time  in  places  of  attendance  ;  yet  the  fol 
lowing  instructions  are  commended  unto  your  ob 
servation,  and  to  be  attended  to  so  far  as  the  state 
of  matters  with  you  in  such  a  transaction  will  admit 
You  are  with  all  possible  speed  to  take  care  that  trie 

*  Mr.  Addington  was  one  of  those  who  took  a  very  active 
part  in  opposition  to  the  tyrannical  measures  of  Andross. 
On  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary  he  was  appointed  Sec 
retary,  which  office  he  discharged  with  integrity  for  some 
time.  It  seems  that  in  those  days,  as  well  as  at  the  present, 
office  seekers  were  not  entirely  unknown,  but, -''the  emolu 
ments  of  that  office  were  small,  compared  with  the  duty,  and 
so  he  was  in  less  danger  of  a  competitor."  He  belonged  to 
the  council  for  many  years,  and  was  respected  as  a  justice 
of  the  peace  for  wisdom  and  industry.  He  died  in  1714, 

14 


158  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Plymouth  forces,  both  English  and  Indians  under 
your  command,  be  fixed,  and  ready,  and  the  first  op 
portunity  of  wind  and  weather,  to  go  on  board  such 
vessels  as  are  provided  to  transport  you  and  them 
to  Casco,  where,  if  it  shall  please  God  you  arrive, 
you  are  to  take  under  your  care  and  command,  the 
companies  of  Captain  Nathaniel  Hall,  and  Captain 
Simon  Willard,  who  are  ordered  to  attend  your  com 
mand,  whom,  together  with  the  Plymouth  forces, 
and  such  as  from  time  to  time  may  be  added  unto 
you,  you  are  to  improve  in  such  way  as  you  shall 
see  meet,  for  the  discovering,  pursuing,  subduing 
and  destroying  the  said  common  enemy,  by  all  op 
portunities  you  are  capable  of;  always  intending  the 
preserving  of  any  of  the  near  towns  from  incursions, 
and  destruction  of  the  enemy  ;  yet  chiefly  improving 
your  men  for  the  finding  and  following  the  said 
enemy  abroad,  and  if  possible  to  find  out  and  attack 
their  head  quarters  and  principal  rendezvous,  if  you 
find  you  are  in  a  rational  capacity  for  so  doing. 
The  better  to  enable  you  thereto,  we  have  ordered 
two  men  of  war  sloops,  and  other  small  vessels  for 
transportation  to  attend  you  for  some  considerable 
time.  You  are  to  see  that  your  soldiers'  arms  be 
always  fixed  and  that  they  be  furnished  with  ammu 
nition,  provisions  and  other  necessaries,  that  so  they 
may  be  in  readiness  to  repel  and  attack  the  enemy. 
In  your  pursuit  you  are  to  take  special  care  to  avoid 
danger  by  ambushments,  or  being  drawn  under  any 
disadvantage  by  the  enemy  in  your  marches,  keep 
ing  out  scouts  and  a  forlorn  hope  before  your  main 
body,  and  by  all  possible  means  endeavouring  to 
surprise  some  of  the  enemy,  that  so  you  may  gain 
intelligence.  You  are  to  suppress  all  mutinies  and 
disorders  among  your  soldiers,  as  much  as  in  you 
lies,  and  to  punish  such  as  disobey  your  officers,  ac 
cording  to  the  rules  of  war  herewith  given  you. 

You  are   according  to  your  opportunity,  or  any 
occasion  more  than  ordinary  occurring,  to  hold  con- 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  15$ 

respondence  with  Major  Swaine,  and  to  yield  mutual 
assistance  when,  and  as  you  are  capable  of  it,  and 
you  may  have  reason  to  judge  it  will  be  of  most 
publick  service,  and  it  will  be  meet,  [that]  you  and 
he  should  agree  of  some  signal,  whereby  your  In 
dians  may  be  known  from  the  enemy.     You  are  to 
encourage   your  soldiers  to  be  industrious,  vigorous, 
and  venturous  in  their  service,  to  search  out  and 
destroy  the  enemy,  acquainting  them,  it  is  agreed 
by  the  several  colonies,  that  they  shall  have  the 
benefit  of  the  captives,  and  all  lawful  plunder,  and 
the  reward  of  eight  pounds   per   head,  for   every 
righting  Indian  man  slain  by  them,  over  and  above 
their  stated  wages ;  the  same  being  made  appear  to 
the  commander  in  chief,  or  such  as  shall  be  appoint 
ed  to  take  care  therein.     If  your  commission  officers, 
or  any  of  them  should  be  slain,  or  otherwise  incapa 
ble  of  service;  and  for  such  reason  dismissed,  you 
are  to  appoint  others  in  their  room,  who  shall  have 
the  like  wages,  and  a  commission  sent  upon  notice 
given ;  you  [are]  to  give  them  commissions  in  the 
mean  time.     You  are  to  take  effectual  care  that  the 
worship  of  God  be  kept  up  in  the  army ;  morning 
and  evening  prayer  attended  as  far  as  may  be,  and 
as  the  emergencies  of  your  affairs  will  admit ;  to 
see  that  the  holy  Sabbath  be  duly  sanctified.     You 
are  to  take  care  as  much  as  may  be,  to  prevent  or 
punish  drunkenness,  swearing,  cursing  or  such  other 
sins  as  do  provoke  the  anger  of  God.      You  are  to 
advise   with  your  chief  officers  in  any  matters  of 
moment,  as  you  shall  have  opportunity.     You  are 
from  time  to  time  to  give  intelligence  and  advice  to 
the  Governour  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts,  or 
commissioners  of  the  colonies,  of  your  proceedings 
and  occurrences  that  may  happen,  and  how  it  shall 
please  the  Lord  to  deal  with  you  in  this  present  ex 
pedition.     If  you  find  the  vessels  are  not  likely  to 
be  serviceable  to  you,  dismiss  them  as  soon  as  you 
may. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Captain  Sylvanus  Davis  is  a  prudent  man  and  well 
acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  those  parts,  and  is 
written  unto  to  advise  and  inform  you  all  he  can. 

Such  further  instructions  as  we  shall  see  reason 
to  send  unto  you,  you  are  carefully  to  attend  and 
observe  ;  and  in  the  absence  of  the  commissioners, 
you  shall  observe  the  orders  and  instructions  direct 
ed  unto  you  from  the  Governour  and  council  of  the 
Massachusetts. 

Given  under  our  hands  in  Boston,  Sept.  18,  1689. 

THOMAS  DANFORTH,  President- 

ELISHA  COOKE, 

SAMUEL  MASON, 

WILLIAM  PITKIN, 

THO.  HINKLEY, 

JOHN  WALLEY." 


THE    FIRST    EXPEDITION    EAST. 

BEING  ready,  Major  Church  embarked  with  his 
forces  on  board  the  vessels  provided  to  transport 
them  for  Casco.*  Having  a  brave  gale  at  south 
west,  and  on  Friday  about  three  o'clock,  they  got 
in  sight  of  Casco  harbour.  And  discovering  two  or 
three  small  ships  there,  [and]  not  knowing  whether 
they  were  friends  or  enemies,  whereupon  the  said 
commander,  Major  Church,  gave  orders  that  every 
man  that  was  able  should  make  ready,  and  all  lie  close ; 
giving  orders  how  they  should  act  in  case  they  were 
enemies.  He,  going  in  the  Mary  sloop,  together  with 
the  Resolution,  went  in  first,  being  both  well  fitted 
with  guns  and  men.  Coming  to  the  first,  hailed 
them,  who  said  they  were  friends ;  presently  man 
ned  their  boat,  brought  to,  and  so  came  along  the 

*  What  was  since  included  in  the  towns  of  Falmouth,  Cape 
Elizabeth  and  Portland,  was  called  Casco.  It  is  situated  on 
Casco  bay.  This  bay  at  its-  entrance  between  Cape  Por 
poise  and  Cape  Elizabeth  is  about  40  miles  wide.  Sullivan's 
iHist.  Maine,  13.  In  Philip's  war  depredations  were  com 
mitted  here  by  the  savages  and  many  were  killed.  Ib.  198, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  161 

side  of  [him.]1  [They]2  gave  the  said  Church  an 
account,  that  yesterday  there  was  a  very  great  army 
of  Indians,  and  French  with  them  upon  the  island,* 
at  the  going  out  of  the  harbour,  and  that  they  were 
come  on  purpose  to  take  Casco  fort  and  town  ;f  like 
wise  informed  him  that  they  had  got  a  captive  wo- 
maTi  aboard,  (Major  Walden'sJ  daughter,of  Piscata- 
1  [them.]  2  [who] 

*  There  are  about  300  islands  in  Casco  bay.  What  the 
name  of  this  was  I  have  not  learned. 

f  Is  this  the  "  body  of  600  Indians,33  mentioned  by  Bel- 
knap,  N.  H.  I,  267,  that  were  going  to  attack  Casco?  I  do 
not  find  any  thing  like  it  in  the  place  it  should  be.  He  cites 
"Church's  memoirs,  104,"  perhaps  he  used  the  first  edition 
of  this  history,  as  no  mention  of  any  thing  of  the  kind  is  seen 
in  the  second.  In  touching  upoa  the  operations  under  Church 
in  1704,  he  says,  "  while  they  were  at  Mountdesert  Church 
learned  from  9  of  his  prisoners"  of  the  body  of  Indians  just 
named.  It  will  be  seen  in  the  Fifth  Expedition,  that  La- 
faure's  son  informed  Church  at  Montinicus,  of  some  French 
and  Indians  "  that  were  to  go  westward  to  fight  the  Eng 
lish,33  but  nothing  of  the  kind  took  place  at  Mountdesert, 
nor  any  information  from  "  9  prisoners,"  or  that  the  expedi 
tion  was  to  attack  Casco. 

%  Waldron  is  now  the  correct  way  of  writing  this  name. 
Hubbard  wrote  it  as  our  author  does,  but  more  frequently 
with  an  r  after  the  e.  Some  other  historians  put  the  r  before 
the  e,  so  we  are  at  a  loss  how  the  name  was  originally  spelt. 

Major  Richard  Waldron  was  a  native  of  Somersetshire, 
England,  and  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  at  Cochecho,  now 
Dover,  Newhampshire.  The  tragical  death  of  this  noted 
man  is  given  by  Dr.  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  I,  197,  198  ;  but  as 
that  excellent  work  is  not  in  the  hands  of  many,  it  may  be 
proper  to  give  the  particulars  in  this  place.  At  the  close  of 
rhilip3s  war,  many  of  the  western  Indians  fled  to  the  east 
ward.  Some  of  them,  with  others  of  Pennacook  and  Pig- 
wocket,  had  assembled  at  Major  Waldron3s  with  whom  they 
had  lately  treated.  Captains  Syll  and  Hawthorne,  being 
despatched  by  the  Massachusetts3  government  against  the 
Indians  on  the  Kennebeck,  arrived  there  with  their  men, 
under  orders  to  seize  all  Indians  that  had  been  concerned  in 
the  war.  They  were  about  to  execute  their  orders  by  seiz 
ing  these  Indians,  but  Maj.  Waldron  formed  the  design  of 
taking  them  in  a  sham  training,  which  he  had  invited  them 
14* 


162  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

qua)  that  could  give  him  a  full  account  of  their 
numbers  and  intentions.  He  bid  them  give  his  ser- 

to  join  in.  Accordingly  all  were  taken,  in  number  about  400. 
Those  that  were  not  found  to  have  been  in  the  former  war 
•were  dismissed,  and  the  rest  were  sent  to  Boston.  About  8 
or  10  were  hanged  as  murderers,  and  the  rest  sold  into  slave 
ry.  This  was  the  latter  part  of  1676.  Now  13  years  Ifcid 
expired,  but  revenge  remained  in  the  breasts  of  those  tribes 
whose  friends  had  been  so  cruelly  treated.  They  therefore 
formed  the  design  to  destroy  all  the  garrisons  at  Cochecho, 
which  was  thus  artfully  concerted.  Two  squaws  were  to 
get  permission  to  lodge  in  each,  and  after  all  was  still  in 
the  dead  of  night,  they  were  to  open  the  doors  for  their 
friends.  No  fear  was  discovered  among  the  English,  and 
the  squaws  were  admitted.  One  of  those  admitted  into 
Waldron's  garrison,  reflecting,  perhaps,  on  the  ingratitude 
she  was  about  to  be  guilty  of,  thought  to  warn  the  Major  of 
his  danger.  She  pretended  to  be  ill,  and  as  she  lie  on  the 
floor  would  turn  herself  from  side  to  side,  as  though  to  ease 
herself  of  pain  that  she  pretended  to  have.  While  in  this 
exercise  she  began  to  sing  and  repeat  the  following  verse. 

"  O  Major  Waldo, 

You  great  Sagamore, 

O  what  will  you  do, 

Indians  at  your  door!" 

No  alarm  was  taken  at  this,  and  the  doors  were  opened 
according  to  their  plan,  and  the  enemy  rushed  in  with  great 
fury.  They  found  the  Major's  room  as  he  leaped  out  of  bed, 
but  with  his  sword  he  drove  them  through  two  or  three 
rooms,  and  as  he  turned  to  get  some  other  arms,  he  fell  stun 
ned  by  a  blow  with  the  hatchet.  They  dragged  him  into 
his  hall  and  seated  him  on  a  table  in  a  great  chair,  and  then 
began  to  cut  his  flesh  in  a  shocking  manner.  Some  in  turns 
gashed  his  naked  breast,  saying,  "  I  cross  out  my  account." 
Then  cutting  a  joint  from  a  linger,  would  say,  "  Will  your 
fist  weigh  a  pound  now?"*  His  nose  and  ears  were  then  cut 
off  and  forced  into  his  mouth.  He  soon  fainted,  and  fell  from 
his  seat,  and  one  held  his  own  sword  under  him,  which  pas 
sed  through  his  body,  and  he  expired.  The  family  were 
forced  to  provide  them  a  supper  while  they  were  murdering 

the 

*  It  is  a  tradition  concerning  Major  Waldron,  that  he  used  in  trading 
with  the  Indians,  to  count  his  fist  as  weighing  a  pound,  also  that  his  ac 
counts  were  false  and  not  crossed  out  according  to  agreement.  But  in 
justice  to  the  Major,  it  should  be  remembered,  that  strange  Indians,  who 
thought  themselves  injured  by  one  Englishman,  would  take  revenge  oa  th» 
first  that  fell  into  their  hands. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  163 

vice  to  their  captain,  and  tell  him,  [that]  he  would 
wait  upon  him  after  he  had  been  on  shore  and  given 
some  orders  and  directions.  Being  come  pretty 
near,  he  ordered  all  the  men  still  to  keep  close  ; 
giving  an  account  of  the  news  [which]  he  had  re 
ceived,,  and  then  went  ashore ;  where  were  seve 
ral  of  the  chief  men  of  the  town,  who  met  him,  be 
ing  glad  that  he  came  so  happily  to  their  relief; 
told  him  the  news  [that]  Mrs.  Lee*  had  given  them, 
being  the  woman  aforesaid. 

He  [went]1  to  Captain  Davis, f  to  get  some  refresh 
ment,  having  not  eaten  a  morsel  since  he  came  by 
Boston  castle.  And  now  having  inquired  into  the 
state  of  the  town,  found  them  in  a  poor  condition  to 
defend  themselves  against  such  a  number  of  enemies. 
He  gave  them  an  account  of  his  orders  and  instruc 
tions,  and  told  them  what  forces  he  had  brought,  and 
l  [going]  _ 

the  Major.  This  was  on  Thursday  27  June,  1689.  Major 
Waklron  was  80  years  old  when  killed.  Fifty  two  persons 
were  killed,  and  taken  captive,  of  the  former  were  23.  MS. 
Recollections. 

*  Daughter  Q":  Major  Waldron,  as  mentioned  above.  She 
was  taken  the  same  time  her  father  was  killed,  as  related  in 
the  last  note.  Her  husband's  name  was  Abraham  Lee,  who 
was  killed  when  the  garrison  was  taken. 

t  Captain  Sylvanus  Davis,  the  same  mentioned  in  the  pre 
ceding  instructions.  By  Hutchinson,  II,  21,  it  appears 
that  he  was  once  taken  prisoner  and  carried  to  Canada,  ami 
that  he  commanded  the  fort  at  Casco  from  which  he  was  ta 
ken,  which,  I  suppose,  was  in  1690  ;  for  in  that  year  the 
country  upon  the  bay  was  desolated.  There  were  a  number 
of  garrisons,  and  a  fort.,  but  were  all  taken.  Captain  Davis 
with  one  Captain  Lake  were  besieged  on  Arrowsike  island 
in  1676,  but  effected  their  escape  out  of  the  back  door  of  a 
house,  and  ran  to  the  water's  edge,  and  in  a  boat  fled  to  the 
nearest  land.  Capt.  Lake  was  shot  down  as  he  landed,  but 
Davis  escaped  with  a  wound.  The  body  of  Lake  was  after 
ward  found,  and  conveyed  away  by  Major  Waldron.  Da 
vis,  on  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Phips}  in  1692,  was  appointed  one 
of  the  counsellors  for  the  eastern  country.  How  long  he  con 
tinued  in  that  office  is  not  known  to  me,  but  by  Sullivan,  167, 
it  appears  that  he  sustained  it  in  1701. 


164  'FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

that  when  it  was  dark  they  should  all  land,  and  not 
before,  lest  the  enemy  should  discover  them.  And 
then  he  went  on  board  the  privateer  [which  was  a 
Dutchman.]1  But  as  he  went,  called  on  board  every 
vessel,  and  ordered  the  officers  to  take  care  that  their 
men  might  be  all  fitted  and  provided  to  fight ;  for 
the  people  of  the  town  expected  the  enemy  to  fall 
upon  them  every  minute.  But  withal,  charging  them 
to  keep  undiscovered. 

And,  coming  on  board  said  privateer,  was  kindly 
treated.  [He]  discoursed  [with]  Mrs.  Lee,  who  in 
formed  him,  that  the  company  she  came  with,  had 
four  score  canoes,  and  that  there  were  more  of  them, 
whom  she  had  not  seen,  which  came  from  other  pla 
ces,  and  that  they  told  her,  when  they  came  all  to 
gether,  should  make  up  seven  hundred  men.  He 
asked  her  whether  Casteen*  was  with  them^  She 
answered,  that  there  were  several  French  men  with 
2  [who  were  Dutchmen] 

*  Baron  De  St.  Castine,  a  very  extraordinary  character. 
According  to  Voltaire  and  the  Abbe  Raynal  he  had  been 
Colonel  of  the  regiment  of  Corignon,  in  France,  and  was  a 
man  of  family  and  fortune.  He  came  to  America  in  1670, 
and  settled  among  the  Penobscot  Indians  ;  married  a  daugh 
ter  of  the  chief,  and  had  several  other  wives.  By  the  treaty 
of  Breda,  the  territory  beyond  the  Penobscot  was  ceded  to 
France,  and  Castine  lived  within  that  country.  Some  diffi 
culty  arose  about  a  cargo  of  wine,  which  was  landed  in  the 
country,  and  a  new  line  was  run  by  the  English,  by  which 
the  place  of  landing,  together  with  Castine's  lands,  was  ta 
ken  within  the  English  claim.  Andross,  in  his  expedition 
before  named,  plundered  Castine's  house  of  every  thing  valu 
able  in  his  absence.  This  base  act  so  exasperated  him,  that 
he  used  his  exertions  to  inflame  the  Indians  against  the  Eng 
lish,  which  he  effectually  did,  and  their  chief  supplies  of 
arms  and  ammunition  were  furnished  by  him.  He  had  an 
estate  in  France,  to  which  he  retired  when  the  French  lost 
their  possessions  in  that  part  of  the  country.  See  Sullivan's 
Hist.  93,  158,  226.  Hist.  N.  H.  I,  195,  196.  If  we  name 
this  war  from  those  that  occasioned  it,  we  may  call  it  Cas 
tine's  war.  But  the  French,  perhaps,  would  call  it  Andrew* 
war. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

them,  but  did  not  know  whether  Casteen  was  there 
-  or  not.  He  then  having  got  what  intelligence  she 
could  give  him,  went  ashore  and  viewed  the  fort  and 
town  ;  discoursing  with  the  gentlemen  there  accord 
ing  to  his  instructions. 

And  when  it  began  to  grow  dark,  he  ordered  the 
vessels  to  come  as  near  the  fort  as  might  be,  and  land 
the  soldiers  with  as  little  noise  as  possible ;  ordering 
them  as  they  landed  to  go  into  the  fort  and  houses, 
that  stood  near,  that  so  they  might  be  ready  upon 
occasion.  Having  ordered  provisions  for  them,  [he] 
went  to  every  company  and  ordering  them  to  get 
every  thing  ready ;  they  that  had  no  powderhorns  or 
shotbags,  should  immediately  make  them ;  ordering 
the  officers  to  take  special  care  that  they  were  ready 
to  march  into  the  woods  an  hour  before  day  ;  and 
also  directing  the  watch  to  call  him  two  hours  be 
fore  day.  So  he  hastened  to  bed  to  get  some  rest. 

At  the  time  prefixed  he  was  called  and  presently 
ordering  the  companies  to  make  ready,  and  about 
half  an  hour  before  day  they  moved.  Several  of  the 
town's  people  went  with  them  into  a  thick  place  of 
brush  about  half  a  mile  from  the  town.  Now  order 
ing  them  to  send  out  their  scouts  as  they  used  to  do, 
and  seeing  them  all  settled  at  their  v/ork,  he  went  in 
to  town  by  sunrise  again,  and  desired  the  inhabitants 
to  take  care  of  themselves,  till  his  men  had  fitted 
themselves  with  some  necessaries ;  for  his  Indians, 
most  of  them,  wanted  both  bags  and  horns.  So  he 
ordered  them  to  make  bags  like  wallets,  to  put  pow 
der  in  one  end,  and  shot  in  the  othe*. 

So  most  of  them  were  ready  for  action,  viz.,  the 
Seconet  Indians,  but  the  Cape  Indians  were  very 
bare,  lying  so  long  at  Boston  before  they  embarked, 
that  they  had  sold  every  thing  [that]  they  could  make 
a  penny  of;  some  tying  shot  and  powder  in  the  cor 
ners  of  their  blankets. 

He  being  in  town,  just  going  to  breakfast,  there 
was  an  alarm ;  so  he  ordered  all  the  soldiers  in  town  to 


166  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

move  away  as  fast  as  they  could,  where  the  firing 
was.  And  he,  with  what  men  more  were  with  him  of 
his  soldiers,  moved  immediately.  [They  met]1  with 
Captain  Bracket's*  sons,  who  told  [them  that,]2  their 
father  was  taken  ;  and  that  they  saw  a  great  army  of 
Indians  in  their  father's  orchard,  &c.  By  this  time 
our  Indians  that  wanted  bags  and  horns  were  fitted, 
but  wanted  more  ammunition.  Presently  came  a 
messenger  to  him  from  the  town,  and  informed  him, 
that  they  had  knocked  out  the  heads  of  several  casks 
of  bullets,  and  they  were  all  too  big,  being  musket 
bullets,  and  would  not  fit  their  guns,  and  that  if  he 
did  not  go  back  himself,  a  great  part  of  the  army 
would  be  kept  back  from  service  for  want  of  suitable 
bullets. 

He  ran  back  and  ordered  every  vess?!  to  send 
ashore  all  their  casks  of  bullets;  being  brought, 
[they]  knocked  out  their  heads,  and  turned  them  all 
out  upon  the  green  by  the  fort,  and  set  all  the  peo 
ple  in  the  town,  that  were  able,  to  make  slugs;  being 

1  [and  meeting]  1  [him] 

*  Captain  Anthony  Bracket,  an  early  settler  on  Casco  bay, 
where  his  posterity  yet  remain.  Notice  is  taken  by  Sullivan, 
116,  that  the  family  were  considerable  landholders  in  Fal- 
mouth,  between  the  years  1680,  and  1690,  under  a  title  of 
the  government,  signed  by  president  Danforth.  Ib.  196,  197. 
When  Casco  was  destroyed  in  1676,  Captain  Bracket  with 
his  wife  and  one  child  was  taken  by  the  savages.  This  was 
on  the  11  August,  and  the  November  following  they  made 
their  escape.  Those  that  had  them  prisoners,  landed  them 
on  the  north  shore  of  the  bay,  and  here  their  keepers  had  in 
telligence  of  a  valuable  house,  taken  by  another  party,  the 
spoils  of  which  they  were  eager  to  share  ;  therefore,  leaving 
Bracket,  his  wife  and  child,  and  a  negro,  with  some  provi 
sions,  who  promised  that  they  would  come  after,  and  depart 
ed.  They  found  an  old  birch  canoe,  in  which  they  escaped 
to  the  other  side  of  the  bay,  where,  only  the  day  before  the 
enemy  had  left.  Here  they  got  on  board  a  vessel  bound  to 
Pascataqua,  where  they  arrived  safe.  Hubbard,  293  to  296. 
What  time  Bracket  returned  to  his  lands  does  not  appear. 
When  Andross  erected  forts  there  in  1688,  Captain  Brack- 
*t  was  put  in  command  of  th:ee.  Sullivan,  260. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  167 

most  of  them  too  large  for  their  use,  which  had  like 
to  have  been  the  overthrow  of  their  whole  army. 
He  finding  some  small  bullets,  and  what  slugs  were 
made,  and  three  knapsacks  of  powder,  went  imme 
diately  to  the  army,  which  was  very  hotly  engaged. 
But  coming  to  the  river  the  tide  was  up ;  he  called 
to  his  men  that  were  engaged,  encouraging  them, 
and  told  them  [that]  he  had  brought  more  ammuni 
tion  for  them.  An  Indian,  called  Captain  Lightfoot,* 
laid  down  his  gun,  and  came  over  the  river,  taking 
the  powder  upon  his  head,  and  a  kettle  of  bullets  in 
each  hand,  and  got  safe  to  his  fellow  soldiers. 

He  perceiving  great  firing  upon  that  side  he  was 
of,  went  to  see  who  they  were,  and  found  them  to  be 
two  of  Major  Church's  companies,  one  of  English 
and  the  other  of  Indians,  being  in  all  about  four  score 
men,  that  had  not  got  over  the  river,  but  lay  firing 
over  our  men's  heads  at  the  enemy.  He  presently 
ordered  them  to  rally,  and  come  all  togetiier,  and 

fave  the  word  for  a  Casco  man.  So  one  Swarton,  a 
ersey  man,f  appearing,  whom  he  could  hardly  un 
derstand.  He  asked  him  how  far  it  was  to  the  head 
of  the  river,  or  whether  there  were  any  place  to  get 
over  *?  He  said  [that]  there  was  a  bridge  about  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  up,  where  they  might  get  over. 
So  he  calling  to  his  soldiers,  engaged  on  the  other 
side,  that  he  would  soon  be  with  them  over  the 
bridge,  and  come  upon  the  backs  of  the  enemy, 
which  put  new  courage  into  them.  So  they  imme 
diately  moved  up  towards  the  bridge, marching  very 
thin ;  being  willing  to  make  what  show  they  could ; 
shouting  as  they  marched.  They  saw  the  enemy 
running  from  the  river  side,  where  they  had  made 
stands  with  wood  to  prevent  any  body  from  coming 
over  the  river ;  and  coming  to  the  bridge,  they  saw 
on  the  other  side,  that  the  enemy  had  laid  logs,  and 

*  See  note  2  on  page  100. 
t  An  Irishman. 


163  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

stuck  birch  brush  along  to  hide  themselves  from  our 
view. 

He  ordered  the  company  to  coins  altogether,  bid 
ding  them  all  to  run  after  him,  who  would  go  first ; 
and  that  as  soon  as  they  got  over  the  bridge,  to  scat 
ter  ;  that  so  they  might  not  be  all  shot  down  to- 
f  ether ;  expecting  the  enemy  to  be  at  their  stands, 
o  running  up  to  the  stands,  found  none  there,  but 
were  just  gone ;  the  ground  being  much  tumbled 
with  them  behind  the  said  stands.  Pie  ordered 
the  Captain  with  his  company  of  English  to  march 
down  to  our  men,  engaged,  and  that  they  should  keep 
along  upon  the  edge  of  the  marsh,  and  himself,  with 
his  Indian  soldiers  would  march  down  through  the 
brush.  And  coming  to  a  parcel  of  low  ground, 
which  had  been  formerly  burnt,  the  old  brush  being 
fallen  down,  lay  very  thick,  and  the  young  brush 
being  grown  up,  made  it  bad  travelling.  But  com 
ing  near  the  back  of  the  enemy,  one  of  his  men  call 
ed  unto  him,  (their  commander)  and  said,'  "  The  ene 
my  run  westward  to  get  between  us  and  the  bridge." 
And  he  looking  that  way,  saw  men  running ;  and 
making  a  small  stop,  heard  no  firing,  but  a  great 
chopping  with  hatchets  ;  so  concluding  the  fight  was 
over,  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  bridge  again  ; 
lest  the  enemy  should  get  over  the  bridge  into  the 
town. 

The  men  being  most  of  them  out,  (our  ammuni 
tion  lay  exposed)  [and]  coming  to  the  bridge  where 
he  left  six  Indians  for  an  ambuscade  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  that  if  any  enemy  offered  to  come  over, 
they  should  fire  at  them,  which  would  give  him  notice  ; 
so  would  come  to  their  assistance.  (But  in  the  way, 
having  heard  no  firing,  nor  shouting,  concluded  the 
enemy  wer^  drawn  off.)  He  asked  the  ambuscade 
whether  they  saw  any  Indians'?  they  said  "Yes, 
abundance."  He  asked  them  where  9  They  answer 
ed,  that  they  ran  over  the  head  of  the  river  by  the 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  69 

cedar  swamp,  and  were   running  into  the  neck  to 
wards  the  town. 

There  being  but  one  Englishman  with  him,  he  bid 
his  Indian  soldiers  scatter,  [and]  run  very  thin,  to 
preserve  themselves  and  be  the  better  able  to  make 
a  discovery  of  the  enemy.  And  soon  coming  to 
Lieutenant  Clark's*  field,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
neck,  and  seeing  the  cattle  feeding  quietly,  and  per 
ceiving  no  track,  concluded  the  ambuscade  had  told 
them  a  falsehood.  They  hastily  returned  back  to 
the  said  bridge,  perceiving  [that]  there  was  no  noise 
of  the  enemy. 

He  hearing  several  great  guns  fire  at  the  town, 
concluded  that  they  were  either  assaulted,  or  that 
they  had  discovered  the  enemy  ;  [ — ]*  having  order 
ed  that  in  case  such  should  be,  that  they  should  fire 
some  of  their  great  guns  to  give  him  notice.     He 
being  a  stranger  to  the  country,  concluded  [that]  the 
enemy  had,  by  some  other  way,  got  to  the  town ; 
whereupon  he  sent  his  men  to  the  town,  and  himself 
going  to  the  river,  near  where  the  fight  had  been, 
asked  them  how  they  did,  and  what  was  become  of 
the  enemy  9  [They]2  informed  him  that  the  enemy 
drew  off  in  less  than  an  hour  after  he  left  them,  and 
had  not  fired  a  gun  at  them  since.     He  told  them 
[that]  he  had  been  within   little  more  than  a  gun 
shot  of  the  back  of  the  enemy,  and  had  been  upon 
them,  had  it  not  been  for  thick  brushy  ground,  &c. 
Now  some  of  his  men  returning  from  the  town, 
gave  him  the  account,  that  they  went  while  they  saw 
1  [He]  2  [Who] 

*  The  name  of  Clark  occurs  early  among  the  first  claimers 
of  the  soil  in  this  part  of  the  country.  To  Thomas  Clark 
and  Roger  Spencer,  was  sold  the  island  of  Arrowseag,  as  the 
Indians  called  it,  but  the  English,  Arrowsike.  It  appears 
also  that  Clark  possessed  lands  on  the  main,  from  whence  he 
was  driven  in  1675.  Sullivan,  145,  169,  173.  „  This  if  not 
the  isame  may  be  a  relative.  Mather,  Mag.,  524,  informs  us, 
that  one  Lieut,  Clark  was  killed  here  in  a  sally  in  May, 
£690, 

15 


470  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

the  colours  standing,  and  men  walking  about  as  not 
molested.  He  presently  ordered  that  all  his  army* 
should  pursue  the  enemy,  but  they  told  him  that 
most  of  them  had  spent  their  ammunition ;  and  that 
if  the  enemy  had  engaged  them  a  little  longer,  they 
might  have  come  and  knocked  them  on  the  head ; 
and  that  some  of  their  bullets  were  so  unsizeable, 
that  some  of  them  were  forced  to  make  slugs  while 
they  were  engaged. 

He  then  ordered  them  to  get  over  all  the  wounded 
and  dead  men,  and  to  leave  none  behind,  which  was 
done  by  some  canoes  they  had  got.  Captain  Hallf 
and  his  men  being  first  engaged,  did  great  service, 
and  suffered  the  greatest  loss  in  his  men.  But  Cap 
tain  Southworth,J  with  his  company,  and  Captain 
Numposh  with  the  Seconet  Indians,  and  the  most  of 
the  men  belonging  to  the  town  all  coming  suddenly 
to  his  relief,  prevented  him  and  his  whole  company 
from  being  cut  off,  &c. 

By  this  time  the  day  was  far  spent,  and  marching 
into  town  about  sunset,  carrying  in  all  their  wounded 
and  dead  men  ;  being  all  sensible  of  God's  goodness 
to  them,  in  giving  them  the  victory,  and  causing  the 
enemy  to  fly  with  shame ;  who  never  gave  one  shout 
at  their  drawing  off.  The  poor  inhabitants  wonder 
fully  rejoiced  that  the  Almighty  had  favoured  them 
so  much ;  saying,  that  if  Major  Church  with  his  for 
ces  had  not  come  at  that  juncture,  they  had  been  all 
cut  off;  and  said  further,  that  it  was  the  first  time, 
that  ever  the  eastward  Indians  had  been  put  to  flight. 

*  How  numerous  this  army  was  is  not  told  us,  but  it  proba 
bly  consisted  of  near  400  men,  as  his  own  volunteers  number 
ed  250,  and  these  me«  were  joined  by  two  other  companies 
as  mentioned  in  his  commission  from  the  Massachusetts  gov 
ernment. 

t  Captain  Nathaniel  Hall  was  of  the  Massachusetts  where 
the  name  is  very  common  at  this  day.  Mather,  Mag.  II, 
616,  says, "  he  had  been  a  valiant  captain  in  the  former  war.*1 

J  Captain  Nathaniel  Southworth  of  Plymouth  colony.  I 
find  no  particulars  of  him. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  1T1 

The  said  Church  with  his  volunteers  were  wonder 
fully  preserved,  having  never  a  man  killed  outright, 
and  but  one  Indian  mortally  wounded,  who  died ; 
several  more  being  badly  wounded,  but  recovered.* 
After  this  engagement  Major  Church,  with  his  for 
ces,  ranging  all  the  country  thereabout,  in  pursuit  of 
the  enemy.,  and  visiting  all  the  garrisons  at  Black 
point,f  Spurwirik,J  and  Blue  point,§  and  went  up 
Kennebeck||  river,  but  to  little  effect.  And  now 
winter  drawing  near,  he-  received  orders  from  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  bay,  to  settle  all  the 
garrisons,  and  put  in  suitable  officers  according  to 
his  best  discretion,  and  to  send  home  all  his  soldiers, 
volunteers  and  transports,  which  orders  he  presently 
obeyed. 1T  Being  obliged  to  buy  him  a  horse  to  go 
home  by  land,  that  so  he  might  the  better  comply 
with  his  orders. 

*  The  killed  and  wounded  spoken  of  above  as  being 
brought  over  in  canoes,  were  Captain  Hall's  men.  By  this 
statement  reference  is  only  made  to  the  Plymouth  forces. 
Mather  says,  that  10  or  12  were  killed.  Magnalia,  II,  515. 

f  A  short  distance  to  the  west  of  Cape  Elizabeth,  in  the 
town  of  Scarborough,  and  was  called  the  east  parish. 

t  "  On  the  west  line  of  Cape  Elizabeth  [town]  or  on  the 
east  line  of  Scarborough."  A  small  river  meets  the  sea  here 
of  the  same  name.  Sullivan,  26,  115. 

§  A  little  to  the  west  of  Black  point  and  was  the  west  par 
ish  of  Scarborough.  Ib.  213. 

||  Sullivan,  31,  tells  us,  that  this  name,  "  no  doubt,"  is  de 
rived  "  from  a  race  of  Sagamores  of  the  name  of  Kenebis." 
This  noble  and  beautiful  river  enters  the  ocean  to  the  east  of 
Casco  bay,  in  about  33  d.  42  min.,  north  latitude.  It  is  the 
ancient  Sagadahock,  and  is  celebrated  as  the  place  where 
the  first  settlement  was  made  in  Newengland.  It  was  on  an 
island  at  the  mouth  of  said  river,  called  Stage  island,  in  1607, 
by  a  colony  of  100  persons  in  two  ships  under  the  direction  of 
Sir  John  Popham.  But  the  next  year,  their  chief  men  being 
dead,  the  colony  returned  to  England.  An  earlier  date  is 
assigned  to  the  discovery  of  the  river  by  the  French,  namely, 
in  1604.  See  an  anecdote  of  this  settlemtnt  in  the  Appen 
dix,  No.  XII,  4. 

IT  At  this  time,  the  whole  eastern  country  was  saved  by 
this  expedition.  Sullivan,  202. 


4TO          FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARa 

The  poor  people,  the  inhabitants  of  Casco,  and 
places  adjacent,  when  they  saw  [that]  he  was  going 
away  from  them,  lamented  sadly,  and  begged  earn 
estly  that  he  would  suffer  them  to  come  away  in  the 
transports ;  saying,  that  if  he  left  them  there,  that 
in  the  spring  of  the  year,  the  enemy  would  come  and 
destroy  them  and  their  families,  &c.  So  by  their 
earnest  request,  the  said  Major  Church  promised 
them,  that  if  the  governments  that  had  now  sent  him, 
would  send  him  the  next  spring,  he  would  certainly 
come  with  his  volunteers  and  Indians  to  their  relief; 
and,  that  as  soon  as  he  had  been  at  home,  and  taken 
a  little  care  of  his  own  business,  he  would  certainly 
wait  upon  the  gentlemen  of  Boston,  and  inform  them 
of  the  promise  [that]  he  had  made  to  them ;  and  if 
they  did  not  see  cause  to  send  them  relief,  to  entreat 
their  honours,  seasonably  to  draw  them  off,  that  they 
might  not  be  a  prey  to  the  barbarous  enemy. 

Taking  his  leave  of  those  poor  inhabitants,  some 
of  the  chief  men  there,  waited  upon  him  to  Black 
point,  to  Captain  Scottaway's*  garrison.  Coming 
there,  they  prevailed  with  the  said  Captain  Scottaway 
to  go  with  him  to  Boston,  which  he  readily  complied 
with,  provided  the  said  Church  would  put  another  in 
to  command  the  garrison ;  which  being  done,  and 
taking  their  leave  one  of  another,  they  set  out  and 
travelled  through  all  the  country,  home  to  Boston ; 
(having  employed  himself  to  the  utmost  to  fulfil  his 
instructions,  last  received  from  Boston ;  which  cost 
him  about  a  month's  service  over  and  above  what  he 
had  pay  for  from  the  Plymouth  gentlemen.)  And  in 
his  travel  homeward,  several  gentlemen  waited  upon 
the  said  Major  Church,  who  was  obliged  to  bear  their 
expenses. f 

*  No  more  of  this  gentleman  is  found,  than  what  is  given  in 
this  place. 

f  Whether  this  was  a  general  custom  in  those  days,  or  not, 
I  have  taken  no  trouble  to  ascertain,  hut  it  would  contribute 
very  Uttie  to  the  dignity  of  an  office  now. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  173 

When  he  came  to  Boston  gentlemen,  he  informed 
them  of  the  miseries  those  poor  people  were  in,  by 
having  their  provisions  taken  from  them  by  'order  of 
the  president,*  &c.,  then  went  home. 

[He]  staid  not  long  there  before  he  returned  to 
Boston,  where  Captain  Scottaway  waited  for  his  com 
ing,  that  he  might  have  the  determination  of  the  go 
vernment  of  Boston  to  carry  home  with  him.  [ — ]* 
It  being  the  time  of  the  small  pox  there,  ([ — ]2  Ma 
jor  Church  not  having  had  it)  [he  took]3  up  his  lodg 
ing  near  the  Court  house,  [and  had]4  the  first  oppor 
tunity  to  inform  those  gentlemen  of  the  Court  [of] 
his  business.  [They]5  said  [that]  they  were  very 
busy  in  sending  home  Sir  Edmund,  the  ship  being 
ready  to  sail. 

The  said  Major  Church  still  waited  upon  them, 
and  at  every  opportunity  entreated  those  gentlemen 
in  behalf  of  the  poor  people  of  Casco,  informing  the 
necessity  of  taking  care  of  them,  either  by  sending 
them  relief  early  in  the  spring,  or  suffer  them  to  draw 
off,  otherwise  they  would  certainly  be  destroyed,  &c. 
Their  answer  was,  that  they  could  do  nothing  till  Sir 
Edmund  was  gone.  Waiting  there  three  weeks  upon 
great  expenses,  he  concluded  to  draw  up  some  of  the 
circumstances  of  Casco,  and  places  adjacent,  and  to 
leave  it  upon  the  council  board,  before  the  Gover- 
nour  and  council.  Having  got  it  done,  obtained 
liberty  to  go  up  where  the  Governour  and  council 
were  sitting,  he  informed  their  honours,  that  he  had 
waited  till  his  patience  was  worn  out,  so  had  drawn 
up  the  matter  to  leave  upon  the  board  before  them, 
which  is  as  follows. 

"  To  the  honoured  Governour  and  council  of  the 

Massachusetts. 
Gentlemen, 

Whereas  by  virtue  of  yours,  with  Plymouth's  de- 
i  [and]      2  [and]    3  [taking]      4  [took]     5  [wno] 


•Thomas  Danfortk 
16* 


174  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR& 

«ires  and  commands,  I  went  eastward  in  the  last  ex 
pedition  against  the  common  Indian  enemy,  where 
providence  so  ordered  that  we  attacked  their  great 
est  body  of  forces,  coming  then  for  the  destruction 
of  Falmouth,  which  we  know  marched  off  repulsed 
with  considerable  damage,  leaving  the  ground,  and 
have  never  since  [been]  seen  there,  or  in  any  place 
adjacent.  The  time  of  the  year  being  then  too  late 
to  prosecute  any  further  design,  and  other  accidents 
falling  out  contrary  to  my  expectation,  impeded  the 
desired  success.  Upon  my  then  removal  from -the 
province  of  Maine,  the  inhabitants  were  very  solici 
tous  that  this  enemy  might  be  further  prosecuted, 
willing  to  venture  their  lives  and  fortunes,  in  the  said 
enterprise,  wherein  they  might  serve  God,  their  King, 
and  country,  and  enjoy  quiet  and  peaceable  habita 
tions.  Upon  which  I  promised  to  signify  the  same 
to  yourselves,  and  willing  to  venture  that  little  which 
providence  hath  betrusted  me  with,  on  the  said  ac 
count.  The  season  of  the  year  being  such,  if  some 
speedy  action  be  not  performed  in  attacking  them, 
they  will  certainly  be  upon  us  in  our  out  towns,  God 
knows  where,  and  the  inhabitants  there,  not  being 
able  to  defend  themselves,  without  doubt  many  souls 
may  be  cut  off,  as  our  last  year's  experience  wofully 
hath  declared.  The  inhabitants  there,  trust  to  your 
protection,  having  undertaken  government  and  your 
propriety ;  if  nothing  be  performed  on  the  said  ac 
count  the  best  way,  under  correction,  is  to  demolish 
the  garrison,  and  draw  off  the  inhabitants,  that  they 
may  not  be  left  to  a  merciless  enemy  ;  and  that  the 
arms  and  ammunition  may  not  be  there  for  the 
€trengthening  of  the  enemy,  who  without  doubt  have 
need  enough,  having  exhausted  their  greatest  store 
in  this  winter  season.  I  have  performed  my  promise 
to  them,  and  acquitted  myself  in  specifying  the  same 
to  yourselves.  Not  that  I  desire  to  be  in  any  action, 
although  willing  to  serve  my  King  and  country,  ana 
may  paw  under  the  censure  of  scan4alow  tongue* 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

in  the  last  expedition,  which  I  hope  they  will  amend 
on  the  first  opportunity  of  service.  I  leave  to  ma 
ture  consideration,  the  loss  of  trade  and  fishery ;  the 
war  brought  to  the  doors.  What  a  triumph  it  will 
be  to  the  enemy ;  derision  to  our  neighbours,  beside 
dishonour  to  God  and  our  nation,  and  grounds  of 
frown  from  our  Prince ;  the  frustration  of  those, 
whose  eyes  are  upon  you  for  help,  who  might  have 
otherwise  applied  themselves  to  their  King.  Gentle 
men,  this  I  thought  humbly  to  propose  unto  you,  that 
I  might  discharge  myself  in  my  trust  from  yourselves, 
and  promise  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  but 
especially  my  duty  to  God,  her  Majesty,  and  my  na 
tion,  praying  for  your  honours  prosperity,  subscribe, 
Your  servant, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

A  true  copy  given  in  at  Boston,  this  6th  of  February, 
1689,*  at  the  Council  Board. 

Attest.    T.  S."f 

Major  Church  said,  moreover,  that  in  thus  doing 
he  had  complied  with  his  promise  to  those  poor  peo 
ple  of  Casco,  and  should  be  quit  from  the  guilt  of 
their  blood.  The  Governour  was  pleased  to  thank 
him  for  his  care  and  pains  taken,  then  taking  his 
leave  of  them  went  home,  and  left  Captain  Scotta- 
way  in  a  very  sorrowful  condition,  who  returned 
home  sometime  after  with  only  a  copy  of  what  was 
left  on  the  board  by  the  said  Church.  Major  Church 
not  hearing  any  thing  till  May  following,  and  then 
was  informed,  that  those  poor  people  of  Casco  were 
cut  off  by  the  barbarous  enemy  ; J  and  although  they 

«  It  should  be  1690,  or  1689-90.     See  note   1,  on  page  147. 
t  For  whose  name  these  initials  stand  I  have  not  satisfac 
torily  ascertained. 

t  In  May,  1690.  Some  forces  had  just  left  Casco,  and 
joined  Sir  Wm.  Phips  to  go  against  Portrayal,  when  an  array 
of  four  hundred,  or  more,  French  and  Indians  were  diseorar- 
•d  aboqfc  the  plac*.  "  Ther*  ww  a  fort  n*$jr  th« 


170  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

made  their  terms  with  Monsieur  Casteen,  who  was 
commander  of  those  enemies,  yet  he  suffered  those 
merciless  savages  to  massacre  and  destroy  the  most 
of  them. 

To  conclude  this  first  expedition  East,  I  shall  just 
give  you  a  hint  how  Major  Church  was  treated,  al 
though  he  was  commander  in  chief  of  all  the  fprces 
out  of  Plymouth  and  Boston  government.  After  he 
came  home,  Plymouth  gentlemen  paid  him  but  forty- 
twopounds,  telling  him,  he  must  go  to  Boston  gen 
tlemen  for  the  rest,  who  were  his  employers  as  well 
as  they.  Of  whom  he  never  had  one  penny,  for  all 
travel  and  expenses  in  raising  volunteers,  and  ser 
vices  done  :  except  forty  shillings  or  thereabout, 
for  going  from  Boston  to  Rhodeisland  on  their  busi 
ness,  and  back  to  Boston  again ;  also  for  sending  a 
man  to  Providence  for  Captain  Edmunds,*  who 
raised  a  company  in  those  parts,  and  went  east  with 
them. 

another  on  the  hill,  near  where  the  burying  ground  is,  and 
another  on  the  rocky  ground,  south  from  the  place  where  the 
iirst  meeting  house  stands,"  in  what  was  the  town  of  Fal- 
mouth.  That  near  the  burying  ground  was  abandoned  as 
untenable,  and  both  of  the  others  after  some  time  were  car 
ried  by  assault.  One  hundred  persons  now  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  The  French  commander  promised  the 
garrisons  safety  to  their  persons,  and  liberty  to  go  to  the  next 
English  town,  but  he  kept  his  promise  no  longer  than  while 
he  was  in  possession.  The  whole  country  hereabout  was 
laid  desolate,  and  presented  a  most  dreadful  scene  of  ruin. 
The  ground  was  ;  rewsd  with  the  bones  of  the  dead,  which 
Church,  on  his  arrival  afterward,  gathered  up  and  buried. 
Hist.  Maine,  202.  Magnalia,  II,  524. 

*  The  same  who  is  mentioned  in  Philip's  war,  52.  I  learn 
nothing  of  his  eastern  expedition. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  1T7 


THE    SECOND    EXPEDITION    EAST. 

IN  the  year  1690  was  the  expedition*  to  Cana- 
da,f  and  Major  Walleyf  often  requested  Major  Church 

*  Canada  had  long  been  considered  the  source  of  all  the 
evils  endured  by  the  colonies.  Hence  the  long  train  of  wars 
at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood  and  treasu-re  to  "  drive  the 
French  out  of  Canada."  Sir  William  Phips  was  the  chief 
mover  and  executor  of  this  expedition.  His  fleet,  retarded 
by  unavoidable  accidents,  did  not  arrive  before  Quebeck  un 
til  the  5  October.  The  next  morning,  he  sent  a  summons 
on  shore,  but  received  an  insolent  answer  from  the  Govern- 
our.  The  next  day,  he  attempted  to  land  his  troops,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  violence  of  the  wind.  On  the  8,  all  the 
effeclive  men  (12  or  1300)  landed  on  the  island  of  Orleans, 
4  miles  below  the  town,  and  were  fired  on,  from  the  wood?/ 
by  the  French  and  Indians.  Having  remained  on  shore  un 
til  the  11,  and  then  learning  by  a  deserter,  the  strength  of 
the  place,  they  embarked  with  precipitation.  In  their  way 
to  Boston,  the  fleet  was  dispersed  in  a  tempest.  Some  of  the 
vessels  were  blown  off  to  the  West  Indies,  one  was  lost  on  an 
island  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  two  or  three 
were  never  heard  of.  Holmes,  I,  478,  479.  No  provisions 
at  home  had  been  made  to  pay  the  forces,  relying  on  plun 
der  ;  bills  of  credit,  therefore,  were  resorted  to,  which  were 
the  first  ever  used  in  this  country.  Hutchinson.  I,  356,  357. 

t  The  derivation  of  the  word  Canada,  being  so  curious  it 
was  thought  that  it  would  be  pardonable  to  give  it  a  place  in 
this  work.  Mr.  Bozman,  in  his  excellent  "  Introduction  to 
a  History  of  Maryland,"  34,  says  that  it  is  a  traditional  re 
port,  that  previous  to  the  visiting  of  Newfoundland  by  Car- 
tier,  in  1534,  some  Spaniards  visited  that  coast  in  search  of 
gold,  but  its  appearance  discouraged  them,  and  they  quitted 
it  in  haste  crying  out  as  they  went  on  board  their  vessel, 
"  Jlca  nada,  Jica  nada,"  that  is,  in  English,  "  There  is  noth 
ing  here."  The  Indians  retained  these  words  in  their  memo 
ries,  and  afterward,  when  the  French  came  to  fhe  country, 
they  were  saluted  with  the  same  words,  and  mistook  them 
for  the  name  of  the  country.  And  in  time  the  first  letter  was 
lost,  hence  the  name  Canada.  Something  amounting  to 
nearly  the  same  thing  may  be  seen  in  Mather's  Magnalia, 
II,  522. 

J  John  Walley,  who  had  the  command  of  the  land  forces, 
under  Sir  Willian  Phips,  against  Canada.  An  entire  jour 
nal,  fcept  by  Walley,  of  that  expedition,  is  preserved  in 


178  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

that  if  he  would  not  go  himself  in  that  expedition, 
that  he  would  not  hinder  others.  He  answered  the 
said  Walley,  that  he  should  hinder  none  but  his  old 
soldiers,  that  used  to  go  ateng  with  him,  &c. 

The  said  Church  going  down  to  Charlestown,  to 
take  his  leave  of  some  of  his  relations  and  friends, 
who  were  going  into  that  expedition,  promised  his 
wife  and  family  not  to  go  into  Boston,  the  small  pox* 
being  very  rife  there.  Coming  to  Charlestown,  seve 
ral  of  his  friends  in  Boston  came  over  to  see  him. 
And  the  next  day  after  the  said  Church  came  there, 
Major  Wailey  came  to  him,  and  informed  him  that 
the  Govcrnour  and  council  wanted  to  speak  with 
him.  He  answered  him,  that  he  had  promised  his 
wife  and  family  not  to  go  into  Boston ;  saying, 
[that]  if  they  had  any  business,  they  could  write  to 
him,  and  that  he  would  send  them  his  answer. 

Soon  after  came  over  two  other  gentlemen  with  a 
message,  that  the  Governour  and  council  wanted  to 
have  some  discourse  with  him.  The  answer  return 
ed,  was,  that  he  intended  to  lodge  that  night  at  the 
Greyhound,  in  Iloxbury,  and  that  in  the  morning, 
would  come  to  Pollard'sf  at  the  south  end  of  Bos 
ton,  which  accordingly  he  did.  Soon  after  he  came 

Hutchinson,  Ap.  I,  470.  Ke  was  judge  of  tbe  superiour  court 
of  Massachusetts,  and  a  member  of  the  council.  The  church 
of  Bristol  is  indebted  to  him  as  one  of  its  principal  founders. 
He  is  represented,  as  possessing  sweetness  of  spirit,  wisdom 
in  council,  and  impartiality  as  a  Judge.  He  died  11  Janua 
ry,  1712,  aged  68  years. 

*  I  find  no  mention  of  the  Small  Pox  at  this  time  in  Boston 
by  any  author  that  I  have  consulted  ;  but  in  the  History  of 
Dorchester  it  is  noted,  rage  24,  "  that  from  the  first  of  April, 
1690,  unto  the  first  of  July,  1691,  there  died  in  Dorchester 
57  persons  ;  33  of  them  of  the  smallpox,  the  rest  of  a  fever." 
Hence  from  its  near  vicinity  to  Boston,  no  doubt  it  was  very 
prevalent  there.  [Having  since  seen  in  Mr.  Snow's  Histo 
ry  of  Boston,  that  it  did  prevail  there  as  mentioned  in  the 
text.] 

t  A  publick  house,  under  this  name,  is  yet  known  in  Bo»» 
ton,  at  the  golden  ball,  Elm  street. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

thither,  received  a  letter  from  the  honourable 
tain  Sewall,*  to  request  him  to  come  to  the  council. 
The  answer  [that]  he  returned  by  the  bearer  was, 
that  he  thought  there  was  no  need  of  his  hazarding 
himself  so  much  as  to  come  and  speak  with  them ; 
not  that  he  was  afraid  of  his  life,  but  because  he  had 
no  mind  to  be  concerned ;  and  further  by  reason 
[that]  they  would  not  hearken  to  him  about  the  poor 
people  of  Casco.  But  immediately  came  Mr.  Max- 
fieldf  to  him,  saying,  that  the  council  bid  him  tell 
the  said  Church,  that  if  he  would  take  his  horse  and 
ride  along  the  middle  of  the  street,  there  might  be 
no  danger.  They  were  then  sitting  in  council. 
He  bid  [him]1  go  and  tell  his  masters  not  to  trouble 
themselves  whether  he  'came  upon  his  head  or  his 
feet,  he  was  coming.  However,  thinking  the  re 
turn  was  something  rude,  called  him  back  to  drink 
a  glass  of  wine,  and  then  he  would  go  with  him. 

So  coming  to  the  council,  they  were  very  thank 
ful  to  him  for  his  coming,  and  told  him,  that  the  oc 
casion  of  their  sending  for  him  was,  that  there  was 
a  captive  come  in,  who  gave  them  an  account,  that 
the  Indians  were  come  down,  and  had  taken  posses 
sion  of  the  stone  fort  at  Pejepscot,J  so  that  they 
i  [them] 

*  Stephen  Sewall,  I  conclude  this  must  be,  who  was  com 
mander  of  the  fort  at  Salem.  He  was  a  brother  of  Judge  Se 
wall,  and  sustained  several  important  offices.  He  married  a 
daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Mitchel  of  Cambridge,  wuo  had  17 
children.  He  died  about  the  21  October,  1725,  greatly  re 
spected  and  lamented.  Eliot,  N.  E.  Biog.  420. 

1 1  learn  nothing  of  this  person.  The  name  is  common  in 
Newhampshire. 

|  A  fall  of  water  in  the  Androscoggin.  What  the  true  or 
thography  of  this  word  is,  is  unknown  to  me.  Sullivan  ends 
it  with  a  double  t,  and  again  alters  to  Pegypscott,  Mather 
has  it  Pechypscot.  Some  authors  write  u  instead  of  o  in  the 
termination.  Thus  the  different  ways  are  brought  under 
the  view  of  the  reader,  that  he  may  employ  which  he  chooses. 
Th«  ston«  fort  was  near  the  falls  on  the  north  side  of  thfe  H- 


180  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

wanted  his  advice  and  thoughts  about  the  matter  ; 
whether  they  would  tarry  and  keep  in  the  fort  or 
not*?  and  whether  it  were  not  expedient  to  send 
some  forces  to  do  some  spoil  upon  them  *?  and  fur 
ther  to  know  whether  he  could  not  be  prevailed 
with  to  raise  some  volunteers,  and  go,  to  do  some 
spoil  upon  them  9  He  answered  them,  [that]  he  was 
unwilling  to  be  concerned  any  more  ;  it  being  very 
difficult  and  chargeable  to  raise  volunteers,  as  he 
found  by  experience  in  the  last  expedition. 

But  they  using  many  arguments  prevailed  so  far 
with  him,  that  if  the  government  of  Plymouth  saw 
cause  to  send  him,  he  would  go ;  thinking  the  expe 
dition  would  be  short.  [He  then]  took  his  leave  of 
them  and  went  home. 

In  a  short  time  after,  there  came  an  express  from 
Governour  Hinkley,  to  request  Major  Church  to 
come  to  Barnstable  to  him,  he  having  received 
a»  letter  from  the  government  of  Boston  to  raise 
some  forces  to  go  east.  Whereupon  the  said  Major 
Church  went  the  next  day  to  Barnstable,  as  ordered. 
Finding  the  Governour  and  some  of  the  council  of 
war  there,  [who]  discoursed  [with]  him ;  [conclud 
ed"]1  that  lie  should  take  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  two 
English  Captains,  with  what  volunteers  could  be 
raised ;  and  that  one  Captain  should  go  out  of  Ply 
mouth  and  Barnstable  counties,  and  the  other  out  of 
Bristol  county,  with  what  forces  he  could  raise  ; 
concluding  to  have  but  few  officers,  to  save  charge. 

The  said  Church  was  at  great  charge  and  expense 
in  raising  of  forces.  Governour  Hinkley  promised 
that  he  would  take  care  to  provide  vessels  to  tran 
sport  the  said  army,  with  ammunition  and  provisions, 
by  the  time  prefixed  by  himself;  for  the  govern 
ment  of  Boston  had  obliged  themselves  by  their  let- 
l  [concluding] 

ver,  and  was  taken  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  (1690)  after  the 
English  had  left  it,  (probably.)  It  was  4  miles  from  the  wa- 
ton  of  Caioo  bay.  Sullivan,  178,  9, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  181 

ter,  to  provide  any  thing  that  was  wanting.  So  at 
the  time  prefixed,  Major  Church  marched  down  all 
his  soldiers  out  of  Bristol  county  to  Plymouth,  as  or- 
dered.  And  being  come,  found  it  not  as  he  expect 
ed  ;  for  there  were  neither  provisions,  ammunition, 
or  transports.  So  he  immediately  sent  an  express 
to  the  Governour,  who  was  at  Barnstable,  to  give 
him  an  account  that  he  with  the  men  were  come  to 
Plymouth,  and  found  nothing  ready.  In  his  return 
to  the  said  Church,  [he]  gave  him  an  account  of  his 
disappointments,  and  sent  John  Lathrop*  of  Barnsta 
ble  in  a  vessel,  with  some  ammunition  and  provi 
sion  on  board,  to  him  at  Plymouth ;  also  sent  him 
word  that  there  were  more  on  board  of  Samuel  Al- 
lingf  of  Barnstable,  who  was  to  go  for  a  transport, 
and  that  he  himself  would  be  at  Plymouth  next  day. 
But  Ailing  never  came  near  him,  but  went  to  Bil 
lingsgate,  J  at  Cape  Cod,  as  he  was  informed. 

The  Governour  being  come,  said  to  Major  Church, 
that  he  must  take  some  of  the  open  sloops,  and  make 
spar  decks  to  them,  and  lay  platforms  for  the  soldiers 
to  lie  upon,  which  delays  Were  very  expensive  to  the 
said  Church ;  his  soldiers  being  all  volunteers,  daily 
expected  to  be  treated  by  him,  and  the  Indians  al 
ways  begging  for  money  to  get  drink.  But  he  using 
his  utmost  diligence,  made  what  despatch  he  could 
to  be  gone.  Being  ready  to  embark,  received  his 

*  Probably,  the  ancestor  of  some  eminent  men  of  later 
times  in  Massachusetts.  He  perhaps  was  the  son  of  John 
Lathrop,  who  fled  from  England  in  the  days  of  persecution, 
and  afterward  settled  in  Barnstable.  The  first  John  died  in 
1653. 

f  It  is  thought  that  this  name  should  have  been  written 
Allen.  No  pains  have  been  taken  to  ascertain  any  thing 
concerning  this  person,  but  if  what  Dr.  Mather  says  be  cor 
rect,  he  is  a  descendant  of  one  Thomas  Allen,  who  came  to 
this  country  in  1638,  and  was  afterward  a  minister  in 
Charlestown.  Eliot,  20. 

t  In  the  town  of  Eastham. 
16 


182  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

commission,  and  instructions  from  Governour  Hink- 
ley,  which  are  as  follows. 

(The  commission  being  the  same  as  that  for  the  first  expedi 
tion  is  here  omitted.  It  was  dated  2  September,  1690. 
The  instructions,  also,  differing  only  in  a  few  unimpor 
tant  matters,  are  omitted  to  give  place  to  more  interest 
ing  information.  It  may  be  proper  to  notice  the  chief  dif 
ferences.  No  men  of  war  vessels  attended,  nor  was  Church 
directed  to  confer  with  any  persons  except  his  officers.  The 
eight  pounds  per  head  over  and  above  is  not  mentioned,  and 
are  signed  only  by  Governour  Hinkley.  Date,  the  same  as 
that  of  the  commission.] 

Now  having  a  fair  wind,  Major  Church  soon  got 
to  Piscataqua.*  [He]1  was  to  apply  himself  to  Ma 
jor  Pike,f  a  worthy  gentleman,  who  said,  [that]  he 
had  advice  of  his  coming  from  Boston  gentlemen; 
also,  [that]  he  had  received  directions,  that  what 
men  the  said  Church  should  want,  must  be  raised  out 
of  Hampshire,  out  of  the  several  towns  and  garrisons. 
Major  Pike  asked  him,  how  many  men  he  should 
want  7  He  said,  enough  to  make  up  his  forces  that 
he  brought  with  him,  three  hundred,  at  least,  and 
not  more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty.  And  so  in 
about  nine  days  time,  he  was  supplied  with  two  com 
panies  of  soldiers.  He  having  been  at  about  twenty 
shillings  a  day  charge  in  expenses  while  there.  Now 
i  [who] 

*  The  country  at  the  mouth  of  Pascataqua  river  went  un 
der  the  general  name  of  Pascataqua,  but  since,  the  river  only, 
is  known  by  that  name.  The  word  was  formerly,  and  some 
times  latterly,  spelt  as  in  the  text,  but  an  a  should  take  the 
place  of  i. 

f  Major  Robert  Pike  was  a  person  of  distinction.  He  was 
among  the  first  28  counsellors  appointed  by  charter,  for  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  bay,  who  were  to  hold  their  offices 
until  May  1693,  or  until  others  should  be  chosen  in  their 
stead.  He  might  be  the  ancestor  of  the  distinguished  Nicho 
las  Pike  of  Somersworth,  to  whom  we  are  much  indebted  for 
the  best  system  of  Arithmetick  that  has  appeared.  An  ac 
count  might  perhaps  be  found  of  the  family  in  Newhamp- 
shir«,  for  which  I  have  not  had  an  opportunity. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

he  received  Major  Pike's  instructions,  which  are  as 
followeth. 

"Portsmouth,  in  JNewhampshire,  Sept.  9,  1690. 

To  Major  Benjamin  Church,  Commander  in  Chief 
of  their  Majesties'  forces,  now  designed  upon  the 
present  expedition  eastward,  and  now  resident  at 
Portsmouth. 

The  Governour  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony  reposing  great  trust  and  confidence  in  your 
loyalty  and  valour,  from  experience  of  your  former 
actions,  and  of  God's  presence  with  you  in  the  same; 
in  pursuance  of  an  order,  received  from  them  com 
manding  it;  these  are  in  their  Majesties'  names  to 
empower  and  require  you,  as  commander  in  chief,  to 
take  into  your  care  and  conduct  these  forces  now 
here  present  at  their  rendezvous  at  Portsmouth;  and 
they  are  alike  required  to  obey  you ;  and  with  them 
to  sail  eastward  by  the  first  opportunity  to  Casco,  or 
places  adjacent,  that  may  be  most  commodious  for 
landing  with  safety  and  secrecy;  and  to  visit  the 
French  and  Indians  at  their  headquarters  at  Ameras- 
cogen,  Pejepscot,  or  any  other  place,  according  as 
you  may  have  hope  or  intelligence  of  the  residence 
of  the  enemy;  using  always  your  utmost  endeavour 
for  the  preservation  of  your  own  men,  and  the  kill 
ing,  destroying,  and  utterly  rooting  out  of  the  enemy, 
wheresoever  they  may  be  found ;  and  also,  as  much 
as  may  possibly  be  done,  for  the  redeeming  or  re 
covering  of  our  captives  in  any  places. 

You  being  there  arrived,  and  understanding  your 
way,  to  take  your  journey  back  again,  either  by  land 
or  water,  as  you  shall  judge  most  convenient  for  the 
accomplishing  of  the  end  intended  ;  and  to  give  in 
telligence  always  of  your  motions,  whensoever  you 
can  with  safety  and  convenience. 

Lastly.  In  all  to  consult  your  council,  the  com 
manders  or  commission  officers  of  your  several  com- 


184  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

panics,  when  it  may  be  obtained,  the  greater  part  of 
whom  to  determine.  And  so  the  Lord  of  hosts,  the 
God  of  armies,  go  along  with  you,  and  be  your  con 
duct.  Given  under  my  hand,  the  day  and  year  above 
said, 

Per  ROBERT  PTKE." 

Being  ready,  they  took  the  first  opportunity,  and 
made  the  best  of  their  way  to  Pejepscot  fort,  where 
they  found  nothing.  From  thence  they  marched  to 
Amerascogen,*  and  when  they  came  near  the  fort, 
Major  Church  made  a  halt,  ordering  the  Captains  to 
draw  out  of  their  several  companies  sixty  of  their 
meanest  men,  to  be  a  guard  to  the  Doctor,  and  knap 
sacks,  being  not  a  mile  from  said  fort.  And  then 
moving  towards  the  fort,  they  saw  young  Doneyf  and 
his  wife,  with  two  English  captives.  The  said  Doney 
made  his  escape  to  the  fort,  his  wife  was  shot  down, 
and  so  the  two  poor  captives  were  released  out  of 
their  bondage. 

The  said  Major  Church  and  Captain  Walton  J  made 

*  This  river  basils  rise  in  Newhampshire  and  flowing  east 
ward  enters  Maine  in  about  44  d.  20  min.  N.  Mather,  says 
this  place  where  they  had  now  arrived  at,  was  40  miles  up 
the  river.  Mag.  528.  Perhaps  few  words  have  been  writ 
ten  more  different  ways,  than  this.  The  authors  of  the 
Newhampshire  Gazetteer  prefer  that  as  in  the  text,  ex 
cept,  that  they  double  the  g-  and  change  the  last  e  into  i. 
But  people  in  general,  that  live  on  said  river,  adopt  the  better 
method  of  Androscoggin. 

f  He  was  an  Indian,  and  all  we  know  of  him  is  found  in  this 
history  ;  except  he  be  the  one  seized  at  Wells,  mentioned  by 
Mather,  II,  545,  and  whose  name  is  signed  Robin  Doney  to 
the  articles  of  peace  at  Pemmaquid  in  1693.  Ib.  543. 

J  Col.  Shadrach  Walton  of  Somersworth  N.  H.  A  brave 
and  valuable  officer.  In  the  long  wars  that  followed,  he 
rendered  important  services.  To  recount  his  actions  would 
be  to  write  a  narrative,  much  beyond  the  limits  of  a  note. 
More  particulars  of  him  may  be  found  in  Penhallow's  history, 
in  I  Newhampshire  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  than  in  any  oth 
er  work  extant.  He  was  with  Col.  March,  in  1707,  in  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  on  Portroyal.  Here  he  fought  a  body 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  185 

no  stop,  making  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  fort, 
with  some  of  the  army,  in  hopes  of  getting  to  the 
fort  before  young  Doney ;  but  the  river  through 
which  they  must  pass,  being  as  deep  as  their  arm 
pits.  However  Major  Church  as  soon  as  he  was  got 
over,  stripped  to  his  shirt  and  jacket,  leaving  his 
breeches  behind,  ran  directly  to  the  fort,  having  an 
eye  to  see  if  young  Doney  (who*  ran  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,)  should  get  there  before  him.  The 
wind  now  blowing  very  hard  in  their  faces,  as  they 
ran,  w£s  some  help  to  them ;  for  several  of  our  men 
fired  guns,  which  they  in  the  fort  did  not  hear,  so 
that  we  had  taken  all  in  the  fort,  had  it  not  been  for 
young  Doney,  who  got  to  the  fort  just  before  we  did. 
[He]1  ran  into  the  south  gate,  and  out  at  the  north, 
all  the  men  following  him,  except  one.  [They]2  all 
ran  directly  down  to  the  great  river  and  falls. 

The  said  Church  and  his  forces  being  come  pretty 
near,  he  ordered  the  said  Walton  to  run  directly  with 
some  forces  into  the  fort,  and  himself  with  the  rest, 
ran  down  to  the  river,  after  the  enemy,  who  ran  some 
of  them  into  the  river,  and  the  rest  under  the  great 
falls.  Those  who  ran  into  the  river  were  killed  ;  for 
he  saw  but  one  man  get  over,  and  he  only  crept  up 
the  bank,  and  there  lay  in  open  sight.  And  those 
that  ran  under  the  falls,  they  made  no  discovery  of, 
notwithstanding  several  of  his  men  went  in  under  the 
said  falls,  and  were  gone  some  considerable  time, 
[but]  could  not  find  them.  So  leaving  a  watch  there, 
returned  up  to  the  fort,  where  he  found  but  one  man 
i  [who]  2  [who] 

of  the  enemy  and  put  them  to  flight,  being  the  only  field  offi 
cer  then  on  shore.  Again  in  1710,  he  rendered  important 
service  at  the  same  place,  when  it  was  taken  by  the  arma 
ment  under  Col.  Nicholson.  In  a  note  to  page  119,  in  Pen- 
hallow's  history  it  is  remarked  that  "  He  was  dismissed  from 
service"  (in  1725)  "and  was  succeeded  by  Col.  Thomas 
Westbrook."  But  on  what  account  he  was  dismissed^  wheth 
er  from  age  or  misconduct  is  unknown  to  me.  He  is  men- 
d  DO  more  in  Penhallow's  history. 
16* 


180  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

taken,  and  several  women  and  children ;  amongst 
whom  were  Captain  Hakins'*  wife  and  Worumbos'f 
wife,  the  sachem  of  that  fort,  with  their  children.  Tho 
said  Hakins  was  sachem  of  Pennacook,J  who  de- 

*  Hawkins  or  Hogkins.  This  sachem  had  been  treated 
with  neglect  by  Governour  Cranfield,  which  in  part  may  ac 
count  for  his  enmity  to  the  English.  He  made  a  treaty  with 
them  in  1685,  which  perhaps,  was  broken  more  through  the  ne 
gligence  of  the  English  than  the  wish  of  Hogkins.  He  appears 
to  have  learned  so  much  of  the  English  language  as  to  pre 
tend  to  write  and  read.  Four  letters  from  under  his  hand 
are  preserved  in  Belknap,  I,  Appendix,  No.  XLII,  &c.  One 
of  which,  as  a  curiosity,  is  here  printed. 

"May  15,  1685. 

Honour  Mr.  Governor, 

Now  this  day  I  com  your  house,  I  want  se  you,  and  I 
bring  my  hand  at  before  you  I  want  shake  hand  to  you  if  your 
worship  when  please  then  you  receve  my  hand  then  shake 
your  hand  and  my  hand.  You  my  friend  because  I  remem 
ber  at  old  time  when  live  my  grant  father  and  grant  mother 
then  Englishmen  com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and 
Englishmen  they  make  a  good  govenant,  they  friend  allways, 
my  grant  father  laving  at  place  called  Malamake  rever,  oth 
er  name  chef  Natukkog  and  Panukkog,  that  one  rever  great 
many  names,  and  I  bring  you  this  few  skins  at  this  first  time 
I  will  give  you  mv  friend.  This  all  Indian  hand. 

JOHN    x  HAWKINS,  Sagamore." 

This  letter  is  the  best  written  of  the  four,  and  are  all  very 
similar.  I  copy  it  precisely  as  I  find  it  in  Belk  3-j.  Two  of 
the  others  are  signed  John  Hogkins,  and  one,  Mr.  John 
HogkinS)  the  last  has  no  date,  and  one  is  dated  16  May,  and 
the  other  two  the  15,  both  having  14  signers  beside  Hogkins, 
-who,  it  is  probable,  were  his  principal  men.  The  name  of 
Hogkins  or  rather  Hawkins  he  received  from  some  English 
man.  His  Indian  name  was  Hancamagus.  See  N.  H.  Hist. 
Soc.  Col.  I,  221. 

f  A  sachem  of  the  Androscoggins.  He  was  with  Madoka- 
wando  in  the  celebrated  attack  on  Storer's  garrison  at  Wells, 
an  account  of  which  may  be  seen  in  a  succeeding  note. 

J  The  country  on  the  Merrimake  river,  including  the  pre 
sent  town  of  Concord,  and  the  lands  above  and  below,  but 
how  far,  cannot  be  told  ;  as  those  people  never  set  any  par 
ticular  bounds  to  their  country,  that  we  know  of.  See  Far 
mer's  account  of  the  Pennacook  Indians,  in  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc. 
CoL  I.  21  a.  The  word  should  be  spelt  as  in  the  text,  but 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  187 

stroyed  Major  Walden  and  his  family,  some  time 
before,  &c. 

The  said  two  women,  viz.  Hakins'  and  Worumbos' 
wives  requested  the  said  Church,  that  he  would  spare 
them  and  their  children's  lives ;  promising  upon  that 
condition,  [that]  he  should  have  all  the  captives  that 
were  taken,  and  in  the  Indians'  hands.  He  asked 
them  how  many?  They  said,  about  four  score.  So, 
upon  that  condition,  he  promised  them  their  lives, 
&c.  In  the  said  fort  there  were  several  English  cap 
tives,  who  were  in  a  miserable  condition.  Amongst 
them  was  Captain  Hucking's*  wife,  of  Oyster  river.f 

Major  Church  proceeded  to  examine  the  man, 
taken,  who  gave  him  an  account,  that  most  of  the 
fighting  men  were  gone  to  Winterharbour,J  to  pro 
vide  provisions  for  the  bay  of  Fundy^  Indians,  who 

the  authorjust  cited,  leaves  out  one  n.  Sullivan  writes  Pen 
ny  cook.  Belknap,  whoni  many,  justly  in  most  respects,  fol 
low,  writes  it  as  in  the  text,  with  the  omission  of  one  n,  as 
does  Mather,  whom  he  follows. 

*  Hucking's  garrison  was  taken,  about  the  last  of  August, 
1689,  in  which  were  a  few  women  and  boys.  The  Indians 
had  been  in  ambush  for  a  number  of  days,  until  they  had  as 
certained  how  many  men  belonged  to  the  garrison,  then  as 
they  all  went  out  into  the  field  one  day,  the  Indians  cut  off 
their  retreat,  and  killed  them  all  excepting  one,  who  escap 
ed,  being  18  in  all.  They  then  went  to  the  garrison  and  de 
manded  a  surrender,  but  the  boys  at  first  refused,  and  some 
fighting  was  done  5  at  length  they  surrendered  on  terms  of 
life,  See.  The  assailants  found  means  to  fire  the  garrison, 
which  hastened  the  surrender.  Mather,  Mag.  II,  515.  This 
woman  is  supposed  to  be  the  wife  of  the  owner  of  the  gar 
rison. 

f  Now  Durham.  The  country  thereabout,  was  formerly 
known  by  this  name. 

J  At  the  mouth  of  Saco  river  in  Maine. 

§  A  large  bay,  sometimes  called  Frenchman's  bay,  contain 
ing  the  island  Mountdesert,  8  or  10  miles  to  the  eastward  of 
the  mouth  of  Penobscot  river.  Sullivan,  57,  informs  us,  that 
it  took  the  name  of  Frenchman's  bay,  from  this  circumstance. 
That  with  Demotte  came  over  to  America  one  Nicholas 
D'Aubri,  a  French  ecclesiastic  of  respectability,  who  went 
oij  shore  on  the  west  side  of  the  bay,  and  wandering  into  the 


189  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

were  to  come  and  join  with  them  to  fight  the  English. 
The  soldiers  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the 
Indian's  life,  while  in  examination ;  intending  when 
he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  executed.  But  Cap 
tain  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman,  down  on 
their  knees,  and  begged  for  him,  saying,  that  he  had 
been  a  means  to  save  their  lives,  and  a  great  many 
more  ;  and  had  helped  several  to  opportunities  to 
run  away,  and  make  their  escape ;  and  that  never, 
since  he  came  amongst  them,  had  fought  against  the 
English,  but  being  'related  to  Hakins'  wife,  kept  at 
the  fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years  ;  but 
his  living  was  to  the  westward  of  Boston.  So,  upon 
their  request,  his  life  was  spared,  &c. 

Next  day  the  said  Church  ordered  that  all  their 
corn  should  be  destroyed,  being  a  great  quantity  ; 
saving  a  little  for  the  two  old  squaws,  which  he  de 
signed  to-leave  at  the  fort,  to  give  an  account  who 
he  was,  and  from  whence  he  came.  The  rest  being 
knocked  on  the  head,  except  the  aforementioned 
for  an  example ;  ordering  them  all  to  be  buried 
Having  inquired  where  all  their  best  beaver  was  9 
they  said  [that]  it  was  carried  away  to  make  a  pre 
sent  to  the  bay  of  Fundy  Indians,  who  were  coming 
to  their  assistance. 

Now  being  ready  to  draw  off  from  thence,  he 
called  the  two  old  squaws  to  him,  and  gave  each  of 
them  a  kettle,  and  some  biscuit,  bidding  them  to  tell 
the  Indians,  when  they  came  home,  that  he  was 
known  by  the  name  of  Captain  Church,  and  lived  in 
the  westerly  part  of  Plymouth  government ;  and  that 
those  Indians  that  came  with  him  were  formerly 
King  Philip's  men,  and  that  he  had  met  with  them 
in  Philip's  war,  and  drawn  them  off  from  him,  to 

woods  in  search  of  curiosities,  was  left  by  the  boat  to  his  fate. 
After  three  weeks  he  was  found  by  a  boat  from  the  same  ves 
sel,  almost  emaciated.  From  which  circumstance  it  receiv 
ed  the  above  appellation.  But  the  waters  between  Nova- 
seotia  and  the  main  are  generally  understood  to  make  the. 
bay  of  Fundy. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

fight  for  the  English,  against  the  said  Philip,  and  his 
associates,  who  then  promised  him  to  fight  for  the 
English,  as  long  as  they  had  one  enemy  left.  And 
said,  that  'they  did  not  question,  but  before  Indian 
corn  was  ripe  to  have  Philip's  head  ;'*  notwithstand 
ing  [Philip]1  had  twice  as  many  men  as  were  in  their 
country  ;  and  that  theyf  had  killed  and  taken  one 
thousand  three  hundred  and  odd  of  Philip's  men, 
women  and  children,  and  Philip  himself,  with  several 
other  sachems,  &c.  ;  and  that  they  should  tell  Ha- 
kins  and  Worumbos,  that  if  they  had  a  mind  to  see 
their  wives  and  children,  they  should  come  to 
Wellsf  garrison,  and  that  there  they  might  hear  of 
them,  &,c. 

Major  Church  having  done,  moved  with  all  his 
forces  down  to  Mequait,§  where  the  transports  were, 
(but  in  the  way  some  of  his  soldiers  threatened  the 
Indian  man  prisoner  very  much,  so  that  in  a  thick 
swamp,  he  gave  them  the  slip  and  got  away)  and 


*  See  Philip's  war,  page  82. 

t  The  English. 

j  Webhannet  was  the  Indian  name  of  Wells.  This  town 
is  on  the  sea  board  about  halfway  between  York  and  Saco, 
being  13  miles  from  the  former.  Storer's  garrison  was  in 
this  town,  which  was  near  where  the  old  meeting  house; 
stood,  and  nearly  half  a  mile  south  of  the  present  place  of 
publick  worship,  and  was  standing  since  the  year  1760.  Sul 
livan,  236.  The  town  suffered  greatly  by  the  savages. 
About  500  French  and  Indians  made  a  desperate  attempt  on 
the  garrison,  in  May,  1691,  and  though  it  had  but  15  men,  by 
the  valour  of  the  commander,  Captain  Converse,  and  this 
few,  they  were  repulsed.  A  sloop  happened  to  arrive 
just  before  the  engagement,  which  was  a  help  to  them, 
although  they  fought  on  board  their  vessels.  A  flag  was  sent 
to  Capt.  Converse,  to  persuade  him  to  surrender  ;  at  his  re 
fusing,  the  officer  said,  "  We  will  cut  you  up  as  fine  as  tobac 
co  before  to-morrow  morning."  He  bid  them  "  come  on  for 
he  wanted  work."  Magnalia,  II,  532. 

§  A  small  bay  or  cove  in  Casco  bay.  It  is  generally  writ 
ten  Maquoit.  Mather,  and  after  him  Belknap  wrote  Mao 
quoit. 


190  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

when  they  all  got  on  board  the  transports,  the  wind 
being  fair,  made  the  best  of  their  way  for  Winter- 
harbour  j  and  the  next  morning  before  day,  and  as 
soon  as  the  day  appeared,  they  discovered  some 
smokes,  rising  towards  Skaman's*  garrison.  He 
immediately  sent  away  a  scout  of  sixty  men,  and 
followed  presently  with  the  whole  body.  The  scout 
coming  near  a  river  discovered  the  enemy  to  be  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river.  But  three  of  the  enemy 
were  come  over  the  river,  to  the  same  side,  [ — ]l 
which  the  scout  was  of,  [but  discovering  the  scout,] 
ran  hastily  down  to  their  canoe.  One  of  which  lay 
at  each  end,  [ — ]2  and  the  third  stood  up  to  paddle 
over.  The  scout  fired  at  them,  and  he  that  paddled, 
fell  down  upon  the  canoe,  and  broke  it  to  pieces,  so 
that  all  three  perished. 

The  firing  put  the  enemy  to  the  run,  who  left 
their  canoes  and  provisions  to  ours.  And  old 
Doney,f  and  one  Thomas  Baker,  an  Englishman, 
who  was  a  prisoner  amongst  them,  were  up  at  the 
falls, {  and  heard  the  guns  fire,  expected  the  other 
Indians  were  come  to  their  assistance,  so  came  down 
the  river  in  a  canoe.  But  when  they  perceived  that 
there  were  English  as  well  as  Indians,  old  Doney 
ran  the  canoe  ashore,  and  ran  over  Baker's  head, 
and  followed  the  rest ;  and  then  Baker  came  to  ours, 
and  gave  an  account  of  the  beaver,  hid  at  Pejepscot 
plain4  And  coming  to  the  place  where  the  plunder 
was,  the  Major  sent  a  scout  to  Pejepscot  fort,  to 
eee  if  they  could  make  any  discovery  of  the  enemy's 
tracks,  or  could  discover  any  coming  up  the  river, 
l  [of  the  river]  2  [of  the  canoe] 

*  This  was  on  the  e*st  side  of  Saco  river,  about  two  miles 
below  the  falls.  Sullivan,  180.  The  name  should  be  spelt 
Scammon.  Ib. 

f  Father  of  young  Doney.        f  The  falls  in  the  Saco. 

§  In  Brunswick. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS,  191 

[They]1  returned,  and  said  [that]  they  saw  nothing 
but  our  old  tracks  at  the  said  fort,  &c. 

Now  having  got  some  plunder,  one  of  the  Cap 
tains*  said  [that]  it  was  time  to  go  home,  and  seve 
ral  others  were  of  the  same  mind.  The  Major  be 
ing  much  disturbed  at  this  motion  of  theirs,  expect 
ing  the  enemy  would  come  in  a  very  short  time, 
where  they  might  have  a  great  advantage  of  them, 
&c. 

Notwithstanding  all  he  could  say,  or  do,  he  was 
obliged  to  call  a  council,  according  to  his  instruc 
tions,  wherein  he  was  outvoted.  The  said  comman 
der  seeing  [that]  he  was  put  by  of  his  intentions, 
proffered,  [that]  if  sixty  men  would  stay  with  him, 
he  would  not  embark  as  yet  ;  but  all  he  could  say  or 
do,  could  not  prevail.  Then  they  moved  to  the  ves 
sels,  and  embarked,  and  as  they  were  going  in  the 
vessels,  on  the  back  side  of  Mayr  point,f  they  discov 
ered  eight  or  nine  canoes,  who  turned  short  about, 
and  went  up  the  river  ;  being  the  same  Indians  that 
the  Major  expected,  and  would  have  waited  for. 
The  aforesaid  Captain  being  much  disturbed  at  what 
the  Major  had  said  to  him,  drew  off  from  the  fleet, 
and  in  the  night  ran  aground. 

In  the  morning  Anthony  Bracket,  having  been 
advised  and  directed  by  the  Indian  that  had  made 
his  escape  from  our  forces,  came  down  near  where 
the  aforesaid  vessel  lay  aground,  and  got  aboard. 
[He]2  has  proved  a  good  pilot  and  Captain  for  his 
country.  The  next  day  being  very  calm  and  misty, 
1  [who]  2 


*  From  what  follows  we  may  suppose  this  to  be  one  of  the 
Captains  from  Plymouth  government.  But  as  there  were 
two,  we  cannot  be  positive  which  was  meant,  and  but  one  is 
named  ;  yet,  another  circumstance  might  induce  us  to  sup 
pose  a  Newhampshire  Captain  is  meant,  were  it  not  said  that 
the  Plymouth  forces  sailed  first. 

t  What,  in  Sullivan's  history,  it  is  thought,  is  called  Mer- 
ryconeag.  It  is  a  point  in  the  east  part  of  Casco  bay.  Ma 
ther  calls  it  Mares  point,  II,  557. 


H>-3  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

so  that  they  were  all  day  getting  down  from  Maquait 
to  Perpodack,*  and  the  masters  of  the  vessels  think 
ing  it  not  safe  putting  out  in  the  night,  so  late  in 
the  year,  anchored  there.  [ — j1  The  vessels  being 
much  crowded,  the  Major  ordered  that  three  compa 
nies  should  go  on  shore,  and  no  more.  Himself 
with  Captain  Conversef  went  with  them  to  order 
their  lodging.  And  finding  just  houses  convenient 
for  them,  viz.,  two  barns  and  one  house ;  [and]9 
seeing  them  all  settled,  and  their  watches  out,  the 
Major  and  Captain  Converse  returned  to  go  on 
board.  And  coming  near  where  the  boat  was,  it 
was  pretty  dark,  they  discovered  some  men,  but  did 
not  know  what  or  who  they  were.  The  Major  or 
dered  those  that  were  with  him,  all  to  clap  down 
and  cock  their  guns,  and  he  called  out,  and  asked 
them  who  they  were  *?  And  they  said,  u  Indians." 
He  asked  them  whose  men  they  were  *?  They  said, 
"  Captain  Southworth's."  He  asked  them  where 
they  intended  to  lodge  *?  They  said,  "  In  those  lit 
tle  huts  that  the  enemy  had  made  when  they  took 
that  garrison. "f 

The  Major  told  them  [that]  they  must  not  make 
any  fires,  for  if  they  did,  the  enemy  would  be  upon 
them  before  day.  They  laughed,  and  said,  "Our 
Major  is  afraid."  Having  given  them  their  direc 
tions,  he.  with  Captain  Converse,  went  on  board  the 
i  [at  Perpodack]  2  [so] 

*  In  the  town  of  Cape  Elizabeth,  6  or  8  miles  from  Port 
land.  It  is  also  known  by  the  name  of  Spring  point. 

t  Captain  James  Converse.  A  distinguished  partizan. 
No  commander  deserved  better  of  their  country  than  he. 
Beside  his  singular  bravery  in  defending  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  mentioned  in  note  3,  on  page  189,  the  history  of  this 
war  abounds  with  his  exploits  ;  to  enumerate  which  would 
far  exceed  the  limits  of  this  note.  See  Magnalia,  II,  529,  &c. 

|  I  can  find  no  account  of  the  Indians  taking  a  garrison 
here  until  after  this.  In  Queen  Ann's  or  Villebon's  war  seve 
ral  persons  vrere  killed  and  some  families  carried  into  captivi 
ty.  Sullivan,  195, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  193 

Mary  sloop,  designing  to  write  home,  and  send 
away  in  the  morning  the  two  sloops  which  had  the 
small  pox  on  board,  &c. 

But  before  day  our  Indians  began  to  make  fires, 
and  to  sing  and  dance.  So  the  Major  called  to 
Captain  Southworth  to  go  ashore  and  look  after  his 
men,  for  the  enemy  would  be  upon  them  by  and  by. 
He  ordered  the  boat  to  be  hauled  up,  to  carry  him 
ashore,  and  called  Captain  Converse  to  go  with  him ; 
and  just  as  the  day  began  to  appear,  as  the  Major 
was  getting  into  the  boat  to  go  ashore,  the  enemy 
fired  upon  our  men,  (the  Indians)  notwithstanding 
that  one  Philip,  an  Indian  of  ours,  who  was  out  up 
on  the  watch,  heard  a  man  cough,  and  the  sticks 
crack,  [and]1  gave  the  rest  an  account,  that  he  saw- 
Indians,  which  they -would  not  believe  ;  but  said  to 
him,  "  You  are  afraid."  His  answer  was,  that  they 
might  see  them  come  creeping.  They  laughed  and 
said,  [that]  they  were  hogs.  "  Ah,"  said  he,  "  and 
they  will  bite  you  by  and  by."  So  presently  they 
did  fire  upon  our  men.  But  the  morning  being  mis 
ty,  their  guns  did  not  go  off  quick,  so  that  our  men 
had  all  time  to  fall  down  before  their  guns  went  off, 
and  saved  themselves  from  that  volley,  except  one 
man,  who  was  killed. 

This  sudden  firing  upon  our  Indian  soldiers,  sur 
prised  them  [so,]  that  they  left  their  yrms,  but  soon 
recovered  them  again,  and  got  do.ra  the  bank, 
which  was  but  low.  The  Major,  with  all  the  forces 
on  board  landed  as  fast  as  they  could,  the  enemy 
firing  smartly  at  them ;  however  all  got  safe  ashore. 
The  enemy  had  a  great  advantage  of  our  forces, 
who  were  between  the  sun's  rising  and  the  enemy, 
so  that  if  a  man  put  up  his  head  or  hand  they  could 
see  it,  and  would  fire  at  it.  However,  some,  with 
the  Major,  got  up  the  bank,  behind  stumps  and 
rocks,  to  have  the  advantage  of  firing  at  the  enemy 
But  when  the  sun  was  risen,  the  Major  slipped 

1  [who] 
17 


194  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

down  the  bank  again,  where  all  the  forces  were  or 
dered  to  observe  his  motion,  viz.,  that  he  would 
give  three  shouts,  and  then  all  of  them  should  run 
with  him  up  the  bank. 

So,  when  he  had  given  the  third  shout,  [he]  ran 
up  the  bank,  and  Captain  Converse  with  him,  but 
when  the  said  Converse  perceived  that  the  forces  did 
not  follow,  as  commanded,  called  to  the  Major,  and 
told  him  [that]  the  forces  did  not  follow.  [He,]1 
notwithstanding  the  enemy  fired  smartly  at  him,  got 
safe  down  the  bank  again  ;  and  rallying  the  forces  up 
the  bank,  soon  put  the  enemy  to  flight.  And  fol 
lowing  them  so  close,  that  they  took  thirteen  canoes, 
and  one  lusty  man,  who  had  Joseph  Ramsdel's  scalp 
by  his  side.  [He]2  was  taken  by  two  of  our  Indians, 
and  having  his  deserts,  was  himself  scalped. 

This  being  a  short  and  smart  fight,  some  of  our 
men  wei£  killed  and  several  wounded.  Sometime 
after,  an  Englishman,  who  was  prisoner  amongst  them, 
gave  an  account,  that  our  forces  had  killed  and 
wounded  several  of  the  enemy,  for  they  killed  seve 
ral  prisoners  according  to  custom,*  &c. 

After  this  action  was  over,  our  forces  embarked 
for  Piscataqua.  The  Major  went  to  Wells,  and  re 
moved  the  Captain  there,  and  put  in  Captain  Andros, 
who  had  been  with  him ;  and  knew  the  discourse  left 
with  the  two  old  squaws  at  Amerascogen,  for  Hakins 
and  Wrorumbos  to  come  there  in  fourteen  days,  if 
they  had  a  mind  to  hear  of  their  wives  and  children ; 
who  did  then,  or  soon  after  come  with  a  flag  of  truce 
to  said  Wells  garrison,  and  had  leave  to  come  in,  and 
more  appearing  came  in,  to  the  number  of  eight, 
/'without  any  terms)  being  all  chief  Sachems.  [They]3 
were  very  glad  to  hear  of  the  women  and  children, 
viz.,  Hakins  and  Worumbos'  wives  and  children. 
[They]4  all  said  three  several  times  that  they  would 
i  [who]  2  [Who]  3  [and]  4  [who] 

•  It  was  said  to  be  a  custom  among  most  of  the  Ind;an  na* 
tions,  to  kill  as  many  prisoners  as  they  lost  in  battle. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  19JJ 

never  fight  against  the  English  any  more,  for  the 
French  made  fools  of  them,  &c.  They  saying  as  they 
did,  the  said  Andros  let  them  go. 

Major  Church  being  come  to  Piscataqua,  and  two 
of  his  transports  having  the  small  pox  on  board,  and 
several  of  his  men  having  got  great  colds  by  their 
hard  service,  pretended  [that]  they  were  going  to 
have  the  small  pox ;  thinking  by  that  means  to  be 
sent  home  speedily.  The  Major  being  willing  to  try 
them,  went  to  the  gentlemen  there,  and  desired  them 
to  provide  a  house ;  for  some  of  his  men  expected 
[that]  they  should  have  the  small  pox ;  which  [they] 
readily  did,  and  told  him,  that  the  people  belonging 
to  it  were  just  recovered  of  the  small  pox,  and  had 
been  all  at  meeting,  &c. 

The  Major  returning  to  his  officers,  ordered  them 
to  draw  out  all  their  men  that  were  going  to  have  the 
small  pox,  for  he  had  provided  an  hospital  for  them. 
So  they  drew  out  seventeen  men,  that  had  as  they 
said  all  the  symptoms  of  the  small  pox.  He  ordered 
them  all  to  follow  him,  and  coming  "to  the  house,  he 
asked  them  how  they  liked  it'?  They  said,  "Very 
well."  Then  he  told  them  that  the  people  in  the 
said  house,  had  all  had  the  small  pox,  and  were  re 
covered  ;  and  that  if  they  went  in,  they  must  not 
come  out  till  they  [had]  all  had  it.  Whereupon 
they  all  presently  began  to  grow  better,  and  to  make 
excuses,  except  one  man  who  desired  to  stay  out  till 
night  before  he  went  in,  &c. 

The  Major  going  to  the  gentlemen,  told  them,  that 
one  thing  more  would  work  a  perfect  cure  upon  his 
men,  which  was  to  let  them  go  home;  which  did 
work  a  cure  upon  all,  except  one,  and  he  had  not  the 
small  pox.  So  he  ordered  the  plunder  to  be  divided 
forthwith,  and  sent  away  all  the  Plymouth  forces. 
But  the  gentlemen  there  desired  him  to  stay,  and 
they  would  be  assisting  to  him  in  raising  new  forces, 
to  the  number  of  what  was  sent  away ;  and  that  they 
would  send  to  Boston  for  provisions,  which  they  did 


196  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS/ 

•and  sent  Captain  Plaisted*  to  the  Governour  and 
^council  at  Boston,  &e. 

And  in  the  mean  time,  the  Major  with  those  gen 
tlemen  went  into  all  those  parts,  and  raised  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  men,  both  officers  and  soldiers. 
[They]1  all  met  at  the  bankf  on  the  same  day  that 
Captain  Plaisted  returned  from  Boston.  [The]2  re 
turn  from  the  Boston  gentlemen  was,  that  the  Canada 
expedition  had  drained  them  so  that  they  could  do 
no  more.  So  that  Major  Church,  notwithstanding 
he  had  been  at  considerable  expenses  in  raising  said 
forces  to  serve  his  King  and  country,  was  obliged  to 
give  them  a  treat  and  dismiss  them.  Taking  his 
leave  of  them,  [he]  came  home  to  Boston  in  the 
Mary  sloop,  Mr.  AldenJ  master,  and  Captain  Con 
verse  with  him,  on  a  Saturday.  And  waiting  upon 
the  Governour,  and  some  of  the  gentlemen  in  Boston, 
they  looked  very  strange  upon  them,  which  not  only 
troubled  them,  but  put  them  in  some  consternation ; 
[wondering]  what  the  matter  should  be.  that  after  so 
much  toil  and  hard  service,  [they]  could  not  have 
i  [who]  2  [whose] 

*  The  name  of  Plaisted  is  found  in  the  earlier  and  later 
wars  as  well  as  in  this.  A  letter  from  Roger  Plaisted  to 
Maj.  Waldron,  who  was  killed  at  Salmon  faHs,  1675,  show 
ing  his  desperate  situation,  is  printed  in  Hubbard,  281. 
Whether  this  was  a  son  or  not  is  not  known  to  me,  but  from 
the  author  just  cited  should  conclude  that  it  was  not.  Per 
haps  he  was  a  near  connexion.  In  1712,  a  Mr.  Plaisted  was 
taken  at  Wells,  and  ransomed  for  300  pounds. 

f  By  the  bank  I  suppose  is  meant,  that  part  of  the  town  of 
Portsmouth,  including  Church  hill,  formerly  called  Straw 
berry  bank,  and  was  a  general  appellation  for  the  town. 

J  The  same  mentioned  further  on,  as  old  Mr.  Alden,  and 
Capt.  Alden.  He  lived  at  Boston,  and  was  one  of  the  accus 
ed  in  the  celebrated  witch  age,  and  was  committed  to  prison 
by  Hawthorn  and  Gidney,  31  May,  1692,  where  he  remained 
15  weeks  ;  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  made  his  escape.  He 
afterwards  returned,  and  none  appearing  against  him,  was 
cleared.  See  Calef's  "  More  Wonders  of  the  Invisible 
World,"  2 10  to  214. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  197 

so  much  as  one  pleasant  word,  nor  any  money  in  their 
pockets  5  for  Major  Church  had  but  eight  pence  left, 
and  Captain  Converse  none,  as  he  said  afterwards. 

Major  Church  seeing  two  gentlemen,  which  he 
knew  had  money,  asked  them  to  lend  him  forty  shil 
lings,  telling  them  his  necessity,  yet  they  refused. 
So  being  bare  of  money,  was  obliged  to  lodge  at 
Mr.  Alden's  three  nights.  The  next  Tuesday  morn 
ing  Captain  Converse  came  to  him,  (not  knowing 
each  others  circumstances  as  yet)  and  said,  [that]  he 
would  walk  with  him  out  of  town.  So  coming  near 
Pollard's  at  the  south  end,  they  had  some  discourse. 
[Observed,]  that  it  was  very  hard  that  they  should 
part  with  dry  lips.  Major  Church  told  Captain  Con 
verse  that  he  had  but  eight  pence  left,  and  could  not 
borrow  any  money  to  carry  him  home,  and  the  said 
Converse  said,  that  he  had  not  a  penny  left ;  so  they 
were  obliged  to  part  without  going  to  Pollard's,  &c. 

The  said  Captain  Converse  returned  back  into 
town,  and  the  said  Church  went  over  to  Roxbury ; 
and  at  the  tavern  he  met  with  Stephen  Braton  of 
Rhodeisland,  a  drover,  who  was  glad  to  see  him,  (the 
said  Church)  and  he  as  glad  to  see  his  neighbour. 
Whereupon  Major  Church  called  for  an  eight  penny 
tankard  of  drink,  and  let  the  said  Braton  know  his 
circumstances,  [and]  asked  him  whether  he  would 
lend  him  forty  shillings  ?  He  answered,  "  Yes,/o?% 
pounds  if  he  wanted  it."  So  he  thanked  him,  and 
said  [that]  he  would  have  but  forty  shillings,  which 
he  freely  lent  him. 

Presently  after  Mr.  Church  was  told  that  his  bro 
ther,  Caleb  Church  of  Watertown,  was  coming  with 
a  spare  horse  for  him,  (having  heard  the  night  before 
that  his  brother  was  come  in.)  By  which  means  the 
sa:d  Major  Church  got  home.  And  for  all  his  travel 
and  expenses  in  raising  soldiers,  and  service  done, 
never  had  but  fourteen  pounds  of  Plymouth  gentle 
men,  and  not  a  penny  of  Boston  ;  notwithstanding  he 
had  worn  out  all  [of]  his  clothes,  arid  run  himself  in 


198  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

debt,  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  sell  half  a  share  of 
land  in  Tiverton,  for  about  sixty  pounds,  which  is 
now*  worth  three  hundred  pounds  more  and  above 
what  he  had. 

Having  not  been  at  home  long  before  he  found  out 
the  reason  why  Boston  gentlemen  looked  so  difcaf- 
fected  on  him.  As  you  may  see  by  the  sequel  of  two 
letters,  [which]  Major  Church  sent  to  the  gentlemen 
in  the  eastward  parts,  which  are  as  followeth. 

11  Bristol,  November  27,  1690. 
Worthy  Gentlemen, 

According  to  my  promise  when  with  you  last,  I 
waited  upon  the  Governour  at  Boston  on  Saturday, 
Captain  Converse  being  with  me.  The  Governour 
informed  us  that  the  council  were  to  meet  on  the 
Monday  following  in  the  afternoon,  at  which  time  we 
both  there  waited  upon  them,  and  gave  them  an  ac 
count  of  the  state  of  your  country,  and  great  neces 
sities.  They  informed  us,  that  their  general  court 
was  to  convene  the  Wednesday  following,  at  which 
time  they  would  debate  and  consider  of  the  matter. 
Myself  being  bound  home,  Captain  Converse  was 
ordered  to  wait  upon  them,  and  bring  you  their  re 
solves.  I  then  took  notice  of  the  council  that  they 
looked  upon  me  with  an  ill  aspect,  not  judging  me 
worthy  to  receive  thanks  for  the  service  I  had  done 
in  your  parts;  nor  as  much  as  asked  me  whether  I 
wanted  money  to  bear  my  expenses,  or  a  horse  to 
carry  me  home.  But  I  was  forced,  for  want  of 
money,  being  far  from  friends,  to  go  to  Roxbury  on 
foot ;  but  meeting  there  with  a  Rhodeisland  gentle 
man,  acquainted  him  of  my  wants,  who  tendered  me 
ten  pounds,  whereby  I  was  accommodated  for  my 
journey  home.  And  being  come  home,  I  went  to 

*  About  1716. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  199 

the  minister  of  our  town,*  and  gave  him  an  account 
of  the  transactions  of  the  great  affairs  I  had  been  em 
ployed  in,  and  the  great  favour  God  was  pleased  to 
show  me,  and  my  company,  and  the  benefit  I  hoped 
would  accrue  to  yourselves ;  and  desired  him  to  re 
turn  publick  thanks ;  but  at  the  same  interim  of  time 
a  paper  was  presented  unto  him  from  a  court  of  Ply 
mouth,  which  was  holden  before  I  came  home,  to 
command  a  day  of  humiliation  through  the  whole 
government,  "  because  of  the  frown  of  God  upon 
those  forces  sent  under  my  command,  and  the  ill  suc 
cess  we  had,  for  want  of  good  conduct."  All  which 
was  caused  by  those  false  reports  which  were  posted 
home  by  those  ill  affected  officers  that  were  under 
my  conduct ;  especially  one,  which  yourselves  very 
well  know,  who  had  the  advantage  of  being  at  home 
a  week  before  me,  being  sick  of  action,  and  wanting 
the  advantage  to  be  at  the  bank,  which  he  was  every 
day  mindful  of  more  than  fighting  the  enemy  in  their 
own  country. 

"  After  I  came  home,  being  informed  of  a  general 
court  at  Plymouth,  and  not  forgetting  my  faithful 
promise  to  you,  and  the  duty  I  lay  under,  I  went 
thither.  Where  waiting  upon  them  I  gave  them 
an  account  of  my  Eastward  transactions,  and  made 
them  sensible  of  the  falseness  of  those  reports  that 
were  posted  to  them  by  ill  hands,  and  found  some 
small  favourable  acceptance  with  them  ;  so  far  that 
I  Avas  credited.  1  presented  your  thanks  to  them 
for  their  seasonably  sending  those  forces  to  relieve 
you,  of  the  expense  and  charge  they  had  been  at ; 
which  thanks  they  gratefully  received ;  and  said  a 
few  lines  from  yourselves  would  have  been  well  ac 
cepted.  I  then  gave  them  an  account  of  your  great 
necessities,  by  being  imprisoned  in  your  garrisons, 
and  the  great  mischief  that  would  attend  the  pub- 

*  Bristol.  The  Rev.  Samuel  Lee,  I  suspect,  was  then  the 
minister,  as  he  did  not  leave  America  until  sometime  the  next 
year.  See  not?  4,  page  xii. 


200  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

lick  concerns  of  this  country  by  the  loss  of  their 
Majesties'  interest,  and  so  much  good  estate  of  your's 
and  your  neighbours,  as  doubtless  would  be,  on 
the  deserting  of  your  town.  I  then  moved  for  a 
free  contribution  for  your  relief,  which  they  with 
great  forwardness  promoted;  and  then  ordered  a 
day  of  thanksgiving  through  the  government  upon 
the  twentysixth  day  of  this  instant.  Upon  which 
day  a  collection  was  ordered  for  your  relief,  and  the 
places  near  adjacent,  in  every  respective  town  in 
this  government ;  and  for  the  good  management  of 
it  that  it  might  be  safely  conveyed  unto  your  hands, 
they  appointed  a  man  in  each  county  for  the  receipt 
and  conveyance  thereof.  The  persons  nominated 
and  accepted  thereof,  are,  for  the  county  of  Ply 
mouth,  Captain  Nathaniel  Thomas,  of  Marshfield ; 
for  the  county  of  Barnstable,  Captain  Joseph  Lathrop, 
ofBarnstable ;  and  for  the  county  of  Bristol,  myself. 
Which  when  gathered,  you  will  have  a  particular 
account  from  each  person,  with  orders  of  advice 
how  it  may  be  disposed  of  for  your  best  advantage, 
with  a  copy  of  the  court's  order. *  The  gentlemen 
[that]  the  effects  are  to  be  sent  to,  are  yourselves 
that  I  now  write  to,  viz.,  John  Wheelwright,  Esq., 
Captain  John  Littlefield,  and  Lieutenant  Joseph 
Story.  I  deferred  writing,  expecting  every  day  to 
hear  from  you  concerning  the  Indians,  coming  to 
treat  about  their  prisoners  that  we  had  taken.  The 
discourse  I  made  with  them  -at  Ameresscogen,  I 
knew  would  have  that  effect  as  to  bring  them  to  a 
treaty,  which  I  would  have  thought  myself  happy  to 
have  been  improved  in,  knowing  that  it  would  have 
made  much  for  your  good.  But  no  intelligence 
coming  to  me  from  any  gentleman  in  your  parts, 

*  The  people  of  Connecticut  were  forward,  also,  in  con 
tributing  to  those  distressed  inhabitants.  A  contrfbution 
was  ordered  by  the  general  court  throughout  the  colony,  and 
the  clergy  were  directed  to  exhort  the  people  to  liberal  con 
tributions  for  these  charitable  purposes.  Hist.  Con.  I,  387, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.          201 

and  hearing  nothing  but  by  accident,  and  that  in 
the  latter  end  of  the  week  by  some  of  ours  coming 
from  Boston,  informed  me  that  the  Indians  had  come 
into  your  town  to  seek  for  peace ;  and  that  there 
was  to  be  a  treaty  speedily  ;  but  the  time  they  knew 
not.  I  took  my  horse,  and  upon  the  Monday  set 
out  for  Boston,  expecting  the  treaty  had  been  at 
your  town,  as  rationally  it  should ;  but  on  Tuesday 
night  coming  to  Boston,  I  there  met  with  Captain 
Elisha  Andros,  who  informed  me  that  the  place  of 
treaty  was  Sacatyhock,*  and  that  Captain  Alden 
was  gone  from  Boston  four  days  before  I  came 
there,  and  had  carried  all  the  Indian  prisoners  with 
him ;  and  that  all  the  forces  were  drawn  away  out 
of  your  parts,  except  twelve  men  in  your  town,  and 
twelve  in  Piscataqua,  which  news  did  so  amuse  me, 
to  see,  that  wisdom  was  taken  from  the  wise,  and 
such  imprudence  in  their  actions  as  to  be  deluded 
by  Indians.  To  have  a  treaty  so  far  from  any  Eng 
lish  town,  and  to  draw  off  the  forces  upon  what  pre 
tence  soever,  to  me  looks  very  ill.  My  fear  is  that 
they  will  deliver  those  we  have  taken,  which,  if 
kept,  would  have  been  greatly  for  your  security,  in 
keeping  them  in  awe,  and  preventing  them  from 
doing  any  hostile  action  or  mischief.  I  knowing 
that  the  English  being  abroad  are  very  earnest  to 
go  home,  and  the  Indians  are  very  tedious  in  their 
discourses ;  and  by  that  means  will  have  an  advan 
tage  to  have  their  captives  at  very  low  rates,  to 
your  great  damage. f  Gentlemen,  as  to  Rhodeisland, 

*  Sagadahock.  On  the  south  side  of  Kennebeck  river,  20 
miles  southwest  of  Pemmaqued.  Hubbard. 

f  The  treaty  here  alluded  to,  was  agreed  upon  by  those 
sachems  that  came  into  "  Wells  garrison,"  mentioned  on 
page  194,  "  with  a  flag  of  truce."  Major  Hutchinsoii  and 
Capt.  Townsend  went  from  Boston  to  "Wells,  as  commission 
ers,  and  after  some  time,  a  conference  was  agreed  upon  at 
Sagadahock,  23  November.  They  met  according  to  ap 
pointment  and  a  truce  only,  was  obtained,  and  that  till  1  May. 


202  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

I  have  not  concerned  myself  as  to  any  relief  for 
you,  having  nothing  in  writing  to  show  to  them ; 
yet,  upon  discourse  with  some  gentlemen  there 
they  iiave  signified  a  great  forwardness  to  promote 
such  a  thing.  I  lying  under  great  reflections  from 
some  of  yours  in  the  eastward  parts,  that  I  was  a 
veyy  covetous  person,  and  came  there  to  enrich  my 
self,  and  that  I  killed  their  cattle  and  barrelled  them 
up,  and  sent  them  to  Boston,  and  sold  them  for 
plunder,  and  made  money  to  put  into  my  own  poc 
ket  ;  and  the  owners  of  them  being  poor  people 
begged  for  the  hides  and  tallow,  with  tears  in  their 
eyes ;  and  that  I  was  so  cruel  as  to  deny  them ! 
which  makes  me  judge  myself  incapable  to  serve 
you  in  that  matter ;  yet,  I  do  assure  you,  that  the 
people  are  very  charitable  at  the  island,  and  forward 
in  such  good  actions ;  and  therefore,  I  advise  you  to 
desire  some  good  substantial  person  to  take  the  ma 
nagement  of  it,  and  write  to  the  government  there, 
which  I  know  will  not  be  labour  lost.  As  for  what 
I  am  accused  of,  you  all  can  witness  to  the  contra 
ry,  and  I  should  take  it  very  kindly  from  you  to 
do  me  that  just  right,  as  to  vindicate  my  reputation  ; 
for  the  wise  man  says,  "  A  good  name  is  as  precious 
ointment."  When  I  hear  of  the  effects  of  the  trea 
ty,  and  have  an  account  of  this  contribution,  I  in 
tend  again  to  write  to  you,  being  very  desirous,  and 
should  think  myself  very  happy,  to  be  favoured  with 
a  few  lines  from  yourself,  or  any  gentleman  in  the 
eastward  parts.  Thus  leaving  you  to  the  protec 
tion  and  guidance  of  the  great  God  of  Heaven  and 
earth,  who  is  able  to  protect  and  supply  you  in  your 
great  difficulties,  and  to  give  you  deliverance  in  his 
v?wn  due  time.  I  remain,  gentlemen,  your  most  as 
sured  friend,  to  serve  you  to  my  utmost  power. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH." 

However,  10  captiA'es  were  redeemed,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
truce  they  were  to  bring  the  rest  to  Wells,  and  make  a 
final  peace.  Magnalia,  II,  529. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  203 

"  Postscript.  Esquire  Wheelwright.*  Sir,  I  en 
treat  you,  after  your  perusal  of  these  lines,  to  com 
municate  the  same  to  Captain  John  Littlefield,f 
Lieutenant  Joseph  Story,  and  to  any  other  gentle 
men,  as  in  your  judgment  you  see  fit ;  with  the  ten 
der  of  my  respects  to  you,  &c.,  and  to  Major 
Vaughan,  and  his  good  lady  and  family.  To  Cap 
tain  Fryer,  and  good  Mrs.  Fryer,  with  hearty  thanks 
for  their  kindness  whilst  in  those  parts,  and  good 
entertainment  from  them.  My  kind  respects  to  Ma 
jor  Frost,  Captain  Walton,  Lieutenant  Honeywel, 
and  my  very  good  friend  little  Lieutenant  Plaisted ; 
with  due  respects  to  all  gentlemen,  my  friends  in  the 
eastward  parts,  as  if  particularly  named.  Farewell. 

B.  C." 

"  To  Major  Pike. 
Honoured  Sir,  Bristol,  NdV.  27,  1690. 

These  come  to  wait  upon  you,  to  bring  the  ten 
ders  of  my  hearty  service  to  yourself,  and  lady,  with 
due  acknowledgment  of  thankfulness  for  all  the 
kindness,  and  favour  I  received  from  you  in  the  east 
ward  parts,  when  with  you.  Since  I  came  from 

*  A  son,  it  is  presumed,  of  the  Rev.  John  Wheelwright, 
of  whom  so  much  has  been  said  and  written  concerning  An- 
tinomian  principles  and  land  titles.  Being  contented  with 
the  history  of  the  father,  I  have  not  disturbed  the  ashes  of 
the  son.  The  venerable  ancestor  held  a  deed  of  certain 
lands  in  Exeter,  N.  H.,  from  certain  Indian  Sagamores  un 
der  date,  1629,  the  "  authenticity"  of  which,  has  of  late,  been 
examined  by  two  able  criticks.  The  late  Governour  Plumer 
of  N.  H.,  first  endeavoured  to  vindicate  its  genuineness,  and 
James  Savage  of  Boston,  seems  to  have  proved  the  contrary. 
The  deed  may  be  seen  in  I  Belknap,  App.  No.  I.  Govern 
our  Plumer's  argument  in  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.  299.  And 
that  of  Mr.  Savage  in  his  edition  of  Winthrop's  Journal,  I, 
412. 

t  A  Lieut.  Littlefield  is  named  by  Penhallow,  71,  as  being 
•lain  in  1712,  at  Wells.  It  might  be  he. 


204  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

those  parts,  I  am  informed  by  Captain  Aridros,  that 
yourself  and  most  all  the  forces,  are  drawn  off  from 
the  eastward  parts.  I  admire  at  it,  considering  that 
they  had  so  low  esteem  of  what  was  done,  that  they 
can  apprehend  the  eastward  parts  so  safe  before  the 
enemy  were  brought  into  better  subjection.  I  was 
in  hopes,  when  I  came  from  thence,  that  those  who 
were  so  desirous  to  have  my  room,  would  have  been 
very  brisk  in  my  absence,  to  have  got  themselves 
some  honour,  which  they  very  much  gaped  after,  or 
else  they  would  not  have  spread  so  many  false  re 
ports  to  defame  me ;  which  had  I  known  before  I 
left  the  bank*  I  would  have  had  satisfaction  of  them. 
Your  honour  was  pleased  to  give  me  some  small 
account,  before  I  left  the  bank,  of  some  things  that 
were  ill  represented  to  you,  concerning  the  eastward 
expedition,  which  being  rolled  home  like  a  snowball 
through  both  colonies,  was  got  to  such  a  bigness, 
that  it  overshadowed  one  from  the  influence  of  all 
comfort,  or  good  acceptance  amongst  my  friends  in 
my  journey  homeward.  But  through  God's  good 
ness  [I]  am  come  home,  finding  all  well,  and  myself 
in  good  health ;  hoping,  that  those  reports  will  do 
me  the  favour,  to  quit  me  from  all  other  publick  ac 
tions  ;  that  so  I  may  the  more  peaceably,  and  quiet 
ly,  wait  upon  God,  and  be  a  comfort  to  my  own 
family,  in  this  dark  time  of  trouble ;  being  as  one 
hid,  till  his  indignation  is  overpast.  I  shall  take  it 
as  a  great  favour,  to  hear  of  your  welfare.  Sub 
scribing  myself  as  I  am,  sir, 

Your  most  assured  friend  and  servant, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH." 

Major  Church  did  receive,  after  this,  answers  to 
his  letters,  but  hath  lost  them,  except  it  be  a  letter 
from  several  of  the  gentlemen  in  those  parts,  in 
June  following,  which  is  as  followeth. 

*  Portsmouth.     See  page  196,  note  «. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  205 

"Portsmouth,  June  29,  169K 
Major  Benj.  Church, 

Sir,  your  former  readiness  to  expose  yourself  in 
the  service  of  the  country,  against  the  common  ene 
my,  and  particularly  the  late  obligations,  you  have 
laid  upon  us,  in  these  eastern  parts,  leave  us  under 
a  deep  and  grateful  sense  of  your  favour  therein. 
And  forasmuch  as  you  were  pleased  when  last  here, 
to  signify  your  ready  inclination  to  further  service 
of  this  kind,  if  occasion  should  call  for  it.  We 
therefore  presume,  confidently  to  promise  ourselves 
compliance  accordingly ;  and  have  sent  this  mes 
sage  on  purpose  to  you,  to  let  you  know,  that  not 
withstanding  the  late  overture  of  peace,  the  enemy 
have  approved  themselves  as  perfidious  as  ever,  and 
are  almost  daily  killing  and  destroying  upon  all  our 
frontiers.  The  Governour  and  council  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  have  been  pleased  to  order  the  raising  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  be  forthwith  despatch 
ed  into  those  parts ;  and,  as  we  understand,  have 
written  to  your  Governour  and  council  of  Plymouth 
for  further  assistance,  which  we  pray  you  to  promote, 
hoping  if  you  can  obtain  about  two  hundred  men,  Eng 
lish  and  Indians,  to  visit  them  at  some  of  their  head 
quarters,  up  Kennebeck  river,  or  elsewhere,  which 
for  want  of  necessaries  was  omitted  last  year ;  it 
may  be  of  great  advantage  to  us.  We  offer  nothing 
of  advice,  as  to  what  methods  are  most  proper  to  be 
taken  in  this  affair.  Your  acquaintance  with  our 
circumstances  as .  well  as  the  enemy's,  will  direct 
you  therein.  We  leave  the  conduct  thereof  to  your 
own  discretion.  But  that  the  want  of  provision,  &c., 
may  be  no  remora  to  your  motion,  you  may  please 
to  know  Mr.  GeafTord,  one  of  our  principal  inhabi 
tants,  now  residing  in  Boston,  hath  promised  to  take 
care  to  supply  to  the  value  of  two  or  three  hundred 
pounds,  if  occasion  require.  We  pray  a  few  lines 
by  the  bearer,  to  give  us  a  prospect  of  what  we 
18 


206  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

may  expect  for  our  further  encouragement,  and  re 
main, 

Sir,  your  obliged  friends  and  servants, 
WILLIAM  VAUGHAN, 
RICHARD  MARTYN, 
NATHANIEL  FRYER, 
WILLIAM  FERNALD, 
FRANCIS  HOOKE, 
"CHARLES  FROST, 
JOHN  WINCOL, 
ROBERT  ELLIOTT." 

(A  true  copy  of  the  original  letter ;  which  letter 
was  presented  to  me  by  Captain  Hatch,  who  came 
express.) 

Major  Church  sent  them  his  answer,  the  contents 
whereof  was,  that  he  had  gone  often  enough  for 
nothing,  and  especially  to  be  ill  treated  with  scan 
dals  and  false  reports,  when  last  out,  which  he  could 
not  forget.  And  signified  to  them,  that  doubtless 
some  amongst  them,  thought  they  could  do  without 
him,  &c.  Arid  to  make  short  of  it,  [they]  did  go 
out,  and  meeting  with  the  enemy  at  Maquait,  were 
most  shamefully  beaten,  as  I  have  been  inform 
ed.* 

*  I  will  lay  before  the  reader  an  account  of  the  affair  hint 
ed  at,  as  I  find  it  in  Mather,  and  will  only  observe,  that,  that 
author  is  enough  inclined  to  favour  the  side  of  the  English. 
"  About  the  latter  end  of  July  [1691]  we  sent  out  a  small  army 
under  the  command  of  Capt.  March,  Capt.  King,  Capt.  Sher- 
burn,  and  Capt.  Walten,  who  landing  at  Maquoit,  marched 
up  to  Pechypscot,  but  not  finding  any  signs  of  the  enemy, 
marched  down  again.  While  the  commanders  were  waiting 
ashore  till  the  soldiers  were  got  aboard,  such  great  numbers 
of  Indians  poured  in  upon  them,  that  though  the  commanders 
wanted  not  fer  courage  or  conduct,  yet  they  found  them 
selves  obliged,  with  much  ado,  (and  not  without  the  jleath 
of  worthy  Capt.  Sherburn)  to  retire  into  the  vessels  which 
then  lay  aground.  Here  they  kept  pelting  at  one  another 
all  night  j  but  unto  little  other  purpose  than  this,  which  was 
indeed  remarkable,  that  the  enemy  was  at  this  time  going  to 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  207 


THE    THIRD    EXPEDITION    EAST. 

THIS  was  in  the  year  1692.  In  the  time  of  Sir 
William  Phips'*  government,  Major  Walley  being 
at  Boston,  was  requested  by  his  excellency  to  treat 
with  Major  Church  about  going  east  with  him.  Ma 
jor  Walley  coming  home,  did  as  desired  ;  and  to  en 
courage  the  said  Major"  Church,  told  him,  that  now 

take  the  isle  of  Shoals,  and  no  doubt  had  they  gone  they 
would  have  taken  it,  but  having  exhausted  all  their  ammu 
nition  on  this  occasion,  they  desisted  from  what  they  design 
ed."  Magnalia,  II,  53d-. 

*  Governour  Phips  "  was  a  Newengland  man,"  born  at 
Pemmaquid,  in  1650-1  ;  being,  as  we  are  told,  a  younger  son 
among  twentysix  children,  of  whom  twentyone  were  sons. 
By  profession  he  was  a  ship  carpenter.     That  business  he 
soon  left ;  and  being  an  industrious  and  persevering  man, 
and  applying  himself  to  study,  soon  acquired  an  education 
competent  for  the  discharge  of  common  affairs,  and  then 
went  to  sea.     On  hearing  of  a  Spanish  ship's  being  wrecked 
near  the  Bahamas,  proceeded  to  England,  and  gave  so  flat 
tering  an  account  of  its  value,  and  the  practicability  of  ob 
taining  it,  that  he  was  despatched  in  one  of  the  King's  ships 
in  search  of  it ;  but  returned  without  success.     Yet  he  be 
lieved  the  treasure  might  be  obtained ;  and  soon  after,  the 
Duke  of  Albemarl  sent  him  with  two  ships  on  the  same  busi 
ness.     After  much  excessive  toil,  and  nearly  on  the  point  of 
abandoning  the  object,  the  treasure  was  discovered,  and  he 
succeeded  in  bringing  from  the  wreck  three  hundred  thou 
sand  pounds.     But  after  deducting  the  Duke's  share  and  the 
outfits,  and  his  own  great  generosity  to  his  men,  he  had  left 
only  sixteen  thousand.     He  now  had  conferred  on  him  the 
order  of  knighthood.     In  1690  he  commanded  an  expedition 
against  Quebeck,but  from  unavoidable  obstacles  did  not  ar 
rive  until  too  late  in  the  season,  and  was  obliged  to  abandon 
the  expedition.     See  note  1,  on  page  177,  where  some  parti 
culars  are  given.     The  King  now  for  the  first  time  compli 
mented  the  Newengland  agents  with  the  nomination  of  their 
Governour,  and  they  nominated  Sir  William  Phips,  and  he 
arrived  at  Boston,  14  May,  1692,  invested  with  the  proper 
authority.     In  1694,  he  was  sent  for  to  answer  some  com 
plaints  in  England,  but  fell  sick  before  he  had  his  trial  and 

died,  18  Feb.  1695.     All  represent  him  as  a  strictly  honest 

man,  and  a  real  friend  to  his  country.     Mather,  Holmes, 

Eliot,  and  Allen. 


206  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

was  the  time  to  have  recompense  for  his  former 
great  expenses;  saying  also,  that  the  country 
could  not  give  him  less  than  two  or  three  hundred 
pounds. 

So  upon  his  excellency's  request,  Major  Church 
went  down  to  Boston,  and  waited  upon  him,  who 
said  he  was  glad  to  see  him,  &c.  After  some  dis 
course  [he]  told  the  said  Church,  that  he  was  going 
east,  himself,  and  that  he  should  be  his  second,  and 
in  his  absence,  command  all  the  forces.  And  be 
ing  requested  by  his  excellency  to  raise  what  volun 
teers  he  could  of  his  old  soldiers  in  the  county  of 
Bristol,  both  English  and  Indians,  received  his  com 
mission,  which  is  as  followeth. 

"  Sir  William  Phips,  Knight,  Captain  General  and 
Governour  in  Chief,  in  and  over  his  Majesty's 
province  of  the  Massachusetts  bay,  in  Neweng* 
land, 

To  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Gent.,  Greeting. 
Reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your 
loyalty,  courage  and  good  conduct ;  I  do  by  these 
presents  constitute  and  appoint  you  to  be  Major  of 
the  several  companies  of  militia,  detached  for  their 
Majesties'  service  against  their  French  and  Indian 
enemies.  You  are  therefore  authorized  and  requir 
ed  in  their  Majesties'  names,  to  discharge  the  duty 
of  a  Major  by  leading,  ordering  and  exercising  the 
said  several  companies  in  arms,  both  inferiour  offi 
cers  and  soldiers,  keeping  them  in  good  order  and 
discipline,  commanding  them  to  obey  you  as  their 
Major.  And  diligently  to  intend  the  said  service, 
for  the  prosecuting,  pursuing,  killing  and  destroying 
of  the  said  common  enemy.  And  yourself  to  ob 
serve  and  follow  such  orders  asd  directions  as  you 
shall  from  time  to  time  receive  from  myself,  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  and  discipline  of  war,  pursuant  to 
the  trust  reposed  in  you  for  their  Majesties'  service* 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  209 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  at  Boston,  the  twen- 
tyfifth  day  of  July,  1692.  In  the  fourth  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  sovereign  Lord  and  Lady,  William  and 
Mary,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  and  Queen  of 
England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of 
the  faith,  &c. 

WILLIAM  PHIPS. 

By  his  Excellency's  command. 

Isaac  Addington,  Seer." 

Returning  home  to  the  county  aforesaid,  he  soon 
raised  a  sufficient  number  of  volunteers,  both  English 
and  Indians,  and  officers  suitable  to  command  them, 
marched  them  down  to  Boston.  But  there  was  one 
thing  I  would  just  mention,  which  was,  that  Major 
Church,  being  short  of  money,  was  forced  to  borrow 
six  pounds  in  money  of  Lieutenant  Woodman,  in 
Littlecompton,  to  distribute  by  a  shilling,  and  a  bit* 
at  a  time,  to  the  Indian  soldiers,  who,  without  such 
allurements,  would  not  have  inarched  to  Boston. 
This  money  Major  Church  put  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
William  Fobes,  who  was  going  out  [as]  their  com 
missary  in  that  service. 

[He]1  was  ordered  to  keep  a  just  account  of  what 
each  Indian  had,  so  that  it  might  be  deducted  out  of 
their  wages  at  their  return  home.  Coming  to  Boston, 
his  excellency  having,  got  things  in  readiness,  they 
embarked  on  board  their  transports,  his  excellency 
going  in  person  with  them ;  being  bound  to  Pema- 
quid.f  But  in  their  way  stopped  at  Casco,  and  buri- 
i  [who] 

*  Six  pence. 

f  This  word  is  better  written  Pemmaquid  as  it  was  former 
ly  pronounced,  and  now  generally.  This  place  is  celebrat 
ed  as  the  birth  place  of  Sir  WILLIAM  PHIPS.  Several  places 
are  known  by  this  name,  but  are  all  in  the  same  vicinity,  and 
on  the  east  side  of  Kennebeck  river,  and  about  20  miles  from 
its  mouth.  Hubbard. 

18* 


210  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

ed  the  bones*  of  the  dead  people  there,  and  took  off 
the  great  guns  that  were  there,  then  went  to  Pema- 
quick 

Coming  there  his  excellency  asked  Major  Church 
to  go  ashore  and  give  his  judgment  about  erecting  a 
fortf  there  *?  He  answered,  that  his  genius  did  not 
incline  that  way,  he  never  had  any  value  for  them, 
being  only  nests  for  destructions.  His  excellency 
said,  [that]  he  had  a  special  order  from  their  Ma 
jesties,  King  William  and  Queen  Mary,  to  erect  a 
fort  there,  &c.  Then  they  went  ashore  and  spent 
some  time  in  the  projection  thereof.  Then  his  ex 
cellency  told  Major  Church  that  he  might  take  all 
the  forces  with  him,  (except  one  company  to  stay 
with  him  and  work  about  the  fort.)  The  Major 
answered,  that  if  his  excellency  pleased,  he  might 
keep  two  companies  with  him,  and  [that]  he  would 
go  with  the  restj  to  Penobscot,  and  places  adjacent. 
Which  his  excellency  did,  and  gave  Major  Church 
his  orders,  which  are  as  followeth. 

"  By  his  excellency,  SIR  WILLIAM  PHIPS,  KNIGHT, 
Captain  General  and  Governour  in  Chief,  in  and 
aver  their  Majesties'  province  of  the  Massachusetts 
bay,  in  Newengland,  fyc. 

Instructions  for  MAJOR  BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 

Whereas  you  are  Major,  and  so  chief  officer  of  a 
body  of  men,  detached  out  of  the  militia,  appointed 
for  an  expedition  against  the  French  and  Indian  ene- 

*  See  page  175,  and  note  3,  where  an  account  of  the  des 
truction  of  Casco  is  related. 

t  This  fort  was  called  the  William  Henry,  and  was  the 
best  then  in  these  parts  of  America.  It  was  built  of  stone  of 
a  quadrangular  figure,  and  about  737  feet  in  compass,  mount 
ing  14  (if  not  18)  guns.  Whereof  6  were  18  pounders. 
About  60  men  were  left  to  man  the  fort.  Mather5  Magnalia, 
II,  536,  537. 

+  Their  whole  force  was  450  men.     Fb. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  21 1 

my ;  you  are  duly  to  observe  the  following  instruc 
tions. 

Imprimis.  You  are  to  take  care  that  the  worship 
of  God  be  duly  and  constantly  maintained  and  kept 
up  amongst  you  ;  and  to  suffer  no  swearing,  cursing, 
or  other  profanation  of  the  holy  name  of  God  ;  and, 
as  much  as  in  you  lies,  to  deter  and  hinder  all  other 
vices  amongst  your  soldiers. 

Secondly.  You  are  to  proceed,  with  the  soldiers 
under  your  command  to  Penobscot,  and,  with  what 
privacy,  and  what  undiscoverable  methods. you  can, 
there  to  land  your  men,  and  take  the  best  measures 
to  surprise  the  enemy. 

Thirdly.  You  are,  by  killing,  destroying,  and  all 
other  means  possible,  to  endeavour  the  destruction 
of  the  enemy,  in  pursuance  whereof,  being  satisfied 
of  your  courage  and  conduct,  I  leave  the  same  to 
your  discretion. 

Fourthly.  You  are  to  endeavour  the  taking  what 
captives  you  can,  either  men,  women  or  children,  and 
the  same  safely  to  keep  and  convey  them  unto  me. 

Fifthly.  Since  it  is  not  possible  to  judge  how  af 
fairs  may  be  circumstanced  with  you  there,  I  shall 
therefore  not  limit  your  return,  but  leave  it  to  your 
prudence,  only  that  you  make  no  longer  stay  than 
you  can  improve  for  advantage  against  the  enemy,  or 
may  reasonably  hope  for  the  same. 

Sixthly.  You  are  also  to  take  care  and  be  very 
industrious  by  al  possible  means  to  find  out  and  de 
stroy  all  the  enemy's  corn,  and  other  provisions  in  all 
places  where  you  can  come  at  the  same. 

Seventhly.  You  are  to  return  from  Penobscot  and 
those  eastern  parts,  to  make  all  despatch  hence  for 
Kennebeck  river  and  the  places  adjacent,  and  there 
prosecute  all  advantages  against  the  enemy  as  afore 
said. 

Eighthly.  If  any  soldier,  officer,  or  other  shall 
be  disobedient  to  you  as  their  commander  in  chief, 
or  other  their  superiour  officer,  or  make,  or  cauae 


212  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

any  mutiny,  commit  other  offence  or  disorders,  you 
shall  call  a  council  of  war  amongst  your  officers,  and 
having  tried  him  or  them  so  offending,  inflict  such 
punishment  as  the  merit  of  the  offence  requires,  death 
only  excepted,  which  if  any  shall  deserve,  you  are 
to  secure  the  person,  and  signify  the  crime  unto  me 
by  the  first  opportunity. 

Given  under  my  hand  this   llth  day  of  August, 
3692, 

WILLIAM  PHIPS." 

\ 

Then  the  Major  and  his  forces  embarked  and  made 
the  best  of  their  way  to  Penobscot.  And  coming  to 
an  island  in  those  parts  in  the  evening,  landed  his 
forces  at  one  end  of  the  island.  Then  the  Major 
took  part  of  his  forces  and  moved  (toward  day)  to 
the  other  end  of  the  said  island,  where  they  found 
two  Frenchmen  and  their  families,  in  their  houses ; 
and,  that  one  or  both  of  them  had  Indian  women  to 
their  wives,  and  had  children  by  them.  The  Major 
presently  examining  the  Frenchmen,  [demanded] 
where  the  Indians  were  *?  They  told  him,  that  there 
was  a  great  company  of  them  upon  an  island  just 
by.  And  showing  him  the  island,  [he]  presently 
discovered  several  of  them. 

Major  Church  and  his  forces  still  keeping  undis 
covered  to  them,  asked  the  Frenchmen  where  their 
passing  place  was  9  Which  they  readily  showed  them. 
£5o  presently  they  placed  an  ambuscade  to  take  any 
that  should  come  over.  Then  sent  orders  for  all  the 
rest  of  the  forces  to  come ;  sending  them  aruaccount 
of  what  he  had  seen  and  met  withal ;  strictly  charg 
ing  them  to  keep  themselves  "undiscovered  by  the 
tsnemy.  The  ambuscade  did  not  lie  long  before  an 
Indian  man  and  woman  came  over  in  a  canoe,  to  the 
place  for  landing,  where  the  ambuscade  was  laid. 
I  They]1  hauled  up  their  canoe,  and  came  right  into 
ihe  hands  of  our  ambuscade,  who  so  suddenly  surpris- 
1  [who] 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

ed  them  that  they  could  not  give  any  notice  to  the 
others  from  whence  they  came.  The  Major  ordering 
that  none  of  his  should  offer  to  meddle  with  the 
canoe,  lest  they  should  be  discovered.  Hoping  to 
take  the  most  of  them,  if  his  forces  came  as  ordered, 

She  expecting  them  to  come  as  directed.)  But  the 
rst  news  [that]  he  had  of  them,  was,  that  they  were 
all  coming,  [and]1  not  privately  as  ordered,  but  the 
vessels  fair  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  which  soon  put 
them  all  to  flight.  And  our  forces  not  having  boats 
suitable  to  pursue  them,  they  got  all  away  in  their 
canoes,  &c.  [This]2  caused  Major  Church  to  say, 
[that]  he  would  never  go  out  again  without  [a] 
sufficient  number  of  whale  boats,  [the]3  want  of  which 
was  the  ruin  of  that  action.* 

Then  Major  Church,  according  to  his  instructions, 
ranged  all  those  parts,  to  find  all  their  corn,  and 
carried  aboard  their  vessels  what  he  thought  conve 
nient,  and  destroyed  the  rest.  Also  finding  conside 
rable  quantities  of  plunder,  viz.,  beaver,  moose 
skins,  &c. 

Having  done  what  service  they  could  in  those 
parts,  he  returned  back  to  his  excellency  at  Feme- 
quid.  Where  being  come,  staid  not  long,  (they  be 
ing  short  of  bread)  his  excellency  intended  [going] 
home  for  Boston  for  more  provisions.  [In  the  way]4 
going  with  Major  Church*  and  his  forces  to  Kenne- 
beck  river  ;  and  coming  there  gave  him  further  or 
ders,  which  are  as  followeth. 

"  By  his  Excellency  the  Governour, 

To  Major  BENJAMIN  CHURCH. 
You  having  already  received  former  instructions, 
are  now  further  to  proceed  with  the   soldiers  under 
l  [though]       2  [which]        3  [for]       4  [but  before] 

»  Mather,  II,  537,  says  that  five  prisoners  were  taken  at 
fhis  time. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

your  command  for  Kennebeck  river,  and  the  places 
adjacent,  and  use  your  utmost  endeavours  to  kill, 
destroy  and  take  captive  the  French  and  Indian  ene 
my  wheresoever  you  shall  find  any  of  them ;  and  at 
your  return  to  Pemequid  (which  you  are  to  do  as 
soon  as  you  can  conveniently  ;  after  your  best  en 
deavour  donfc  against  the  enemy,  and  having  des 
troyed  their  corn  and  other  provisions)  you  are  to 
stay  with  all  your  soldiers  and  officers,  and  set  them 
to  work  on  the  fort,  and  make  what  despatch  you  can 
in  that  business,  staying  there  until  my  further  order. 

WILLIAM  PHIPS." 

Then  his  excellency  taking  leave  went  for  Boston, 
and  soon  after,  Major  Church  and  his  forces  had  a 
smart  fight  with  the  enemy  in  Kennebeck  river  ;  pur 
sued  them  so  hard  that  they  left  their  canoes,  and 
ran  up  into  the  woods.  [They]  still  pursued  them 
up  to  their  fort  at  Taconock,*  v»hich  the  enemy 
perceiving,  set  fire  to  their  houses  in  the  fort,  and 
ran  away  by  the  light  of  them ;  and  when  Major 
Church  came  to  the  said  fort,  [he]  found  about  half 
their  houses  standing,  and  the  rest  burnt ;  also  found 
great  quantities  of  corn,  put  up  into  Indian  cribs, 
which  he  and  his  forces  destroyed,  as  ordered. 

Having  done  what  service  he  could  in  those  parts, 
returned  to  Pemequid.  And  coming  there,  employ 
ed  his  forces  according  to  his  instructions.  Being 
out  of  bread  [and]  his  excellency  not  coming,  Ma 
jor  Church  was  obliged  to  borrow  bread  of  the  Cap 
tain  of  the  man  of  war,  that  was  then  there,  for  all 
the  forces  under  his  command ;  his  excellency  not 
coming  as  expected.  But  at  length  his  excellency 
came,  and  brought  very  little  bread,  more  than 

*  This  fort  was  about  64  miles  from  the  sea.  Taconock, 
or  as  Sullivan  has  it,  Taconnet  is  a  great  fall  of  water  in  the 
Kennebeck.  At  this  place,  by  order  of  Gov.  Shirley,  a  fort 
was  built  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river  (in  1754)  and  called 
fort  Halifax.  Minot's  Hist.  I,  186. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  215 

would  pay  what  was  borrowed  of  the  man  of  war  ; 
so  that  in  a  short  time  after  Major  Churchj  with  his 
forces,  returned  home  to  Boston,  and  had  their  wa 
ges  for  their  good  service  done. 

Only  one  thing,  by  the  way,  I  will  just  mention ; 
that  is,  about  the  six  pounds  [which]  Major  Church 
borrowed  as  beforementioned,  and  put  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Fobes,  who  distributed  the  said  money, 
all  but  thirty  shillings,  to  the  Indian  soldiers,  as  di 
rected,  which  was  deducted  out  of  their  wages,  and 
the  country  had  credit  for  the  same.  And  the  said 
Fobes  kept  the  thirty  shillingscto  himself,  which 
was  deducted  out  of  his  wages.  Whereupon  Major 
Walley  and  [the]  said  Fobes  had  some  words.  In 
short  Major  Church  was  obliged  to  expend  about 
six  pounds  of  his  own  money  in  marching  down  the 
forces  both  English  and  Indians,  to  Boston,  having 
no  drink  allowed  them  upon  the  road,  &c.  So, 
that  instead  of  Major  Church's  having  the  allowances 
aforementioned  by  Major  Walley,  he  was  out  01 
pocket  about  twelve  pounds  over  and  above  what  he 
had  y  all  which  had  not  been,  had  not  his  excellency 
been  gone  out  of  the  country. 


THE    FOURTH    EXPEDITION    EAST. 

In  1696,  Major  Church  being  at  Boston,  and  be 
longing  to  the  house  of  representatives,  several  gen 
tlemen  requesting  him  to  go  east  again,  and  the 
general  court  having  made  acts  of  encouragement, 
&c.  He  told  them,  [that]  if  they  would  provide 
whale  boats,  and  other  necessaries  convenient,  he 
would.  Being  also  requested  by  the  said  general 
court,  he  proceeded  to  raise  volunteers ;  and  made 
it  his  whole  business,  riding  both  east  and  west  in 
our  province  and  Connecticut,  at  great  charge  and 
expenses.  And  in  about  a  month's  time,  raised  a 


216  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

sufficient  number  out  of  those  parts,  and  inarched 
them  down  to  Boston.  Where  he  had  the  promise 
that  every  thing  should  be  ready  in  three  'weeks, 
or  a  month's  time ;  but  was  obliged  to  stay  conside 
rably  longer.  Being  now  at  Boston,  he  received  his 
commission  and  instructions,  which  are  asfolloweth. 

«  WILLIAM  STOUGHTON,*  Esquire,  Lieutenant 
Governour,  and  Commander  in  Chief,  in  and  over 
his  Majesty's  province  of  Massachusetts  bay,  in 
Newengland, 

To  Major  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Greeting. 
Whereas  there  are  several  companies  raised, 
consisting  of  Englishmen  and  Indians,  for  his  Majes 
ty's  service,  to  go  forth  upon  the  encouragement 
given  by  the  great  and  general  court,  or  assembly 
of  this  his  Majesty's  province,  convened  at  Boston, 
the  27th  day  of  May,  1696,  to  prosecute  the  French 
and  Indian  enemy,  &c.  And  you  having  offered 
yourself  to  take  the  command  and  conduct  of  the 
said  several  companies.  By  virtue,  therefore,  of  th« 
power  and  authority  in  and  by  his  Majesty's  royal 
commission  to  me  granted,  reposing  special  trust 
and  confidence  in  your  loyalty,  prudence,  courage 

*  Mr.  Stoughton  was  the  son  of  Israel  Stoughton  of  Dor 
chester,  at  which  place  he  was  born  in  1632.  He  graduated 
at  Harvard  college,  1650,  and  engaging  in  the  study  of  divin 
ity,  is  said  to  have  made  an  excellent  preacher,  but  was 
never  settled.  Is  also  said  to  have  possessed  good  talents 
and  great  learning.  It  may  be  allowed  that  he  had  a  great 
deal  of  some  kind  of  learning,  and  yet, '  destitute  of  much 
solid  understanding  or  science.  This  no  one  will  doubt, 
when  informed  that  he  was  one  of  the  principal  judges,  who 
sat  and  condemned  so  maity  unfortunate  persons  for  the 
imaginary  crime  of  witchcraft,  in  the  witch  age  of  Salem  ; 
and  to  add  to  his  misfortunes,  Dr.  Eliot  says,  that  "  he  wa ; 
more  obstinate  in  his  errour  than  others  on  the  bench." 
When  Phips  left  the  government,  he  was  the  commander  iu 
chief.  In  1700  he  was  again  in  the  office.  He  died  in  1702. 
At  his  expense  was  the  college  called  Stoughton  hall  built. 
N.  E.  Biog.  444,  5. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

and  good  conduct.  I  do  by  these  presents  consti 
tute  and  appoint  you  to  be  Major  of  the  said  several 
companies,  both  Englishmen  and  Indians,  raised  foi 
his  Majesty's  service  upon  the  encouragement  afore 
said.  You  are  therefore  carefully  arid  diligently  to 
perform  the  duty  of  your  place,  by  leading,  ordering, 
and  exercising  the  said  several  companies  in  arms, 
both  inferiour  officers  and  soldiers,  keeping  them  in 
good  order  and  discipline,  commanding  them  to 
obey  you  as  their  Major.  And  yourself  diligently 
to  intend  his  Majesty's  service  for  the  prosecuting, 
pursuing,  taking,  killing  or  destroying  the  said  ene 
my  by  sea  or  land ;  and  to  observe  all  such  orders 
and  instructions  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  re 
ceive  from  myself,  or  commander  in  chief  for  the 
time  being,  according  to  the  rules  and  discipline  of 
war,  pursuant  to  the  trust  reposed  in  you.  Given 
under  my  hand  and  seal  at  arms,  at  Boston,  the 
third  day  of  August,  1696,  in  the  eighth  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  sovereign  Lord  WILLIAM  the  III,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  of  England,  Scotland,  France 
and  Ireland,  King,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 

WILLIAM  STOUGHTON 
By  command  of  the  Lieut.  Governour,  &c. 

Isaac  Addington,  Seer.11 

"Province  of  Massachusetts  bay.  By  the  Right 
Honourable  the  Lieutenant  Governour  and  Com 
mander  in  Chief. 

Instructions  for  Major  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Com 
mander  of  the  forces  raised  for  his  Majesty' s  ser 
vice,  against  the  French  and  Indian  enemy  and 
rebels. 

Pursuant  to  the  commission  given  you,  you  are 
to  embark  the  forces  now  furnished  a.)d  equipped 
for  his  Majesty's  service  on  the  present  expedition 
to  the  eastern  parts  of  this  province,  and  with  ther$, 
and  such  others  as  shall  offer  themselves  to  go  forth 
19 


218  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

on  the  said  service,  to  sail  unto  Piscataqua,  to  join 
those  lately  despatched  thither  for  the  same  expedi 
tion,  to  await  your  coming.  And  with  all  care  and 
diligence  to  improve  the  vessels,  boats  and  men  un 
der  your  command  in  search  for,  prosecution  and 
pursuit  of,  the  said  enemy  at  such  places  where  you 
may  be  informed  of  their  abode  or  resort,  or  where 
you  may  probably  expect  to  find,  or  meet  with  them, 
and  take  all  advantages  against  them  which  provi 
dence  shall  favour  you  with. 

You  are  not  to  list  or  accept  any  soldiers  that  are 
already  in  his  Majesty's  pay,  and  posted  at  any  town 
or  garrison  within  this  province,  without  special  order 
from  myself. 

You  are  to  require  and  give  strict  orders  that  the 
duties  of  religion  be  attended  on  board  the  several 
vessels,  and  in  the  several  companies  under  your  com 
mand,  by  daily  prayers  unto  God,  and  reading  his 
holy  word,  and  observance  of  the  Lord's  day  to  the 
utmost  you  can. 

You  are  to  see  that  your  soldiers  have  their  due 
allowance  of  provisions,  and  other  necessaries,  and 
that  the  sick  or  wounded  be  accommodated  in  the 
b,est  manner  your  circumstances  will  admit.  And 
iliat  good  order  and  command  may  be  kept  up  and 
maintained  in  the  several  companies,  and  all  disor 
ders,  drunkenness,  profane  cursing,  swearing,  disobe 
dience  of  officers,  mutinies,  omissions  or  neglect  of 
duty,  be  duly  punished  according  to  the  laws  mar 
tial.  And  you  are  to  require  the  Captain  or  chief 
officer  of  each  cornpany,  with  the  clerk  of  the  same, 
to  keep  an  exact  journal  of  all  their  proceedings 
from  time  to  time. 

In  case  any  of  the  Indian  enemy  and  rebels  offer 
to  submit  themselves,  you  are  to  receive  them,  only 
at  discretion ;  but  if  you  think  fit  to  improve  any  of 
them,  or  any  others  which  you  may  happen  to  take 
prisoners,  you  may  encourage  them  to  be  faithful  by 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.        219 

the  promise  of  their  lives,  which  shall  be  granted 
upon  approbation  of  their  fidelity. 

You  are  carefully  to  look  after  the  Indians  which 
you    have    out    of  the   prison,   so   that   they   may 
not  have  opportunity  to  escape    but  otherwise  im 
prove  them  to  what  advantage  you  can,  and  return 
them  back  again  to  this  place. 

You  are  to  advise,  as  you  can  have  occasion,  with 
Captain  John  Gorham,  who  accompanies  you  in  this 
expedition,  and  is  to  take  your  command  in  case  of 
your  death.  A  copy  of  these  instructions  yo*i  are 
to  leave  with  him,  and  to  give  me  an  account  from 
time  to  time  of  your  proceedings. 

WILLIAM     STOUGHTON. 

Boston,  August  12th,  1696." 

In  the  time  [that]  Major  Church  lay  at  Boston,  the 
news  came  of  Pemequid  fort's  being  taken.*  It  came 

*  Thus  the  fort  which  had  cost  the  country  an  immense  sura 
of  money,  was  entirely  demolished.  This  was  fort  William 
Henry,  built  in  th6  last  expedition.  Two  men  of  war  were 
sent  from  Boston,  early  this  year,  (1696)  to  cruise  off  the  river 
St.  Johns,  for  an  expected  French  store  ship  ;  but  unhappily, 
the  French  at  Quebeck  had  despatched  two  men  of  war  for 
the  capture  of  the  above  said  fort.  These  fell  in  with  the  two 
English  vessels,  and  being  more  than  a  match  for  them,  cap 
tured  one,  called  the  Newport,  the  other,  taking  advantage 
of  a  fog,  got  back  to  Boston.  The  French  now  proceeded  to 
attack  the  fort,  being  strengthened  by  t^ie  addition  of  the 
Newport,  and  Baron  "Castine  with  200  Indians.  The  French 
were  commanded  by  one  Iberville,  "  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer,"  and  the  English  fort  by  one  Chubb,  without  brave 
ry  or  experience.  On  the  14  July,  Iberville  arrived  before 
the  fort,  and  immediately  sent  in  a  summons  for  its  surren 
der.  Chubb  returned  a  mere  gasconade  for  an  answer. 
Says  he,  u  If  the  sea  were  covered  with  French  vessels,  and 
the  land  with  Indians,  yet  I  would  not  give  up  the  fort." 
Some  firing  then  commenced  with  the  small  arms,  and  thus 
closed  the  first  day.  The  night  following  Iberville  landed 
some  cannon  and  mortars,  and  by  the  next  day  at  3  of  the 
clock,  had  so  raised  his  works  as  to  throw  5  bombs  into  the 
fort,  to  the  great  terror  of  Chubb  and  his  men.  And  to  add 
to  their  terror,  Castine  found  means  to  convey  a  letter  into 


220  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

by  a  shallop  that  brought  some  prisoners  to  Boston, 
who  gave  an  account,  also,  that  there  was  a  French 
ship  at  Mountdesart*  that  had  taken  a  ship  of  ours. 
So  the  discourse  was,  that  they  would  send  the  man 
of  war,f  with  other  forces  to  take  the  said  French 
ship,  and  retake  ours.  But  in  the  mean  time  Major 
Church  and  his  forces  being  ready,  embarked,  and  on 
the  fifteenth  day  of  August,  set  sail  for  Piscataqua, 
where  more  men  were  to  join  them.  (But  before 
they  left  Boston,  Major  Church  discoursed  with  the 
Captain  of  the  man  of  war,  who  promised  him,  [that] 
if  he  went  to  Mountdesart,  in  pursuit  of  the  French 
ship,  that  he  would  call  for  him  and  his  forces  at  Pis 
cataqua,  expecting  that  the  French  and  Indians 
might  not  be  far  from  the  said  French  ship,  so  that 
he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  fight  them  while  he 
was  engaged  with  the  French  ship.) 

Soon  after  the  forces  arrived  at  Piscataqua,  the 
Major  sent  his  Indian  soldiers  to  Colonel  Gidney,J  at 

the  fort,  importing,  that  "  if  they  held  out  the  Indians  would 
not  be  restrained,  for  he  had  seen  such  orders  from  the  King 
to  Iberville.:'  Upon  this  Chubb  surrendered  and  the  French 
demolished  the  fort.  Hutchinson,  II,  88  to  90.  Mather, 
Magnalia,  II,  549,  says,  that  the  fort  contained  "  95  men 
double  armed  which  might  have  defended  it  against  nine 
times  as  many  assailants,"  Chubb  lived  at  Andover,  where 
in  February  following  he  was  killed  by  a  small  party  of 
about  30  Indians,  who  fell  upon  the  place.  Ib.  554. 

*  Desert  it  should  be.  A  very  large  island  covering  the 
area  of  about  180  square  miles,  and  nearly  all  the  waters  of 
the  bay  of  Fundy  or  Frenchman's  bay.  It  was  named  Monts 
Deserts  by  Champlain,  in  honour,  perhaps,  of  De  Monts 
with  whom  he  had  formerly  sailed.  It  was  once  called  Mt. 
Mansell  by  the  English,  which,  Mr.  Savage  (in  Winthrop, 

I,  23)  thinks  was  so  called  in  honour  of  Sir  Robert  Mansell 
named  in  the  great  Charter. 

f  There  were  two  men  of  war  now  at  Boston,  which  with 
some  other  vessels  were  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  and 
came  in  sight  of  them,  but  effected  nothing.  Hutchinson, 

II,  91. 

|  Bartholomew  Gidney,  one  of  the  judges  of  1692,  whose 
name  is  sufficiently  perpetuated  in  CalePs  "More  Wonders 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  221 

York,  to  be  assisting  for  the  defence  of  those  places,* 
who  gave  them  a  good  commend  for  their  ready  and 
willing  services  done ;  in  scouting  and  the  like. 

Lying  at  Piscataqua  with  the  rest  of  our  forces 
near  a  week,  waiting  for  more  forces  who  were  to 
join  them,  to  make  up  their  complement. f  In  all 
which  time  heard  never  a  word  of  the  man  of  war. 
On  the  twentysecond  of  August,  they  all  embarked 
[from]1  Piscataqua.  And  when  they  came  against 
York,  the  Major  went  ashore,  sending  Captain  Gor 
ham  J  with  some  forces  in  two  brigantines  and  a  sloop, 
to  Winterharbour.  Ordering  him  to  send  out  scouts, 
to  see  if  they  could  make  any  discovery  of  the  ene 
my,  and  to  wait  there  till  he  came  to  them. 

Major  Church  coming  to  York,  Colonel  Gidney 
told  him,  [that]  his  opinion  was,  that  the  enemy  was 
drawn  off  from  those  parts  ;  for  that  the  scouts  could 
not  discover  any  of  them,  nor  their  tracks.  So  hav 
ing  done  his  business  there,  went  with  what  forces  he 
had  there,  to  Winterharbour,  where  he  had  the  same 
account  from  Captain  Gorham,  [viz.,]  that  they  had 
not  discovered  any  of  the  enemy,  nor  any  new  tracks. 
So,  concluding  [that]  they  were  gone  from  those 
parts  towards  Penobscot,  the  Major  ordered  all  the 
vessels  to  come  to  sail,  and  make  the  best  of  their 
*  [for] _ 

of  the  Invisible  World."  He  was  an  associate  with  Haw 
thorn  and  Curwin,  in  executing  the  laws  against  witchcraft. 
Small  time  has  been  spent  for  more  information  of  him,  and 
as  little  has  been  found. 

*  The  French  were  expected  to  make  other  attempts 
along  the  coast,  which  they  threatened  after  their  success  at 
Pemmaquid. 

t  Their  whole  force,  it  appears  from  Hutchinson,  II,  91, 
was  500  men, 

f  Captain  John  Gorham  seems  from  this  time  through  this 
and  the  other  expeditions  to  have  acted  a  conspicuous  part. 
I  have  found  no  other  accounts  of  him, 

19* 


222  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

way  to  Monhegin,*  which  being  not  far  from  Penob- 
scot,  where  the  main  body  of  our  enemy's  living  was. 
Being  in  great  hopes  to  come  up  with  the  army  of 
French  and  Indians,  before  they  had  scattered  and 
gone  past  Penobscot,  <ft  Mountdesart,  which  is  the 
chief  place  of  their  departure  from  each  other  after 
such  actions. 

Having  a  fair  wind,  made  the  best  of  their  way, 
and  early  next  morning  they  got  into  Monhegin. 
And  there  lay  all  day  fitting  their  boats,  and  other 
necessaries  to  embark  in  the  night  at  Mussleneckf 
with  their  boats.  Lying  there  all  day  to  keep  undis 
covered  from  the  enemy.  At  night  the  Major  order 
ed  the  vessels  all  to  come  to  sail,  and  carry  the  for 
ces  over  the  bayj  near  Penobscot.  But  having  little 
wind,  he  ordered  all  the  soldiers  to  embark  on  board 
the  boats  with  eight  days  provision,  and  sent  the  ves 
sels  back  to  Monhegin,  that  they  might  not  be  dis 
covered  by  the  enemy;  giving  them  orders,  when 
ind  where  they  should  come  to  him. 

The  forces  being  all  ready  in  their  boats,  rowing 
very  hard,  got  ashore  at  a  point  near  Penobscot.^ 
just  as  the  day  broke.  [They]1  hid  their  boats,  and 
keeping  a  good  look  out  by  sea,  and  sent  out  scouts 
by  land,  but  could  not  discover  either  canoes  or  In 
dians.  What  tracks  and  fire  places  they  saw  were 
judged  to  be  seven  or  eight  days  before  they  came. 
As  soon  as  night  came,  that  they  might  go  undis 
covered,  got  into  their  boats,  and,  went  by  Mussle- 
jieck,  and  so  amongst  Penobscot  islands,  looking  very 
sharp  as  they  went,  for  fires  on  the  shore,  and  for 
canoes  but  found  neither. 

i  [and] 

*  An  island  on  the  east  side  of  Kennebeck  river,  and  about 
10  miles  frpm  the  main,  celebrated  as  the  place  where  Capt. 
John  Smith  landed  in  1614  ;  here  he  built  some  houses,  the 
remains  of  which  were  to  be  seen  when  Judge  Sullivan  wrote 
his  history.  It  is  spelt  Monheagan. 

t  A  point  in  Monhe^agan  island. 

$  The  bay  of  Penobscot.  §  Mouth  of  the  river. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  223 

Getting  up  to  Mathebestucks  hills,  [and]  day  com 
ing  on,  landed  and  hid  their  boats ;  looking  out  for 
the  enemy,  as  the  day  before,  but  to  little  purpose. 
Night  coming  on,  to  their  oars  again,  working  very 
hard ;  turned  night  into  day,  [which]  made  several 
of  their  new  soldiers  grumble.  But  telling  them 
[that]  they  hoped  to  come  up  quickly  with  the  enemy, 
put  new  life  into  them.  By  daylight  they  got  into  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  where  landing,  found  many  ren 
dezvous,  and  fireplaces,  where  the  Indians  had  been  ; 
but  at  the  same  space  of  time  as  beforementioned. 
And  no  canoes  passed  up  the  river  that  day.  Their 
pilot,  Joseph  York,*  informed  the  Major,  that  fifty 
or  sixty  miles  up  that  river,  at  the  great  falls,  the  ene 
my  had  a  great  rendezvous,  and  planted  a  great 
quantity  of  corn,  when  he  was  a  prisoner  with  them, 
four  years  ago ;  and  that  he  was  very  well  acquaint 
ed  there.  This  gave  great  encouragement  to  have 
had  some  considerable  advantage  of  the  enemy  at 
that  place. 

So  using  their  utmost  endeavours  to  get  up  there 
undiscovered.  And  coming  there  found  no  enemy, 
nor  corn  planted ;  they  having  deserted  the  place. 
And  ranging  about  the  falls  oq.  both  sides  of  the  river, 
leaving  men  on  the  east  side  of  the  said  river,  and 
the  boats  just  below  the  falls,  with  a  good  guard  to 
secure  them,  and  to  take  the  enemy  if  they  came 
down  the  river  in  their  canoes.  The  west  side  being 
the  place  where  the  enemy  lived  and  best  to  travel 
on,  they  resolved  to  range  as  privately  as  they  could. 
A  mile  or  two  above  the  falls,  [they]  discovered  a 
birch  canoe  coming  down  with  two  Indians  in  it. 
The  Major  sent  word  immediately  back  to  those  at 
the  falls,  to  lie  very  close,  and  let  -them  pass  down 
the  falls,  arid  to  take  them  alive,  that  he  might  have 
intelligence  where  the  enemy  were,  (which  would 

*  York  probably  belonged  here,  for  it  appears  from  Sulli 
van,  146,  that  persons  of  this  name  were  among  the  early 
proprietors  of  the  lands  of  Kennebeck. 


224  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

have  been  a  great  advantage  to  them.)  But  a  foolish 
soldier  seeing  them  pass  by  hirn,  shot  at  them,  con 
trary  to  orders  given,  which  prevented  them  [from] 
going  into  the  ambuscade,  that  was  laid  for  them. 
Whereupon  several  more  of  our  men  being  near, 
shot  at  them.  So  that  one  of  them  could  not  stand 
when  he  got  ashore,  but  crept  away  into  the  brush. 
The  other  stepped  out  of  the  canoe  with  his  paddle 
in  his  hand,  and  ran  about  a  rod  and  then  threw  down 
his  paddle,  and  turned  back  and  took  up  his  gun, 
and  so  escaped.  One  of  our  Indians  swam  over  the 
river,  and  fetched  the  canoe,  wherein  was  a  consider 
able  quantity  of  blood  on  the  seats  that  the  Indians 
sat  on,  [and]  the  canoe  had  several  holes  shot  in  her. 
They  stopped  the  holes,  and  then  Captain  Bracket* 
with  an  Indian  soldier,  went  over  the  river,  [and]1 
tracked  them  by  the  blood  about  half  a  mile,  [where 
they]  found  his  gun,  took  it  up  and  seeing  the  blood 
no  further,  concluded  that  he  stopped  [it,]2  and  so 
got  away. 

In  the  mean  time,  another  canoe  with  three  men 
were  coming  down  the  river,  [and  being]3  fired  at 
by  some  of  our  forces,  ran  ashore,  and  left  two  of 
their  guns  in  the  canoe,  which  were  taken ;  and  al 
so  a  letter  from  a  priest  to  Casteen,  [giving]4  him  an 
account  of  the  French  and  Indians  returning  over 
the  lake  to  Mountroyal,f  and  of  their  little  service 
done  upon  the  MaquasJ  Indians  westward  ;  only  de- 
i  [who]  2  [his  blood]  3  [were]  4  [that  gave] 

*  The  same  person  mentioned  at  page  166. 

t  Montreal. 

f  This  was  the  name  given  by  the  Dutch  to  the  Fivena- 
tions  of  Indiaus.  See  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.  II,  44.  By  the 
French  they  were  called  Iroquois,  between  whom  their  wars 
were  almost  perpetual.  An  account  of  what  Is  hinted  at  in 
the  text  may  be  seen  in  Smith's  Newyork,  147,  149,  and  N. 
Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.  II,  67,  68.  The  expedition  was  executed 
under  count  De  Frontenac  now  (1696)  Governour  of  Cana 
da.  He  had  assembled  a  great  body  of  his  friend  Indians 
from  different  nations,  which  he  joined  with  two  battalions 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

molishing  one   fort,  and  cutting  down  some  corn, 
&c.     He  desiring  to  hear  of  the  proceedings  of  De- 
borahuel,  and  the  French  man  of  war.     And  inform 
ed  him  that  there  were  several  canoes  coming  with 
workmen  from    Quebeck,    to  St.   Johns.*     Where 
since,  we  concluded,  it  was  to  build  a  fort  at  the 
river's  mouth,  when  the  great  guns  were  taken,  &,c. 
It  being  just  night,  the   officers  were   called  to 
gether  to  advise,  and  their   pilot,   York,  informed 
them  of  a  fort  up  that  river,  and  that  it  was  built  on 
a  little  island  in  that  river;  and  that  there  was  no 
getting  to  it,  but  in  canoes,  or  on  the  ice  in  the 
winter  time.     This  with  the  certain  knowledge  that 
we  were  discovered  by  the  enemy  that  escaped  out 
of  the  upper  canoe,  concluded  it  not  proper,  at  that 
time,  to  proceed  any  further  up ;  and  that  there  was 
no  getting  any  further  with  our  boats  5  and  the  ene 
my  being  alarmed,  would  certainly  fly   from  them 
(and  do  as  they  did  four  years  ago  at  their  fort  at 
Taconock.     Having  fought  them  in  Kennebeck  river, 
and  pursued  them  about  thirty  miles  to  Taconock, 
they  then  set  their  fort  on  fire,  and  ran  away  by  the 
light  of  it,  ours  not  being  able  to  come  up  with  them 
at  that  place.) 

of  regulars.  They  left  Montreal  about  the  first  of  July,  and 
with  the  greatest  difficulty  penetrated  about  200  miles  into 
the  wilderness.  Nothing  was  effected  by  this  great  army, 
but  the  burning  of  a  few  Indian  huts,  and  torturing  a  few 
prisoners.  One  circumstance  of  the  latter,  as  a  striking  ex 
ample  of  magnanimity,  on  the  one  side,  and  more  than  sav 
age  barbarity  on  the  other,  shall  be  related.  On  the  ap 
proach  of  the  Count  with  his  army  to  an  Indian  town,  it  was 
deserted  by  all  its  inhabitants,  except  an  aged  chief,  of  near 
100  years.  He  was  immediately  put  to  torment.  One 
stabbed  him  with  a  knife,  at  which  he  exclaimed,  "  You  had 
better  make  me  die  by  fire,  that  these  French  dogs  may  learn 
how  to  suffer  like  men,"  &c.  He  continued  firm  until  he 
expired  under  the  most  excruciating  torture  that  could  be 
invented. 

*  At  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Johns,  in  what  is  now  N. 
Brunswick. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Major  Church  then  encouraging  his  soldiers,  told 
them,  [that]  he  hoped  they  should  meet  with  part  of 
the  enemy  in  Penobscot  bay,  or  at  Mountdesart, 
where  the  French  ships  were.  So,  notwithstanding 
they  had  been  rowing  several  nights  before,  with 
much  toil,  besides  were  short  of  provisions,  they 
cheerfully  embarked  on  board  their  boats,  and  went 
down  the  river  both  with  and  against  the  tide.  And 
next  morning  came  to  their  vessels,  where  the  Major 
had  ordered  them  to  meet  him,  who  could  give  him 
no  intelligence  of  any  enemy.  Where  being  come 
they  refreshed  themselves.  Meeting  then  with  ano 
ther  disappointment ;  for  their  pilot,  York,  not  be 
ing  acquainted  any  further,  they  began  to  lament 
the  loss  of  one  Robert  Cawley,  whom  they  chiefly 
depended  on  for  all  the  service  to  be  done  now 
eastward.  He  having  been  taken  away  from  them 
the  night  before  they  set  sail  from  Boston  (and  was 
on  board  Mr.  Thorp's  sloop)  and  put  on  board  the 
man  of  war  unknown  to  Major  Church,  notwithstand 
ing  he  had  been  at  the  trouble  and  charge  of  pro 
curing  him.  Then  the  Major  was  obliged  to  one 
Bord,*  procured  by  Mr.  William  Alden,  who  being 
acquainted  in  those  parts,  to  leave  his  vessel,  and 
go  with  him  in  the  boats,  which  he  readily  complied 
with,  and  so  went  to  Nasketf  point,  where  being  in 
formed  was  a  likely  place  to  meet  the  enemy.  Com 
ing  there,  found  several  houses  and  small  fields  of 
corn,  the  fires  having  been  out  several  days,  and  no 
new  tracks.  But  upon  Penobscot  island  they  found 
several  Indian  houses,  corn  and  turnips.  Though 
the  enemy  still  being  all  gone,  as  beforementioned. 
Then  they  divided,  and  sent  their  boats  some  one 
way,  and  some  another,  thinking,  that  if  any  strag 
gling  Indians,  or  Casteen  himself,  should  be  there- 

*  The  name  of  Bord  or  rather  Boad  as  Sullivan  has  it,  is 
found  among  the  first  inhabitants  of  Saco.  Hist.  Maine,  218. 

f  Or  Nauseag,  in  the  town  of  Woolwich  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Kennebeck. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  227 

about,  they  might  find  them,  but  it  proved  all  in 
vain.  Himself  and  several  boats  went  to  Mountde- 
sart,  to  see  if  the  French  ships  were  gone,  and 
whether  any  of  the  enemy  might  be  there,  but  to  no 
purpose ;  the  ships  being  gone  and  the  enemy  also. 
They  being  now  got  several  leagues  to  the  westward 
of  their  vessels,  and  seeing  that  the  way  was  clear 
for  their  vessels  to  pass ;  and  all  their  extreme  row 
ing,  and  travelling  by  land  and  water,  night  and  day, 
to  be  all  in  vain.  (The  enemy  having  left  those 
parts  as  they  judged,  about  eight  or  ten  days  before.) 
And  then  returning  to  their  vessels,  the  commander 
calling  all  his  officers  together,  to  consult  and  re 
solve  what  to  do ;  concluding  that  the  enemy,  by 
some  means  or  other,  had  received  some  intelligence 
of  their  being  come  out  against  them  ;  and  that  they 
were  in  no  necessity  to  come  down  to  the  sea  side 
as  yet,  moose  and  beaver  now  being  fat. 

They  then  agreed  to  go  so  far  east,  and  employ 
themselves,  that  the  enemy  belonging  to  these  parts, 
might  think  [that]  they  were  gone  home.  Having 
some  discourse  about  going  over  to  St.  Johns.  But 
the  masters  of  the  vessels  said,  [that]  [they]1  had  as 
good  carry  them  to  old  France,  &c.,  which  put  off 
that  design.  (They  concluding  that  the  French  ships 
were  there.)  Then  the  Major  moved  for  going  over 
the  bay  towards  Lahane,*  and  towards  the  gut  of 
Cancer, f  where  was  another  considerable  fort  of  In 
dians,  who  often  came  to  the  assistance  of  our  ene 
my,  the  barbarous  Indians.  Saying,  that  by  the 
time  they  should  return  again,  the  enemy  belonging 
to  these  parts  would  come  down  again,  expecting 
that  we  were  gone  home.  But  in  short,  could  not 
prevail  with  the  masters  of  the  open  sloops  to  ven- 
*[he] 

*  This  name  is  spelt  Layhone  in  a  succeeding  page. 

t  Properly,  Canceau,  and  pronounced  Canso.  It  is  the 
strait  between  Cape  Breton  island  and  Novascotia  connect 
ing  the  Atlantic  with  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 


FRENCH  AND  INOIAN  WARS. 

ture  across  the  bay,*  [They]1  said  [that]  it  was 
very  dangerous  so  late  in  the  year,  and  as  much  as 
their  lives  were  worth,  &c. 

Then  they  concluded  and  resolved  to  go  to  Se- 
nactaca,f  wherein  there  was  a  ready  compliance. 
(But  the  want  of  their  pilot,  Robert  Cawley,  was  a 
great  damage  to  them,  who  knew  all  those  parts.) 
However,  Mr.  John  Alden,  master  of  the  brigantine  En 
deavour,  piloted  them  up  the  bay  to  Senactaca.  And 
coming  to  Grinstone%  point,  being  not  far  from  Se 
nactaca,  then  came  to,  with  all  the  vessels,  and  ear 
ly  next  morning  came  to  sail,  and  about  sunrise  got 
into  town.  But  it  being  so  late  before  we  landed, 
that  the  enemy,  most  of  them,  made  their  escape. 
And  as  it  happened  [we]  landed  where  the  French 
and  Indians  had  some  time  before  killed  Lieutenant 
John  Paine,§  and  several  of  Captain  Smithson'smen, 
that  were  with  said  Paine.  They  seeing  our  forces 
coming,  took  the  opportunity,  fired  several  guns, 
and  so  ran  all  into  the  woods,  [and]  carried  all  or 
most  part  of  their  goods  with  them.  One  Jarman 
Bridgway||  came  running  towards  our  forces,  with  a 
i  [who] 

'Bay  ofFumly. 

t  This,  I  presume,  is  what  is  called  Signecto  in  Gov.  Dud 
ley's  instructions  to  Col.  Church  for  the  fifth  expedition.  It 
is'since  written  Chignecto,  and  is  the  northern  arm  of  the 
bay  between  Novascotia  and  Newbrunswick.  Here  the  tide 
rises  and  falls  60  feet. 

1 1  suppose  the  reader  would  get  over  this  word  better, 
were  it  spelt  better.  But  the  alteration  would  be  immaterial, 
as  it  is  the  name  of  a  place. 

§  The  same,  I  presume,  who,  in  1676-7,  assisted  Major 
Waldron  in  settling  a  treaty  with  the  eastern  Indians.  I 
learn  no  more  of  him  than  is  found  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  Nar 
349,  SLC.  Of  Smithson  I  learn  nothing. 

|i  Charlevoix,  who  was  better  acquainted  with  French 
names  than  our  author,  calls  him  Bourgeois.  He  was  one 
of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place.  See  Hist.  Mas.  II, 
92,  98.  Hutchinson,  ib.,  says,  that  "Church  calls  him  Bridg- 
man."  Perhaps  he  did  in  his  despatches,  but  it  is  not  so 
spelt  in  my  copy. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  229 

gun  in  one  hand,  and  his  cartridge  box  in  the  other, 
[and]  calling  to  our  forces  to  stop,  that  he  might 
speak  with  them.  But  Major  Church  thinking  [that 
this]1  was  [done]  that  they  might  have  some  advan 
tage,  ordered  them  to  run  on.  When  the  said 
Bridgway  saw  [that]  they  would  not  stop,  turned 
and  ran.  But  the  Major  called  unto  him,  and  bid 
him  stop,  or  he  should  be  shot  down.  Some  of  our 
forces  being  near  to  the  said  Bridgway,  said,  [that] 
it  was  the  General  that  called  to  him.  He  hearing 
that,  stopped  and  turned  about,  laying  down  his  gun, 
stood,  till  the  Major  came  up  to  him.  His  desire 
was,  that  the  commander  would  make  haste  with 
him  to  his  house,  lest  the  savages*  should  kill  his 
father  and  mother,  who  were  upward  of  four  score 
years  of  age,  and  could  not  go.  The  Major  asked 
the  said  Bridgway  whether  there  were  any  Indians 
amongst  them,  and  where  they  lived  *?  He  shaked 
his  head,  and  said,  he  durst  not  tell,  for  if  he  did, 
they  would  take  an  opportunity,  and  kill  him  and 
his.  So  all  that  could  be  got  out  of  him  was,  that 
they  were  run  into  the  woods  with  the  rest. 

Then  orders  were  given  to  pursue  the  enemy, 
and  to  kill  what  Indians  they  could  find,  and  take 
the  French  alive,  and  give  them  quarter  if  they  ask 
ed  it. 

Our  forces  soon  took  three  Frenchmen,  who,  up 
on  examination,  said,  that  the  Indians  were  all  run 
into  the  woods.  The  French  firing  several  guns, 
and  ours  at  them.  But  they  being  better  acquain 
ted  with  the  woods  than  ours,  got  away.  The  Ma 
jor  took  the  abovesaid  Jarman  Bridgway  for  a  pilot, 
and  with  some  of  his  forces  went  over  a  river;  to 
several  of  their  houses,  but  the  people  were  gone, 
and  [had]  carried  their  goods  with  them.  In  rang 
ing  the  woods  [they]  found  several  Indian  houses, 
MM 

*  Church's  savages. 
20 


230  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

their  fires  being  just  out,  but  no  Indians.  Spending 
that  day  in  ranging  to  and  fro,  found  considerable 
of  their  goods,  and  but  few  people.  At  night  the 
Major  wrote  a  letter,  and  sent  out  two  French  pri 
soners,  wherein  was  signified,  that  if  they  would 
come  in,  they  should  have  good  quarters.  The 
next  day  several  came  in,  which  did  belong  to 
that  part  of  the  town  where  our  forces  first  land 
ed,  [and]1  had  encouragements  given  them  by 
our  commander,  [viz.,]  that  if  they  would  assist 
him  in  taking  those  Indians,  which  belonged  to 
those  parts,  they  should  have  their  goods  re 
turned  to  them  again,  and  their  estates  should 
not  be  demnified ;  [but]2  they  refused.*  Then 
the  Major  and  his  forces  pursued  their  design. f 
i  [who]  2  [which] 

*  What  Hutchinson,  II,  92,  observes  concerning  this  very 
severe  requisition,  is  too  just  to  be  unnoticed.  "  This  was  a 
hard  condition,  and  in  effect,  obliging  them  to  quit  their 
country  ;  for  otherwise,  as  soon  as  the  English  had  left  them 
without  sufficient  protection,  the  incensed  Indians  would 
have  fell  upon  them  without  mercy." 

t  "Charlevoix  says,  (in  Hist.  Mas.  II,  92,  93,)  that  Bour 
geois  produced  a  writing,  by  which  Sir  William  Phips  had 
given  assurances  of  protection  to  the  inhabitants  of  Chignec- 
to,  whilst  they  remained  faithful  subjects  of  King  William  ; 
and  that  Church  gave  orders  that  nothing  in  their  houses, 
&c.,  should  be  touched  ;  but  whilst  he  was  entertained  by 
Bourgeois,  together  with  the  principal  officers,  the  rest  of  the 
army  dispersed  themselves  among  the  other  houses  and  be 
haved  as  if  they  had  been  in  a  conquered  country."  And, 
"  that  many  of  the  inhabitants,  not  trusting  to  the  promises 
of  the  General  [Church]  refused  to  come  in,  and  that  it  was 
very  well  they  did  ;  for  soon  after  he  broke  through  all 
bounds,  and  left  only  the  church  and  a  few  houses  and  barns 
standing  ;  and  having  discovered,  posted  up  in  the  church, 
an  order  of  Frontenac,  the  Governour  of  Canada,  for  the  re 
gulation  of  trade,  he  threatened  to  treat  them  as  rebels,  set 
nre  to  the  church,  and  the  houses  which  he  had  spared  and 
which  were  now  all  reduced  to  ashes  ;  and  having  done  this, 
he  presented  a  writing;  which  he  told  them  was  an  acknowl 
edgement  of  their  having  renewed  their  subjection  to  King 
"William,  and  would  be  a  security  to  them  in  case  any  Eng 
lish  should  again  land  among  them."  Before  regarding  this 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

k-;i  **"•• 

And  went  further  ranging  their  country,  found  seve 
ral  more  houses,  but  the  people  [had]  fled,  and  car 
ried  what  they  had  away.  But  in  a  creek  [they] 
found  a  prize  bark,  that  was  brought  in  there  by  a 
French  privateer.  In  ranging  the  woods,  took  some 
prisoners,  who  upon  examination  gave  our  comman 
der  an  account,  that  there  were  some  Indians  upon 
a  neck  of  land,  towards  Menis.* 

So  a  party  of  men  was  sent  into  those  woods.  In 
their  ranging  about  the  said  neck,  found  some  plun 
der,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  whortleberries, 
both  green  and  dry,  which  were  gathered  by  the  In 
dians.  [They]1  had  like  to  have  taken  two  Indians ; 
[but]2  by  the  help  of  a  birch  canoe  [they]  got  over 
the  river,  and  made  their  escape.  Also  they  found 
two  barrels  of  powder,  and  near  half  a  bushel  of  bul 
lets.  The  French  denying  [them]3  to  be  theirs,  [and] 
said  [that]  they  were  the  savages ;  but  sure  it  might 
be  a  supply  for  our  enemies.  Also,  they  took  from 
Jarman  Bridgway  several  barrels  of  powder,  with 
bullets,  shot,  spears  and  knives,  and  other  supplies 
to  relieve  our  enemies.  He  owned  that  he  had  been 
trading  with  those  Indians  along  Cape  Sable  f  shore, 
with  Peter  Assnow  ;  and,  that  there  he  met  with  the 
French  ships,  and  went  along  with  them  to  St.  Johns, 
and  helped  them  to  unload  the  said  ships,  and  car 
ried  up  the  river  provisions,  ammunition  and  other 
goods  to  Vilboon's  fort.J 

The    Major  having  ranged  all   places   that  were 
thought  proper,  returned  back  to  the  place  where 
l  [and]  2  [who]  3  [it] 

account  as  perfectly  correct,  it  should  be  remembered  that 
the  Jesuit  Charlevoix  ever  portrays  the  affairs  of  the  French 
in  amiable  colours. 

*  On  a  basin  of  the  east  arm  of  the  bay  between  Novasco- 
tia  and  Newbrunswick.  Morse  spells  the  word  two  ways . 
viz,,  Mines  and  Minas. 

f  The  southwest  point  of  Novascotia. 
J  This  fort  was  upon  the  river  St.  Johns. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

they  first  landed.  And  finding  several  prisoners  come 
in,  who  were  troubled  to  see  their  cattle,  sheep,  hogs 
and  dogs  lying  dead  about  their  houses,  chopped  and 
hacked  with  hatchets,  (which  was  done  without  order 
from  the  Major.)  However,  he  told  them,  [that]  it 
was  nothing  to  what  our  poor  English,  in  our  frontier 
towns,  were  forced  to  look  upon.  For  men,  women 
and  children  were  chopped  and  hacked  so,  and  left 
half  dead,  with  all  their  scalps  taken  off;  and  that 
they  and  their  Indians  served  ours  so ;  and  our  sava 
ges  would  be  glad  to  serve  them  so  too,  if  he  would 
permit  them,  which  caused  them  to  be  mighty  sub 
missive.  And  [they]  begged  the  Major  that  he  would 
not  let  the  savages  serve  them  so. 

Our  Indians  being  somewhat  sensible  of  the  dis 
course,  desired  to  have  some  of  them  to  roast,  and  so 
to  make  a  dance.     And  dancing  in  a  hideous  man 
ner,  to  terrify  them,  said,  that  they  could  eat  any 
sort  of  flesh,  and  that  some  of  theirs  would   make 
their  hearts  strong.     [And]  stepping  up  to  some  of 
the  prisoners,  said  that  they  must  have  their  scalps, 
which  much  terrified  the  poor  prisoners,  who  begged 
for  their  lives.     The    Major  told  them  [that]  he  did 
not  design  the  savages  should  hurt  them  ;  but  it  was 
to  let  them  see  a  little  what  the  poor  English  felt, 
saying,  [that]  it  was  not  their  scalps  [that]  he  want 
ed,  but  the  savages ;  for  he  should  get  nothing  by 
them ;  and  told  them,  that  their  fathers,  the  friars  and 
Governours  encouraged  their  savages,  and  gave  them 
money  to  scalp   our  English,  notwithstanding  they 
were  with  them,  which  several  of  our  English,  there 
present,  did  testify  to  their  faces,  that  their  fathers 
and  mothers  were  served  so  in  their  sight. 

But  the  Major  bid  them  tell  their  fathers,  (the  fri 
ars  and  Governours,)  that  if  they  still  persisted,  and 
let  their  wretched  savages  kill  and  destroy  the  poor 
English  at  that  rate,  he  would  come  with  some  hun 
dreds  of  savages,  and  let  them  loose  amongst  them, 
who  would  kill,  scalp,  and  carry  away  every  French 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  233 

person  in  all  those  parts  ;  for  they  were  the  root  from 
whence  all  the  branches  came,  that  hurt  us.  For 
the  Indians  could  not  do  us  any  harm,  if  they  [the 
French]  did  not  relieve  and  supply  them.  The 
French  being  sensible  of  the  Major's  kindness  to 
them,  kissed  his  hand,  and  were  very  thankful  to  him 
for  his  favour  to  them  in  saving  their  lives.  [They] 
owned  that  their  priests*  were  at  the  taking  of  Feme- 
quid  fort,  and  v/ere  now  gone  to  Layhone,  with  some 
of  thelndians,  to  meet  the  French  ships,  but  for  what, 
they  would  not  tell. 

The  commander,  with  his  forces,  having  done  all 
they  could  in  those  parts,  concluded  to  go  to  St. 
Johns  river,  to  do  further  service  for  their  King  and 
country ;  [so]  embarked  all  on  board  their  trans 
ports,  f  And  having  a  fair  wind,  soon  got  to  Mono- 
genest,}  which  lies  a  little  distance  from  the  mouth 
of  St.  Johns  river. 

Next  morning  early,  the  Major  with  his  forces, 
landed  to  see  what  discovery  they  could  make ;  [so 
they]  travelled  across  the  woods  to  the  old  fort  or 
falls  at  the  mouth  of  St.  Johns  river,  keeping  them 
selves  undiscovered  from  the  enemy.  Finding  that 
there  were  several  men  at  work,  and  having  informed 
themselves  as  much  as  they  could,  (the  enemy  being 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  could  not  come  at 
them)  returned  back.  But  night  coming  on,  and 
dark  wet  weather,  with  bad  travelling,  were  obliged 
to  stop  in  the  woods  till  towards  next  day  morning, 
and  then  went  on  board. 

Soon  after  the  Major  ordered  all  the  vessels  to 
come  to  sail,  and  go  into  the  mouth  of  the  river. 
[That]  being  done,  it  was  not  long  before  the  Major 
and  his  foices  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
the  French  firing  briskly  at  them,  but  did  them  no 

*  Castine  was  mentioned  as  being  there.  See  note,  page 
$19. 

f  On  the  20  September, 
I  On  the  north  side  of  the  river. 
20* 


234  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

harm.  And  running  fiercely  upon  the  enemy,  they 
soon  fled  into  the  woods.  The.-Major  ordered  a  brisk 
party  to  run  across  a  neck  to  cut  them  off  from  their 
canoes,  which  the  day  before  they  had  made  a  dis 
covery  of.  So  the  commander,  with  the  rest,  ran 
directly  towards  the  new  fort  [that]  they  were  build 
ing,  not  knowing  but  [that]  they  had  some  ordnance 
mounted.  The  enemy  running  directly  to  their  ca 
noes,  were  met  by  our  forces,  who  fired  at  them  and 
killed  one,  and  wounded  Corporal  Canton,  who  was 
taken.  The  rest  threw  down  what  they  had,  and  ran 
into  the  woods.  The  said  prisoner,  Canton,  being 
brought  to  the  Major,  to^d  him,  [that]  if  he  would 
let  his  surgeon  dress  his  wound  and  cure  him,  he 
would  be  serviceable  to  him  as  long  as  he  lived.  So 
being  dressed,  he  was  examined.  [He]1  gave  the 
Major  an  account  of  the  twelve  great  guns  which 
were  hid  in  the  beach,  below  high  water  mark. 
(The  carriages,  shot,  and  wheelbarrows,  some  flour 
and  pork,  all  hid  in  the  woods.) 

The  next  morning  the  officers  being  all  ordered 
to  meet  together,  to  consult  about  going  to  Vilboon's 
fort,  and  none  amongst  them  being  acquainted 
but  the  Aldens,  who  said,  [that]  the  water  in  the 
river  was  very  low,  so  that  they  could  not  get  up  to 
the  fort ;  and  the  prisoner,  Canton,  told  the  Com 
mander,  that  what  the  Aldens  said  was  true.  So 
not  being  willing  to  make  a  Canada  expedition,  con 
cluded  [that]  it  was  not  practicable  to  proceed."* 
Then  ordered  some  of  the  forces  to  get  the  great 
guns  on  board  the  open  sloops,  and  the  rest  to  range 
the  woods  for  the  enemy,  who  took  one  prisoner  and 
brought  [him]  in.  [They]2  in  their  ranging,  found 
there  a  shallop,  hauled  in  a  creek.  And  a  day  or 
two  after  there  came  in  a  young  soldier  to  our  forces, 
i  [Who]  *  [Who] 

*  The  unsuccessful  attempt  on  Quebeck  by  Sir  William 
hipje,  which  was  rendered  abortive  by  the  lateness  of  the 
season. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.          235 

who  upon  examination,  gave  an  account  of  two  more 
which  he  left  in  the  woods  at  some  distance.  So 
immediately  the  Major  with  some  of  his  forces  went 
in  pursuit  of  them,  taking  the  said  prisoner  with 
them,  who  conveyed  them  to  the  place  where  he  left 
them,  but  they  were  gone.  [They]  then  asked  the 
prisoner,  whether  there  were  any  Indians  in  those 
parts'?  [He]  said  No,  [that]  it  was  as  hard  for  Vilboon, 
their  Governour,  to  get  an  Indian  down  to  the  water 
side,  as  it  was  for  him  to  carry  one  of  those  great 
guns  on  his  back  to  his  fort.  For  they  having  had 
intelligence  by  a  prisoner  out  of  Boston  jail,  that 
gave  them  an  account  of  Major  Church  and  his  for 
ces  coming  out  against  them. 

Now,  having  with  a  great  deal  of  pains  and  trou 
ble,  got  all  the  guns,  shot,  and  other  stores  aboard, 
intended  [to  proceed]  on  our  design,  which  we  came 
out  first  for.  But  the  wind  not  serving,  the  com 
mander  sent  out  his  scouts  into  the  woods  to  seek 
for  the  enemy.  And  four  of  our  Indians  came  upon 
three  Frenchmen  undiscovered,  who  concluded,  that 
if  the  French  should  discover  them,  [they]  would 
fire  at  them,  and  might  kill  one  or  more  of  them  ; 
which,  to  prevent,  fired  at  the  French,  killed  one, 
and  took  the  other  two  prisoners.  And  it  happened 
that  he  who  was  killed,  was  Shanelere,  the  chief 
man  there,  &c. 

The  same  day  they  mended  their  whale  boats, 
and  the  shallop  which  they  took ;  fitting  her  to  row 
with  eight  oars,  that  she  might  be  helpful  to  their 
prosecuting  their  intended  design  against  the  enemy, 
in  their  returning  homeward.  Then  the  commander 
ordering  all  the  officers  to  come  together,  informed 
them  of  his  intentions ;  and  ordered  that  no  vessels 
should  depart  from  the  fleet,  but  to  attend  the  mo 
tions  of  their  Commodore,  as  formerly ;  except  they 
were  parted  by  storms,  or  thick  fogs.  And  if  so,  it 
should  happen  that  any  did  part,  when  they  came  to 


236  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Passamequady,*  should  stop  there  awhile  ;  for 
there  they  intended  to  stop  and  do  business,  with 
the  help  of  their  boats  against  the  enemy.  And  if 
they  missed  that,  to  stop  at  Machias, f  which  was 
the  next  place  [that]  he  intended  to  stop  at.  Hav 
ing  an  account  by  the  prisoners  taken  that  Mr.  Late- 
rilj  was  there,  a  trading  with  the  Indians  in  the 
river.  [And]  encouraging  them,  said,  [that]  he  did 
not  doubt  but  to  have  a  good  booty  there.  And  if 
they  should  pass  those  two  places,  be  sure  not  to  go 
past  Naskege\)  point  ;  but  to  stop  there  till  he  came, 
and  not  to  depart  thence  in  a  fortnight  without  his 
orders ;  having  great  service  to  do  in  and  about  Pe- 
nobscot,  &c. 

Then  Major  Church  discoursed  with  Captain 
Bracket,  Captain  Hunewell,  and  Captain  Larking, 
(with  their  Lieutenants)  commanders  of  the  forces, 
belonging  to  the  eastward  parts,  who  were  to  dis 
course  their  soldiers  about  their  proceedings,  when 
they  came  to  Penobscot.  And  the  Major  himself 
was  to  discourse  his  Indian  soldiers,  and  their  Cap 
tains,  who  with  all  the  rest  readily  complied.  The 
projection  being  such,  that  when  they  came  to  Pe 
nobscot,  the  commander  designed  to  take  what  pro- 

*  Better  written  Passammaquaddy.  Coasters  call  it  Quod- 
dy.  It  is  a  deep  bay,  which  begins  the  separation  of  the 
British  dominions  from  Maine. 

t  The  bay  of  Machias  is  separated  from  Passammaquoddy 
by  Pleasant  point  on  the  west.  A  river  flows  into  this  bay 
of  the  same  name,  on  which  is  the  town  of  Machias. 

|  Whoever  this  person  might  be,  we  hear  no  more  of  him, 
only  that  he  was  a  Frenchman,  and  had  a  family  at  Mount- 
desert  ;  that  he  was  taken  in  the  last  expedition  ;  and  that 
his  name  was  old  Lateril  or  Lotriell  according  to  the  early 
writers  who  mention  him,  which  of  course,  was  all  they  knew 
about  him. 

§  What  Sullivan  calls  Nauseag,  I  expect,  almost  up  to  the 
Kennebeck,  but  on  the  east  side,  and  now  within  the  town 
of  Woolwich.  See  page  226,  of  this  history,  where  it  is  spelt 
Nasket. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS'.  237 

visions  coiild  be  spared  out  of  all  the  sloops,  and 
put  [it]  on  board  the  two  brigantines,  and  to  send 
all  the  sloops  home  with  some  of  the  officers  and 
men  that  wanted  to  be  at  home.  And  then  with 
those  forces  aforementioned,  to  wit,  the  eastward 
men,  and  all  the  Indians ;  and  to  take  what  provi 
sions  and  ammunition  was  needful,  and  to  march 
with  himself  up  into  the  Penobscot  country,  in 
search  of  the  enemy,  and  if  posssible  to  take  that 
fort  in  Penobscot  river.  Captain  Bracket  informing 
the  Major,  that  when  the  water  was  low,  they  could 
wade  over,  which  was  at  that  time,  the  lowest  that 
had  been  known  in  a  long  time. 

And  being  there,  to  range  through  that  country 
down  to  Pemequid,  where  he  intended  [that]  the 
two  brigantines  should  meet  them ;  and  from  thence 
taking  more  provisions,  viz.,  bread,  salt,  and  ammu 
nition  suitable  (to  send  those  two  vessels  home  also) 
to  travel  through  the  country  to  Nerigiwack,*  and 
from  thence  to  Amerascogen  fort,  and  so  down 
where  the  enemy  used  to  plant.  Not  doubting  but 
that  in  all  this  travel  to  meet  with  many  of  the  ene 
my  before  they  should  get  to  Piscataqua.  All 
which  intentions  were  very  acceptable  to  the  forces 
that  were  to  undertake  it.  [And]1  rejoicing,  said, 
they  had  rather  go  home  by  land  than  by  water, 
provided  their  commander  went  with  them.  [He,]2 
to  try  their  fidelity,  said  [that]  he  was  grown  an 
cient,  and  might  fail  them.  [But]  they  all  said  they 
would  not  leave  him,  and  when  he  could  not  travel 
any  further,  they  would  carry  him. 

Having   done   what   service   they   could,  at  and 
about  the  mouth  of  St.  Johns  river,  resolved  on  their 
i  [who]  2  [who] 

*  Norridgewock.  This  name  has  been  subject  to  almost 
as  many  methods  of  spelling,  as  its  neighbour,  Androscoggin. 
It  was  an  ancient  celebrated  Indian  town  on  the  Kennebeck 
river,  about  84  miles  from  its  mouth  by  the  course  of  the  river. 
Sullivan,  31,  32. 


238  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

intended  design.  And  the  next  morning,  having 
but  little  wind,  came  all  to  sail.  The  wind  coming 
against  them  they  put  into  Mushquash  cove.  And 
the  next  day  the  wind  being  still  against  them,  the 
Major  with  part  of  his  forces  landed,  and  employed 
themselves  in  ranging  the  country  for  the  enemy, 
but  to  no  purpose.  [But]1  in  the  night  the  wind 
came  pretty  fair,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  they  came  to 
sail.  [They]2  had  not  been  out  long  before  they 
spied  three  sail  of  vessels ;  expecting  them  to  be 
French,  fitted  to  defend  themselves.  So  coming 
near,  hailed  them,  [and]3  found  them  to  be  a  man  of 
war,  the  province  galley,  and  old  Mr.  Alden*  in  a 
sloop,  with  more  forces,  Colonel  Hathornef  com 
mander. 

Major  Church  went  aboard  the  Commodore,  where 
Colonel  Hathorne  was,  who  gave  him  an  account  of 
his  commission,  and  orders,  and  read  them  to  him. 
Then  his  honour  told  Major  Church,  that  there  was 
a  particular  order  on  board  Captain  Southack  for  him, 
which  is  as  followeth. 

[To  Major  Benjamin  Church.'] 

"Boston,  September  9th,  1696. 
Sir, 

His  Majesty's  ship  Orford,  having  lately  surprised 
a  French  shallop,  with  twentythree  of  the  soldierS 
i  [and]  2  [and]  3  [Who] 

*  The  same  often  mentioned  in  the  preceding  pages.  See 
note  3,  on  page  196.  He  was  in  1692  imprisoned  for  witch 
craft,  and  previously  examined  by  Hawthorn,  under  whom 
he  appears  in  this  expedition.  See  Hutchinson,  II,  50,  and 
94. 

t  Col.  John  Hathorne  or  Hawthorn.  This  gentleman, 
however  unfit  he  might  be  to  succeed  Church,- it  is  certain 
that  he  may  now  be  better  employed  than  when  committing 
witches  at  Salem.  I  learn  little  of  him,  excepting  what  may 
be  seen  in  Hutchinson,  and  Calef.  Perhaps  he  was  a  son  of 
William  Hawthorn,  the  first  speaker  of  the  court  of  Massa 
chusetts,  upon  record.  Hist.  Mas.  I,  150.  He  was  quite  ac 
tive  in  these  wars,  also  in  the  former.  Nothing  very  brilliant 
appears  to  have  been  performed  under  his  command. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  239 

belonging  to  the  fort  upon  Johns  river,  in  Novascotia, 
together  with  Villeau,  their  Captain,  providence 
seems  to  encourage  the  forming  of  an  expedition  to 
attack  that  fort,  and  to  disrest  and  remove  the  enemy 
from  that  post,  which  is  the  chief  source  from  whence 
the  most  of  our  disasters  do  issue,  and  also  to  favour 
with  an  opportunity  for  gaining  out  of  their  hands 
the  ordnance,  artillery,  and  other  warlike  stores,  and 
provisions,  lately  supplied  to  them  from  France,  for 
erecting-  a  new  fort  near  the  river's  mouth,  whereby 
they  will  be  greatly  strengthened,  and  the  reducing 
of  them  rendered  more  difficult.  I  have  therefore 
ordered  a  detachment  of  two  new  companies,  con 
sisting  of  about  an  hundred  men  to  join  the  forces 
now  with  you  for  that  expedition,  and  have  commis- 
sionated  Lieutenant  Colonel  John  Hathorne,  one  of 
the  members  of  his  Majesty's  council,  who  is  ac 
quainted  with  that  river,  and  in  whose  courage  and 
conduct  I  repose  special  trust  to  take  the  chief  com 
mand  of  the  whole,  during  that  service,  being  wrell 
assured  that  your  good  affections  and  zeal  for  his 
Majesty's  service  will  induce  your  ready  compliance 
and  assistance  therein,  which,  I  hope,  will  take  up 
no  long  time,  and  be  of  great  benefit  and  advantage 
to  these  his  Majesty's  territories,  if  it  please  God  to 
succeed  the  same.  Besides,  it  is  very  probable  to 
be  the  fairest  opportunity,  that  can  be  offered  unto 
yourself  and  men,  of  doing  execution  upon  the  In 
dian  enemy  and  rebels,  who  may  reasonably  be  ex 
pected  to  be  drawn  to  the  defence  of  that  fort.  I 
have  also  ordered  his  Majesty's  ship  Arundel,  and 
the  province  Galley  to  attend  this  service. 

Colonel  Hathorne  will  communicate  unto  you  the 
contents  of  his  commission  and  instructions  received 
from  myself  for  this  expedition,  which  I  expect  and 
order  that  yourself,  officers  and  soldiers,  now  under 
you,  yield  obedience  unto.  He  is  to  advise  with 
yourself  and  others  in  all  weighty  attempts.  Pray 
ing  for  a  blessing  from  Heaven  upon  the  said  enter- 


240  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

prise,  and  that  all  engaged  in  the  same  may  be  under 
the  special  protection  of  the  Almighty.  I  am  your 
loving  friend, 

WILLIAM  STOUGHTON." 

The  Major  having  read  his  last  orders,  and  con 
sidering  his  commission,  found  that  he  was  obliged 
to  attend  all  orders,*  &c.,  was  much  concerned  that 
he  and  his  were  prevented  in  their  intended  projec 
tion,  if  carried  back  to  St.  Johns.  Then  discoursing 
with  Colonel  Hathorne,  gave  him  an  account  of  what 
they  had  done  at  St.  Johns,  viz.,  that  as  to  the  de 
molishing  the  new  fort,  they  had  done  it ;  and  [had] 
got  all  their  great  guns  and  stores  aboard  their  ves 
sels.  And,  that  if  it  had  not  been  that  the  waters 
were  so  low,  would  have  taken  the  fort  up  the- river 
also,  before  he  came  away.  Told  him  also,  that 
one  of  the  prisoners  which  he  had  taken  at  St.  Johns, 
upon  examination,  concerning  the  Indians  in  those 
parts,  told  him,  [that]  it  was  as  hard  for  Vilboon  their 
Governour,  to  get  one  of  their  Indians  down  to  the 
water  side,  as  to  carry  one  of  those  great  guns  upon 
his  back.  And  that  they  had  an  account  of  him 
[Church,]  and  his  forces'  coming  to  those  parts  by  a 
prisoner  out  of  Boston  jail.  Also,  told  his  honour, 
that  if  they  went  back  it  would  wholly  disappoint 
them  of  their  doing  any  further  service,  which  was 
[what]1  they  came  for  to  Penobscot,  and  places  ad 
jacent.  But  all  was  to  no  purpose.  His  honour  tell- 
i  [that] 

*  Church  could  not  but  be  offended  at  such  boyish  conduct, 
which  will  more  fully  appear  in  the  ensuing  narration.  Im 
portant  service,  perhaps,  might  have  been  done  in  the  exe 
cution  of  the  plan  that  Church  and  his  forces  were  then  about 
to  enter  upon.  They  would  doubtless  have  relieved  the  east 
ern  people  from  their  garrisons  in  which  they  had  most  of 
the  year  been  shut  up.  The  savages  had  hovered  around 
the  settlements  from  Pascataqua  to  their  extent  eastward, 
and  had  between  the  7  May,  and  13  October,  killed  and  ta 
ken  about  34  of  the  inhabitants  ;  24  being  of  the  former  num 
ber.  See  Magnalia,  II,  549,  50. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  241 

ing  the  Major  that  he  must  attend  his  orders  then 
received.* 

And  to  encourage  the  officers  and  soldiers,  told 
them,  [that]  they  should  be  wholly  at  the  Major's 
ordering  and  command  in  the  whole  action.  And  to 
be  short  did  go  back  and  the  event  may  be  seen  in 
Colonel  Hathorne's  journal  of  the  said  action. f 

Only  I  must  observe  one  thing  by  the  way,  which 
was,  that  when  they  drew  off  to  come  down  the  riv 
er  again,  Colonel  Hathorne  came  off  and  left  the  Ma 
jor  behind  to  see  that  all  the  forces  were  drawn  off. 
And  coming  down  the  river,  in  or  near  the  rear,  in 
the  night,  heard  a  person  halloo.  Not  knowing  at 

*  The  superceding  of  Church,  says  Hutchinson,  II,  94, 
"  was  an  impolitic  measure,  unless  any  misconduct  in  Church 
made  it  necessary  that  he  should  be  superceded."  But  nom- 
ing  of  that  kind  is  made  appear,  and  can  be  accounted  for, 
only,  by  supposing  that  Stoughton  had  not  fully  recovered 
from  the  debility  he  had  received  in  the  late  Witch  Crusade 

f  The  journal  of  Hathorne,  referred  to,  is  undoubtedly 
lost,  which  we  have  to  regret.  Perhaps  Hutchinson  had  the 
use  of  it,  as  the  account  which  he  gives  of  the  expedition  is 
somewhat  particular.  He  mentions,  II,  94,  5,  that  Villebon 
had  timely  notice  of  their  object,  and  the  reinforcement ;  and 
accordingly  had  made  the  best  arrangements  he  could  to  re 
ceive  them.  They  effected  a  landing  on  the  7  October,  not 
however  without  considerable  opposition.  The  same  day 
they  raised  a  battery,  and  planted  two  fieldpieces  upon  it. 
With  these  and  their  small  arms  they  commenced  an  attack 
upon  the  fort,  which  was  answered.  The  following  night 
being  very  cold,  the  English  made  fires  to  keep  them  from 
perishing.  But  this  being  a  sure  mark  for  the  enemy's  can 
non,  were  obliged  to  put  them  out,  and  suffer  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather.  Church's  men  suffering  more  extremely, 
being  almost  bare  of  clothing  from  their  long  service.  Dis 
couragement  now  seized  them,  and  they  drew  off  the  next 
night.  Mather  makes  no  reflections  on  the  planning  and 
executing  of  this  expedition.  "The  difficulty  of  the  cold 
season  so  discouraged  our  men,  that  after  the  making  of 
some  few  shot  the  enterprize  found  itself  under  too  much 
congelation  to  proceed  any  further."  So  he  says,  Magnalia, 
II,  550.  No  account  is  given  that  any  were  killed. 
21 


243  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

first,  but  it  might  be  a  snare  to  draw  them  into ;  but 
upon  consideration,  sent  to  see  who  or  what  ho  was, 
and  found  him  to  be  a  Negro  man  belonging  to  Mar- 
blehead,  that  had  been  taken  and  kept  a  prisoner 
amongst  them  for  some  time.  The  Major  asked  him, 
whether  he  could  give  any  account  of  the  Indians 
in  those  parts  *?  He  said  Yes,  they  were  or  had  been 
all  drawn  off  from  the  sea  coast,  up  into  the  woods 
near  an  hundred  miles.  [They]  having  had  an  ac 
count  by  a  prisoner  out  of  Boston  jail,  that  Major 
Church  and  his  forces  were  coming  out  against  them 
in  four  brigantines,  and  four  sloops,  with  twentyfour 
ptttiaugers,  (meaning  whale  boats)  which  put  them 
into  [such]  a  fright,  that  notwithstanding  they  were 
so  far  up  in  the  woods,  were  afraid  to  make  fires  by 
day,  lest  he  and  his  forces  should  discover  the 
smokes,  and  in  the  night  lest  they  should  see  the 
light. 

One  thing  more  I  would  just  give  a  hint  of,  that 
is,  how  the  French  in  the  eastward  parts  were  much 
surprised  at  the  motion  of  the  whale  boats.  [They] 
said,  [that]  there  was  no  abiding  for  them  in  that 
country.  And  I  have  been  informed  since,  that 
soon  after  this  expedition,  they  drew  off  from  St. 
Johns  fort  and  river. 

But  to  return.  Then  going  all  down  the  river, 
embarked  and  went  homeward.  Only  by  the  way, 
candid  reader,  I  would  let  you  know  of  two  things 
that  proved  very  prejudicial  to  Major  Church  and  his 
forces.  The  first  was,  that  the  government  should 
miss  it  so  much  as  to  send  any  prisoner  away  from 
Boston  before  the  expedition  was  over.  Secondly, 
that  they  should  send  Colonel  Hathorne  to  take  them 
from  the  service  arid  business  they  went  to  do  ;  who, 
by  submission,  doubtless  thought  [that]  they  did  for 
the  best  though  it  proved  to  the  contrary. 

So  [I]  shall  wind  up  with  a  just  hint  of  what  hap 
pened  at  their  coming  home  to  Boston.  After  all 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  243 

their  hard  service  both  night  and  day,  the  govern 
ment  took  away  all  the  great  guns  and  warlike 
stores  and  gave  them  not  a  penny  for  them  (except 
it  was  some  powder,  and  ih^l  they  gave  what  they 
pleased  for.)  And  besides  the  u-  .hbly  passed  a  vote 
that  they  should  have  but  half  pi  J  Biu  his  honour 
the  Lieutenant  Governour  being*  much  disturbed  at 
iheir  so  doing,  went  into  the  town  house,  where  the 
representatives  were  sitting,  and  told  them,  except 
they  did  reassume  that  vote,  which  was  to  cut  Major 
Church  and  his  forces  off  their  half  pay,  they  should 
sit  there  till  the  next  spring.  Whereupon  it  was  re- 
assumed.  So  that  they  had  just  their  bare  wages. 
But  as  yet,  never  had  any  allowance  for  the  great 
guns  and  stores;  neither  has  Major  Church  had  any 
allowance  for  all  his  travel  and  great  expenses  in 
raising  the  said  forces,  volunteers. 


THE    FIFTH    AND    LAST    EXPEDITION    EAST, 

IN  the  year  1703-4,  Major  Church  had  an  account 
of  the  miserable  devastations  made  on  Deerfield,*  a 
town  in  the  westward  parts  of  this  province,!  and 
the  horrible  barbarities,  and  cruelties  exercised  on 
those  poor  innocent  people  by  the  French  and  In 
dians  ;  especially  of  their  cruelties  towards  that  wor 
thy  gentlewoman  Mrs.  Williams,  and  several  others, 
whom  they  marched  in  that  extreme  season  ;  forcing 
them  to  carry  great  loads.  And  when  any  of  them 
by  their  hard  usage  could  not  bear  with  it,  [they] 
were  knocked  on  the  head,  and  so  killed  in  cool 
blood.  All  which,  with  some  other  horrible  instan 
ces  done  by  those  barbarous  savages,  which  Major 
Church  himself  was  an  eye  witness  to  in  his  former 
travel  in  the  eastward  parts,  did  much  astonish  him. 

*  A  more  particular  account  of  the  "  Destruction  of  Deer- 
field"  will  be  given  in  the  IX  Appendix  to  this  history, 
t  On  Connecticut  river,  about  90  miles  from  Boston. 


244  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

To  see  a  woman  that  those  barbarous  savages 
had  taken  and  killed,  exposed  in  a  most  brutish  man 
ner  (as  can  be  expressed)  with  a  young  child  seized 
fast  with  strings  to  her  breast.  [The]1  infant  had 
no  apparent  wound,  which  doubtless  was  left  alive 
to  suck  its  dead  mother's  breast,  and  so  miserably  to 
perish  and  die.  Also  to  see  other  poor  children 
hanging  upon  fences,  dead,  of  either  sex,  in  their 
own  poor  rags,  not  worth  stripping  them  of,  in  scorn 
and  derision. 

Another  instance  was,  of  a  straggling  soldier,  who 
was  found  at  Casco,  exposed  in  a  shameful  and  bar 
barous  manner.  His  body  being  staked  up,  his  head 
cut  off,  and  a  hog's  head  set  in  the  room ;  his  body 
ripped  up,  and  his  heart  and  inwards  taken  out,  and 
private  members  cut  off.  and  hung  with  belts  of  their 
own,  the  inwards  at  one  side  of  his  body,  and  his 
privates  at  the  other,  in  scorn  and  derision  of  the 
English  soldiers,  &c. 

These  and  such  like  barbarities  caused  Major 
Church  to  express  himself  to  this  purpose.  That 
if  he  were  commander  in  chief  of  these  provinces, 
he  would  soon  put  an  end  to  those  barbarities,  done 
by  the  barbarous  enemy,  by  making  it  his  whole  bu 
siness  to  fight  and  destroy  those  savages  as  they  did 
our  poor  neighbours,  which  doubtless  might  have 
been  done  if  rightly  managed,  and  that  in  a  short 
time,  &c.  So  that  these  with  the  late  inhumanities 
done  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  made  such 
an  impression  on  his  heart,  as  cannot  well  be  express 
ed.  So  that  his  blood  boiled  within  him,  making 
such  impulses  on  his  mind,  that  he  forgot  all  former 
treatments,  which  were  enough  to  hinder  any  man, 
especially  the  said  Major  Church,  from  doing  any 
further  service. 

Notwithstanding  all  which,  having  a  mind  to  take 
some  satisfaction  on  the  enemy,  his  heart  being  full, 
took  his  horse  and  went  from  his  own  habitation, 
i  [which] 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  245 

near  seventy  miles,  to  wait  upon  his  excellency,  and 
offered  his  service  to  the  Queen,*  his  excellency 
and  the  country ;  which  his  excellency  readily  ac 
cepted  of,  and  desired  Major  Church  to  draw  a 
scheme  for  the  ensuing  action,  or  actions.  So  tak 
ing  leave  went  home,  and  drew  it,  which  is  as  fol- 
loweth. 

"  Tiverton,  February  5,  1703-4. 
May  it  please  your  Excellency — 

According  to  yoir  request,  when  I  was  last  with 
yourself,  and  in  ob  ?  lience  thereunto,  I  present  you 
with  these  followir  g  lines,  that  concern  the  prepara 
tion  for  next  spring's  expedition,  to  attack  the  ene 
my.  According  to  my  former  direction ;  for  it  is 
good  to  have  a  full  stroke  at  them  first,  before  they 
have  opportunity  to  run  for  it.  For  the  first  of  our 
action  will  be  our  opportunity  to  destroy  them,  and 
to  prevent  their  running  away,  in  waylaying  every 
passage,  and  make  them  know  we  are  in  good 
earnest.  And  so  we  being  in  a  diligent  use  of  means, 
we  may  hope  for  a  blessing  from  the  Almighty,  and 
that  he  will  be  pleased  to  put  a  dread  in  their  hearts, 
that  they  may  fall  before  us  and  perish.  For  my  ad 
vice  is, 

First.  That  ten  or  twelve  hundred  good  able  sol 
diers,  well  equipped,  be  in  a  readiness  fit  for  action, 
by  the  first  of  April  at  farthest ;  for  then  will  be 
the  time  to  be  upon  action. 

Secondly.  That  five  and  forty  or  fifty,  good 
whaleboats  be  had  ready,  well  fitted  with  five  good 
oars  and  twelve  or  fifteen  good  paddles  to  every  boat. 

*  Anne,  who  came  to  the  throne  of  England  in  170^.  She 
reigned  until  her  death  in  1714,  and  then  the  line  of  Geor- 
gfts  commenced.  This  war  which  began  in  1703  is  general 
ly  called  Queen  Anne's  war.  Dr.  Douglass  calls  it  "  Dud 
ley's  Indian  War."  But  this  must  be  regarded  as  one  of 
his  loose  denominations,  for  the  war  had  already  originated 
when  Gov.  Dudley  entered  upon  his  office, 
9.1* 


240  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

And  upon  the  wale  of  each  boat,  five  pieces  of  strong 
leather  be  fastened  on  each  side  to  slip  five  small  ash 
bars  through ;  that  so,  whenever  they  land,  the  men 
may  step  overboard,  and  slip  in  said  bars  across,  and 
take  up  said  boat  that  she  may  not  be  hurt  against 
the  rocks.  And  that  two  suitable  brass  kettles  be 
provided  to  belong  to  each  boat  to  dress  the  men's 
victuals  in  to  make  their  lives  comfortable. 

Thirdly.  That  four  or  five  hundred  pairs  of  good 
Indian  shoes  be  made  ready,  fit  for  the  service  for 
the  English  and  Indians,  that  must  improve  the  whale 
boats  and  birch  canoes ;  for  they  will  be  very  proper 
and  safe  for  that  service.  And  let  there  be  a  good 
store  of  cow  hides  well  tanned,  for  a  supply  of  such 
shoes,  and  hemp  to  make  thread,  arid  wax  to  mend 
and  make  more  such  shoes  when  wanted,  and  a  good 
store  of  awls. 

Fourthly.  That  there  be  an  hundred  large  hatch 
ets,  or  light  axes,  made  pretty  broad,  and  steeled  with 
the  best  steel  that  can  be  got,  and  made  by  work 
men,  that  [they]  may  cut  very  well,  and  hold,  that 
the  hemlock  knots  may  not  break  or  turn  them,  to 
widen  the  landing  place  up  the  falls.  For  it  may 
happen  that  we  may  get  up  with  some  of  our  whale- 
boats  to  their  falls  or  headquarters. 

Fifthly.  That  there  be  a  suitable  quantity  of  small 
bags,  or  wallets  provided,  that  every  man  that  wants 
may  have  one  to  put  up  his  bullets  in,  of  such  a  size 
as  will  fit  his  gun,  (and  not  be  served  as  at  Casco.*) 
That  every  man's  bag  be  so  marked  that  he  may  not 
change  it.  For  if  so,  it  will  make  a.  great  confusion 
in  action.  That  every  man's  store  of  ball  be  weigh 
ed  to  him,  that  so  he  may  be  accountable  and  may 
not  squander  it  away  and  also  his  store  of  powder, 
that  so  he  may  try  his  powder  and  gun  before  action. 
And  that  every  particular  company  may  have  a  bar- 

*  There  most  of  their  shot  was  so  large  that  it  was  useless, 
only  as  it  was  hammered,  and  was  not  discovered  until 
an  engagement  took  place  with  the  enemy.  See  page  166. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  847 

rel  of  powder  to  themselves  and  so  marked  that  it 
may  by  no  means  be  changed.  That  men  may  know 
oeforehand,  and  may  not  be  cheated  out  of  their 
lives,  by  having  bad  powder,  or  not  knowing  how  to 
use  it.  And  this  will  prove  a  great  advantage  to 
the  action. 

Sixthly.  That  Colonel  John  Gorham,  if  he  may 
be  prevailed  with,  may  be  concerned  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  whale  boats,  he  having  been  formerly 
concerned  in  the  eastern  parts  and  experienced  in 
that  affair.  And  whalemen  then  will  be  very  service 
able  in  this  expedition,  which  having  a  promise  made 
to  them,  that  they  shall  be  released  in  good  season, 
to  go  home  a  whaling  in  the  fall,  your  excellency 
will  have  men  enough. 

Seventhly.  That  there  may  be  raised  for  this  ser 
vice  three  hundred  Indians  at  least,  and  more  if  they 
may  be  had ;  for  I  know  certainly,  of  my  own  know 
ledge  that  they  exceed  most  of  our  English  in  hunt 
ing  and  skulking  in  the  woods,  being  always  used  to 
it.  And  it  must  be  practised  if  ever  we  intend  to 
destroy  those  Indian  enemies. 

Eighthly.  That  the  soldiers  already  out  eastward 
in  the  service,  men  of  known  judgment,  may  take  a 
survey  of  them  and  their  arms,  and  see  if  their  arms 
be  good  and  they  know  how  to  use  them  in  shooting 
right,  at  a  mark,  and  that  they  be  men  of  good  reason 
and  sense  to  know  how  to  manage  themselves  in  so 
difficult  a  piece  of  service  as  this  Indian  hunting  is, 
for  bad  men  are  but  a  clog  and  hinderance  to  an 
army,  being  a  trouble  and  vexation  to  good  com 
manders,  and  so  many  mouths  to  devour  the  country's 
provision,  and  a  hinderance  to  all  good  actions. 

Ninthly.  That  special  care  be  had  in  taking  up 
the  whaleboats  that  they  be  good,  and  fit  for  that 
service,  so  that  the  country  be  not  cheated  as  for 
merly  in  having  rotten  boats  and  as  much  care  that 
the  owners  may  have  good  satisfaction  for  them. 

Tenthly,     That  the  tenders  or  transports, 


,248  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

to  be  improved  in  this  action,  be  good  decked  vessels, 
not  too  big  because  of  going  up  several  rivers  hav 
ing  four  or  six  small  guns  apiece  for  defence,  and 
the  fewer  men  will  defend  them,  and  there  are 
enough  such  vessels  to  be  had. 

Eleventhly.  To  conclude  all,  if  your  excellency 
*will  be  pleased  to  make  yourself  great  and  us  a  hap 
py  people,  as  to  the  destroying  of  our  enemies  and 
easing  of  our  taxes,  &c.,  be  pleased  to  draw  forth  all 
those  forces  now  in  pay  in  ail  the  eastward  parts, 
both  at  Saco  and  Case  o  bay,  for  those  two  trading 
houses  never  did  any  good  nor  ever  will,  and  are  not 
worthy  the  name  of  Queen's  forts ;  and  the  first 
building  of  them  had  no  other  effect  but  to  lay  us 
under  tribute  to  that  wretched  pagan  crew ;  and  T 
hope  will  never  be  wanted  for  that  they  were  first 
built;  [ — J1  but  sure  it  is,  they  are  very  serviceable  to 
them ;  for  they  get  many  a  good  advantage  of  us  to 
destroy  our  men  and  laugh  at  us  for  our  folly,  that 
we  should  be  at  so  much  cost  and  trouble  to  do  a 
thing  that  does  us  so  much  harm,  and  no  manner  of 
good :  but  to  the  contrary  when  they  see  all  our  for 
ces  drawn  forth,  and  in  pursuit  of  them  they  will 
think  that  we  begin  to  be  roused  up,  and  to  be  awake 
and  will  not  be  satisfied  with  what  they  have  pleased 
to  leave  us,  but  are  resolved  to  retake  from  them 
that  they  took  formerly  from  us,  and  drive  them  out 
of  their  country  also.  The  which  being  done,  then 
to  build  a  fort  at  a  suitable  time,  and  in  a  convenient 
place,  and  it  will  be  very  honourable  to  your  excel 
lency,  and  of  great  service  to  her  Majesty,  and  to 
the  enlargement  of  her  Majesty's  government  (the 
place  meani  being  at  Portroyal.) 

Twelfthly.  That  the  objection  made  against  draw 
ing  off  the  forces  in  the  eastward  parts  will  be  no 
damage  to  the  inhabitants,  for  former  experience 
teacheth  us  that  so  soon  as  drawn  into  their  country, 
they  will  presently  forsake  ours  to  take  care  of  their 
own.  And  that  there  be  no  failure  in  making  pre- 
i  [for] 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  249 

paration  of  these  things  aforementioned;  for  many 
times  the  want  of  small  things  prevents  the  complet 
ing  of  great  actions.  And  that  every  thing  be  in 
readiness  before  the  forces  be  raised  to  prevent 
charges,  and  the  enemy's  having  intelligence.  And 
that  the  general  court  be  moved  to  make  suitable 
acts  for  the  encouraging  both  English  and  Indians, 
that  so  men  of  business  may  freely  offer  estates  and 
concerns  to  serve  the  publick. 

Thus  hoping  what  I  have  taken  the  pains  to  write 
in  the  sincerity  of  my  heart,  and  good  affection,  will 
be  well  accepted,  I  make  bold  to  subscribe  as  I  am, 
your  excellency's  most  devoted  humble  servant, 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH." 

Then  returning  to  his  excellency,  presented  the 
said  scheme,  which  his  excellency  approved  of,  and 
returned  it  again  to  Major  Church,  and  desired  him 
to  see  that  every  thing  was  provided ;  telling  him 
he  should  have  an  order  from  the  commissary  Gene- 
ril  to  proceed.  Then  returned  home,  and  made  it 
his  whole  business  to  provide  oars  and  paddles,  and 
a  vessel  to  carry  them  round,  and  then  returned  again 
to  his  excellency,  who  gave  him  a  commission  which 
is  as  followeth. 

"  JOSEPH  DUDLEY,*  Esq.,  Captain  General  and  Go- 
vernour  in  Chief,  in  and  over  her  Majesty^  pro- 

*  A  son  of  Thomas  Dudley,  who  came  to  America  in  1630, 
and  who  has  been  celebrated  for  his  bitterness  against  tolera 
tion.  Some  poetry  found  in  his  pocket  (says  Morton,  151,) 
after  his  death,  is  so  singular,  and  eharacteristick  of  the 
times,  that  I  may  be  pardoned  for  so  much  digressing  as  to 
insert  a  clause  of  it. 

"  Let  men  of  God  in  courts  and  churches  watch 

O'er  such  as  do  a  toleration  hatch ; 

Lest  that  ill  egg  bring  forth  a  cockatrice, 

To  poison  all  with  heresy  and  vice. 

If  men  be  left,  and  otherwise  combine, 

My  epitaph's,  /  dy'd  no  libertine.1" 

The  subject  of  this  note  was  born  in  1647,  graduated  at 
Harvard  College,  1665,  and  is  said  to  have  been  eminent  for 


250  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

twice  of  the  Massachusetts  bay,  in  Newengland, 
in  America,  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same, 

To  BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Esq.,  Greeting. 

By  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority,  in  and  by 
her  Majesty's  royal  commission,  to  me  granted,  I  do 
by  these  presents,  reposing  special  trust  and  confi 
dence  in  your  loyalty,  courage,  and  good  conduct, 
constitute  and  appoint  you  to  be  Colonel  of  all  the 
forces  raised,  and  to  be  raised  for  her  Majesty's  ser 
vice,  against  the  French  and  Indian  enemy  and  rebels, 
that  shall  be  improved  in  the  service  to  the  eastward 
of  Casco  bay ;  and  to  be  Captain  of  the  first  com 
pany  of  the  said  forces.  You  are  therefore  carefully 
and  diligently  to  perform  the  duty  of  a  Colonel  and 
Captain,  by  leading,  ordering  and  exercising  the  said 
regiment  and  company  in  arms,  both  inferiour  offi 
cers  and  soldiers ;  and  to  keep  them  in  good  order 
and  discipline.  Hereby  commanding  them  to  obey 
you  as  their  Colonel  and  Captain;  and  with  them  to 
do  and  execute  all  acts  of  hostility  against  the  said 
enemy  and  rebels.  And  you  are  to  observe  and  fol 
low  such  orders  and  directions  as  you  shall  receive 
from  myself,  or  other,  your  superiour  officer,  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  and  discipline  of  war,  pursuant  to 
the  trust  reposed  in  you.  Given  under  my  hand  and 

his  learning.  He  was  a  commissioner  in  Philip's  war,  and  his 
name  may  be  seen  among;  them  at  the  head  of  the  long  treaty 
with  the  Narragansets,  in  July,  1675.  When  Andross  was 
Governour,  Mr.  Dudley  was  president  of  the  council,  and 
was  seized  upon  as  belonging  to  his  party,  and  imprisoned 
for  some  time,  and  treated  with  inhumanity.  Being  sent  for 
by  King  William,  he  embarked  in  Feb.,  1689.  The  next 
year  he  was  sent  over  as  chief  justice  of  Newyork,  but  he 
was  never  satisfied  anywhere  but  in  the  government  of  Mas 
sachusetts.  He  therefore  exerted  himself  to  injure  Gover- 
nour  Phips,  expecting  to  succeed  him ;  but  the  people  pre 
vented  him  by  procuring  the  appointment  of  the  Earl  of 
Bellomont,  whose  premature  death  gave  him  his  beloved  of 
fice,  in  which  he  continued  from  1702  to  1716.  Gov.  Shute 
succeeded  him,  and  he  died  in  1720,  aged  73. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  251 

seal  at  arms,  at  Boston,  the  18th  day  of  March,  in 
the  third  year  of  her  Majesty's  reign.  Anno  Dom. 
1703-4. 

J.  DUDLEY. 
By  his  Excellency's  command. 

ISAAC  ADDINGTON,  Seer." 

Colonel  Church  no  sooner  received  his  commis 
sion,  but  proceeded  to  the  raising  of  men,  volun 
teers,  by  going  into  every  town  within  the  three 
counties,*  which  were  formerly  Plymouth  govern 
ment  ;  advising  with  the  chief  officer  of  each  com 
pany,  to  call  his  company  {pgether,  that  so  he  might 
have  the  better  opportunity  to  discourse  and  encour 
age  them  to  serve  their  Queen  and  country.  Treat 
ing  them  with  drink  convenient,  told  them,  [that]  he 
did  not  doubt  but  with  God's  blessing  to  bring  them 
all  home  again.  All  which  with  many  other  argu 
ments,  animated  their  hearts  to  do  service.  So,  that 
Colonel  Church  enlisted,  out  of  some  companies,  near 
twenty  men,  and  others  fifteen. 

He  having  raised  a  sufficient  number  of  English 
soldiers,  proceeded  to  the  enlisting  of  Indians,  in  all 
those  parts  where  they  dwelt,  which  was  a  great  fa 
tigue  and  expense ;  being  a  people  that  need  much 
treating,  especially  with  drink,  &c.  Having  enlist 
ed  the  most  of  his  soldiers  in  those  parts,  who  daily 
lay  upon  him,  [and]  was  not  less  than  five  pounds 
per  day  expenses,  some  days  in  victuals  and  drink ; 
who  doubtless  thought,  (especially  the  English)  that 
the  country  would  have  reimbursed  it  again,  other 
wise  they  would  hardly  [have]  accepted  it  of  him. 

Colonel  Church's  soldiers,  both  English  and  In 
dians,  in  those  parts,  being  raised,  marched  them  all 

*  Plymouth,  Barnstable,  and  Bristol.  This  division  was 
made  in  1685,  which  before  were  all  in  one.  Supplement  to 
Morton,  207. 


252  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

down  to  Nantasket,*  according  to  his  excellency's 
directions.  Where  being  come,  the  following  gen 
tlemen  were  commissionated  to  be  commanders  of 
each  particular  company,  viz.,  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Gorham,  Captains,  John  Brown,  Constant  Church, 
James  Cole,  John  Dyer,  John  Cook,  Caleb  William 
son,  and  Edward  Church,  of  the  forces  raised  by  Co 
lonel  Church  ;  each  company  being  filled  up  with 
English  and  Indians  as  they  agreed  among  them 
selves,  and  by  the  Colonel's  directions.  Captain 
Lamb,  and  Captain  Mirick's  company,  which  were 
raised  by  his  excellency's  direction,  were  ordered  to 
join  those  aforesaid,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Church. 

Matters  being  brought  thus  far  on,  Colonel  Church 
waited  upon  his  excellency  at  Boston  to  know  his 
pleasure,  what  farther  measures  were  to  be  taken ; 
and  did  humbly  move  that  they  might  have  liberty  in 
their  instructions  to  make  an  attack  upon  Portroyal. 
Being  very  well  satisfied  in  his  opinion,  that  with 
the  blessing  of  God,  with  what  forces  they  had,  or 
should  have  ;  and  whaleboats  so  well  fitted  with  odjs 
and  paddles,  as  they  had  with  them,  might  be  suffi 
cient  to  have  taken  it.  His  excellency  (looking  up 
on  Colonel  Church)  replied,  [that]  "he  could  not 
admit  of  that,  by  reason,  [that]  he  had,  by  the  advice 
of  her  Majesty's  council,  writ  to  her  Majesty  about 
the  taking  of  Portroyal  fort,  and  how  it  should  be 
disposed  of  when  taken,"  &c.  However  Colonel 
Church  proceeded  to  get  every  thing  ready  for  the 
forces  down  at  Nantasket,  which  was  the  place  of 
parade. 

He  happening  one  day  to  be  at  Captain  Belch- 

*  The  entrance  into  Boston  harbour,  south  of  the  light 
house.  The  winter  of  1696  was  so  severe,  that  sleds  and 
sleighs  frequently  passed  from  Boston  to  Nantasket  upon  the 
ice.  The  island  of  this  name  was  the  place  of  rendezvous; 
and  is  nine  miles  from  Boston.  It  contains  the  present  town 
of  Hull,  and  is  connected  to  Hingham  by  a  dam. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  253 

er's,*  where  his  excellency  happened  to  come.  [He]1 
was  pleased  to  order  Colonel  Church  to  put  on  his 
sword,  and  walk  with  him  up  the  common,  which 
he  readily  complied  with.  Where  being  come,  he 
saw  two  mortar  pieces  with  shells,  and  an  engineer 
trying  with  them,  to  throw  a  shell  from  them  to  any 
spot  of  ground  where  he  said  it  should  fall ;  which 
when  Colonel  Church  had  seen  done,  gave  him  great 
encouragement,  and  hopes  [that]  that  would  promote 
their  going  to  Portroyal,  which  he  had  solicited  for. 
And  returning  from  thence,  after  they  had  seen  them 
tried  by  the  said  engineer,  and  performing  what  was 
proposed,  [and]  coming  near  to  Captain  William 
Clark's  house,  over  against  the  horse  shoe,  his  ex 
cellency  was  invited  by  Captain  Clark  to  walk  over 
and  take  a  glass  of  wine,  which  he  was  pleased  to 
accept  of,  and  took  Colonel  Church  with  him.  And 
in  the  time  they  were  taking  a  glass  of  wine,  Colonel 
Church  once  more  presumed  to  say  to  his  excellen 
cy  ;  "  Sir,  I  hope  that  now  we  shall  go  to  Portroyal 
in  order  to  take  it ;  those  mortars  being  very  suita 
ble  for  such  an  enterprise."  His  excellency  was 
pleased  to  reply;  "  Colonel  Church,  you  must  say  no 
more  of  that  matter,  for  the  letter  I  told  you  of,  I 
writ  by  the  advice  of  her  Majesty's  council,  now 
lies  at  home  on  the  board  before  the  Lords  commis 
sioners  of  her  Majesty's  foreign  plantations,"  &c. 

After  some  days,  every  thing  being  ready  to  em* 
bark,  Colonel  Church  received  his  instructions,  which 
are  as  follows  : 

"  By  his  excellency  JOSEPH  DUDLEY,  Esq.,  Captain 
General  and  Governour  in  Chief,  in  and  over  her 
Majesty's  pr wince  of  the  Massachusetts  bay,  $•<?., 
m  Newengland,  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same. 
i  [who] 

*  Captain  Andrew  Belcher  of  Cambridge,  and  father  of 
Governour  Belcher,  I  suspect  is  meant.  See  page  62,  note  3. 


254  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS 

Instructions  for  COLONEL  BENJAMIN  CHURCH  in  the 
present  Expedition. 

In  pursuance  of  the  commission  given  you  to 
take  the  chief  command  of  the  land  and  sea  forces 
by  me  raised,  equipped  and  sent  forth  on  her  Ma 
jesty's  service,  against  her  open  declared  enemies, 
the  French  and  Indian  rebels.  You  are  to  observe 
the  following  instructions. 

First.  You  are  to  take  care,  that  the  duties  of 
religion  be  attended  on  board  the  several  vessels,  and 
in  the  several  companies  under  your  command,  by 
daily  prayers  unto  God,  and  reading  his  holy  word. 
And  that  the  Lord's  day  be  observed  and  duly  sanc 
tified  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  as  far  as  the  cir 
cumstances  and  necessity  of  the  service  can  admit, 
that  so  you  may  have  the  presence  of  God  with,  and 
obtain  his  blessing  on,  your  undertaking. 

You  are  to  take  care,  that  your  soldiers  have  their 
due  allowance  of  provisions  and  other  necessaries ; 
that  their  arms  be  well  fixed,  and  kept  fit  for  service, 
and  that  they  be  furnished  with  a  suitable  quantity 
of  powder  and  ball,  and  be  always  in  readiness  to 
pass  upon  duty. 

That  good  order  and  discipline  be  maintained ;  and 
all  disorders,  drunkenness,  profane  swearing,  curs 
ing,  omission  or  neglect  of  duty,  disobedience  to  of 
ficers,  mutiny,  desertion,  and  sedition  be  duly  pun 
ished,  according  to  the  rules  and  articles  of  war ; 
the  which  you  are  once  a  month  or  oftener,  to  cause 
to  be  published,  and  made  known  to  your  officers 
and  soldiers  for  their  observance  and  direction  in 
their  duty.  Let  notorious  and  capital  offenders  be 
sent  away  to  the  next  garrison,  there  to  be  imprison 
ed  until  they  can  be  proceeded  with. 

Let  the  sick  and  wounded  be  carefully  looked  af 
ter,  and  accommodated  after  the  best  manner  your 
circumstances  will  admit  of,  and  be  sent  either  to 
Casco  fort,  or  to  Mr.  Peperel's  at  Kittery,  which  may 
be  easiest,  so  soon  as  you  can. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.          855 

You  are  forthwith  to  send  away  the  forces  and 
stores  by  the  transports,  with  the  whaleboats  to  Pis- 
cataqua,  on  Kittery  side  there  to  attend  your  com 
ing  whither  you  are  to  follow  them  with  all  expedi 
tion. 

You  are  to  embark  in  the  province  galley,  Captain 
Southack  commander,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gor- 
ham  go  on  board  Captain  Gallop ;  who  are  both  di 
rected  to  attend  your  motion  on  the  French  side, 
after  which  they  are  to  return.  Let  the  commanders 
of  all  the  store  sloops  and  transports  know  that  they 
sail,  anchor  and  serve  at  your  direction. 

When  you  sail  from  Piscataqua,  keep  at  such  dis 
tance  off  the  shore,  that  you  be  not  discovered  by 
the  enemy  to  alarm  them.  Stop  at  Montinicus,* 
and  there  embark  the  forces  in  the  whaleboats  for 
the  main,  to  range  that  part  of  the  country,  in  search 
of  the  enemy,  to  Mountdesart,  sending  the  vessels  to 
meet  you  there ;  and  after  having  refreshed  and  re 
cruited  your  soldiers,  proceed  to  Machias,  and  from 
thence  to  Passamequado ;  and  having  effected  what 
spoils  you  possibly  may,  upon  the  enemy  in  those 
parts,  embark  on  your  vessels  for  Menis  and  Signec- 
to,  to  Portroyal  gut ;  and  use  all  possible  methods  for 
the  burning  and  destroying  of  the  enemies  houses,  and 
breaking  the  dams  of  their  corn  grounds  in  the  said 
several  places,  and  make  what  other  spoils  you  can 
upon  them,  and  bring  away  the  prisoners.  In  your 
return  call  at  Penobscot  and  do  what  you  can  there, 
and  so  proceed  westward. 

This  will  probably  employ  you  a  month,  or  six 
weeks  ;  when  you  will  draw  together  again,  and  by 
the  latter  end  of  June,  consider  whether  you  can 
march  to  Norrigwack,  or  other  parts  of  their  plant 
ing,  to  destroy  their  corn  and  settlements  and  keep 

*  An  island  considerable  distance  from  the  coast  of  Maine, 
and  the  same,  I  suppose,  called  Martinicus  or  Mertinicus  on 
the  late  maps.  It  is  15  or  20  miles  from  Vinalhaven  island  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot. 


256  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

the  expedition  on  foot  until  the  middle   of  August 
next. 

Notwithstanding  the  particularity  of  the  aforego 
ing  instruction,  I  lay  you  under  no  restraint,  because 
I  am  well  assured  of  your  courage,  care,  caution  and 
industry  ;  but  refer  you  to  your  own  resolves,  by  the 
advice  of  your  commission  officers,  not  under  the  de 
gree  of  Captains,  and  the  sea  commission  Captains 
(whom  you  will,  as  often  as  you  can,  advise  with)  ac 
cording  to  the  intelligence  you  may  receive,  or  as 
you  may  find  needful  upon  the  spot. 

You  are  by  every  opportunity,  and  once  a  week 
certainly,  by  some  means  either  by  way  of  Casco, 
Piscataqua,  or  otherwise  to  acquaint  me  of  your  pro 
ceedings  and  all  occurrences,  and  what  may  be  fur 
ther  necessary  for  the  service.  And  to  observe  such 
further  and  other  instructions  as  you  shall  receive 
from  myself. 

As  often  as  you  may,  advise  with  Captain  Smith 
and  Captain  Rogers,  commanders  of  her  Majesty's 
ships. 

Let  your  minister,  commissary,  and  surgeons  be 
treated  with  just  respects.  I  pray  to  God  to  preserve, 
prosper  and  succeed  you. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Boston,  the  fourth  day  of 
May,  1704. 

J.  DUDLEY." 

Pursuant  to  his  instructions  he  sent  away  his  trans 
ports  and  forces*  to  Piscataqua,  but  was  obliged 
himself  to  wait  upon  his  excellency  by  land  to  Pis 
cataqua  in  order  to  raise  more  forces  in  the  way 
thither  ;  and  did  raise  a  company  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Harridon.f  Taking  care  to  provide  a 

*  This  collected  armament  consisted  of  550  soldiers,  in  14 
small  transports,  and  was  provided  with  36  whale  boats,  and 
convoyed  by  three  men  of  war  ;  one  of  48,  one  of  32,  and  one 
of  14  guns.  Hutchinson,  II,  132.  Douglass,  I,  557. 

t  This  name  is  spelt  Harreden  in  Penhallow's  history ; 
but  his  own  signature  to  the  resolve  before  Portroyal  is  Har- 
radon.  No  other  mention  is  made  of  him  in  the  Indian  wars 
that  I  have  seen. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  257 

pilot  for  them  in  the  bay  of  Fundy.  (Colonel  Church 
being  directed  to  one  Fellows  whom  he  met  with  at 
Ipswich.)  And  going  from  thence  to  Piscataqua 
with  his  excellency,  was  there  met  by  that  worthy 
gentleman,  Major  Winthrop  Hilton,*  who  was  very 
helpful  to  him  in  the  whole  expedition,  whose  name 
and  memory  ought  not  to  be  forgot. 

Being  ready  to  embark  from  Piscataqua,  Colonel 
Church  requested  the  commanders  of  her  Majesty's 
ships,  Captain  Smith,f  and  Captain  RogersJ  to  tarry 
at  Piscataqua  a  fortnight,  that  so  they  might  not  be 
discovered  by  the  enemy  before  he  had  done  some 
spoil  upon  them.  Then  moving^  in  their  transports, 
as  directed,  got  safe  into  Montinicus,||  undiscovered 
by  the  enemy.  Next  morning  early,  fitted  out  two 
whaleboats  with  men,  Captain  John  Cook  in  one, 
and  Captain  Constant  Church  in  the  other,  and  sent 
them  to  Green  islandlT  upon  a  discovery.  And  com 
ing  there,  they  parted,  one  went  to  one  part,  and  the 
other  to  the  other  part,  that  so  they  might  not  miss 

*  Abundant  materials  are  preserved  for  a  biography  of  this 
gentleman.  He  was  a  direct  descendant  of  one  of  the  first 
settlers  of  Newhampshire  in  1623.  He  was  a  successful  offi 
cer,  but  like  many  others  was  doomed  to  fall  by  savage  hands. 
In  addition  to  what  is  found  in  this  history,  and  Penhallow's 
Indian  Wars,  a  memoir  may  be  seen  in  I  of  Farmer  and 
Moore's  Col.  241,  251.  He  was  engaged  in  the  masting  busi 
ness  in  Exeter,  where  he  lived,  and  having  some  fine  trees 
fallen  in  the  woods,  went  with  17  men  to  peel  the  bark  oft*, 
to  save  them  from  the  worms  ;  but  a  party  of  Indians,  on 
23  June,  1710,  fired  upon  them  from  an  ambush,  and  killed 
the  Colonel  and  two  more.  Colonel  Daniel  Flumer  of  Ep- 
ping,  informs  me  that  the  place  where  they  were  killed  is 
in  the  present  town  of  Eppmg,  N.  H.  Perhaps  not  far  from 
what  is  now  called  the  mast  way. 

f  Commander  of  the  Jersey  frigate. 

I  Commander  of  the  frigate  Gosport. 

§  May  15.  ||  See  note  on  page  255. 

IF  A  small  woody  island  about  5  miles  south  easterly  from 
Montinicus, 

22* 


258  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

of  whkt  could  be  discovered.  [Here]1  they  met  with 
old  Lafaure,*  with  his  two  sons,  Thomas  and  Timo 
thy,  and  a  Canada  Indian. 

The  enemy  seeing  that  they  were  discovered,  threw 
down  their  ducks  and  eggs,  who  had  got  a  consider 
able  quantity  of  each,  and  ran  to  their  canoes,  getting 
into  them,  stood  directly  for  the  main.  [On]  look 
ing  behind  them  perceived  the  whaleboats  to  gain  so 
fast  upon  them,  clapt  side  by  side,  and  all  four  got 
into  one  canoe,  which  proved  of  little  advantage  to 
them.  For  the  whaleboats  gained  so  much  upon 
them,  and  got  so  near,  that  Captain  Cook,  firing  at 
the  steersman,  which  was  the  Indian,  and  happened 
to  graze  his  skull,  and  quite  spoiled  his  paddling. 
Upon  which  old  Lafaure,  and  sons,  seeing  their  com 
panion's  condition,  soon  begged  for  quarter,  and  had 
it  grouted.  The  two  Captains  with  their  success 
presently  returned  to  their  commander  taking  care 
that  their  captives  should  not  discourse  together  be 
fore  they  were  examined.  When  brought  to  Colonel 
Church,  he  ordered  them  to  be  apart,  and  first  pro 
ceeded  to  examine  old  Lafaure,  whom  he  found  to 
be  very  surly  and  cross ;  so  that  he  could  gain  no 
intelligence  by  him. 

Upon  which  the  commander  was  resolved  to  put 
in  practice  what  he  had  formerly  done  at  Senecto.f 
Ordering  the  Indians  to  make  two  large  heaps  of  dry 
wood,  at  some  distance  one  from  the  other,  and  to  set 
a  large  stake  in  the  ground,  close  to  each  heap. 
Then  [he]  ordered  the  two  sons  Thomas  and  Timo 
thy,  to  be  brought,  and  to  be  bound  to  the  stakes ; 
also  ordering  his  Indians  to  paint  themselves  with  co 
lours,  which  they  had  brought  for  that  use.  Then 
the  Colonel  proceeded  to  examine,  first  Timothy; 
l  [where] 

*  Penhallow,  33,  in  N.  H.  Hist.  Col.  I,  calls  him  Monsieur 
Lafebure. 

t  The  place,  which  on  page  228,  is  spelt  Senactaca.  See 
i*ot«  2  of  that  page. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  259 

[he]1  told  him,  [that]  he  had  examined  his  father 
already,  and  that  if  he  told  him  the  truth  he  would 
save  his  life,  and  take  him  into  his  service ;  and  that 
he  should  have  good  pay  and  live  well.  He  answer 
ed,  that  he  would  tell  him  the  truth.  And  [accord 
ingly]  gave  him  an  account  of  every  thing  [that]  he 
knew,  which  was  all  minuted  down.  He  being  ask 
ed  whether  his  brother  Thomas  did  not  know  more 
than  he  *?  His  answer  was,  yes,  for  his  brother  Tho 
mas  had  a  commission  sent  him  from  the  Governour* 
of  Canada,  to  command  a  company  of  Indians,  who 
were  gathered  together  at  a  place  where  some  French 
gentlemen,  lately  arrived  from  Canada,  who  were 
officers,  to  command  the  rest  that  were  to  go  west 
ward  to  fight  the  English  ;f  and  that  there  was  sent 
to  his  father,  and  brother  Tom,  a  considerable  quan 
tity  of  flour,  fruit,  ammunition  and  stores,  for  the 
supply  of  the  said  army.  He  being  asked  whether 
he  could  pilot  our  forces  to  them  *?  said  no ;  but 
his  brother  Tom  could,  for  he  had  hid  it,  and  that  he 
was  not  then  with  him  °l  The  Colonel  asked  him  what 
gentlemen  those  were  that  came  from  Canada  *?  He 
i  [and] 

*  Vaudreuil. 

f  This  is  supposed  by  the  historian  of  Newhampshire,  to 
be  the  army  of  which  Penhallow  gives  an  account ;  who 
mutinied  in  their  march  "  about  the  plunder  that  they  had 
in  view  ;  forgetting  the  proverb  about  dividing  the  skm  be 
fore  the  bear  was  killed."  In  consequence  of  their  mutiny 
most  of  them  returned  ;  but  a  subdivision  of  them  fell  upon 
Lancaster  and  Groton,  killed  two  or  three  persons,  and  got 
some  plunder.  But  this  army  does  not  correspond  with  the 
statement  given  by  Dr.  Belknap.  See  page  161,  note  2. 
After  Mr.  Penhallow  has  got  quite  through  with  the  expedi 
tion  of  Church,  and  the  affair  under  "  Mr.  Caleb  Lyman"  at 
the  westward,  he  says,  "  The  French  in  Canada  were  now 
forming  another  design  on  Northampton."  Now  it  appears 
to  me,  that  the  Doctor  is  out  in  his  conjecture,  and  that  the 
army  mentioned  by  Penhallow  was  not  the  one  mentioned  by 
our  author.  And  had  he  looked  into  Dr.  Douglass,  Summa 
ry,  I,  557,  he  would  have  found  more  particulars  about  it. 


260  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

answered,  "  Monsieur  Gourdan,*  and  Mr.  Sharkee." 
Being  asked  where  they  were  9  answered,  "  At  Pas- 
samaquado,  building  a  fort  there."  Being  also  asked 
what  number  of  Indians  and  French  there  were  at 
Penobscot?  he  answered,  [that]  there  were  several 
families,  but  they  lived  scattering.  Asked  him  far 
ther,  if  he  would  pilot  our  forces  thither  9  [He]  an 
swered  [that]  he  would  if  the  commander  would  not 
let  the  savages  roast  him.  Upon  which  the  Colonel 
ordered  him  to  be  loosed  from  the  stake,  and  took 
him  by  the  hand,  told  him,  he  would  be  as  kind  to 
him  as  his  own  father ;  at  which  he  seemed  to  be 
very  thankful. 

And  then  the  Colonel  proceeded  to  examine  his 
brother  Tom.  [He]1  told  him  that  he  had  examined 
his  father  and  brother ;  and  that  his  brother  had  told 
him  every  tittle  [that]  he  knew ;  and  that  he  knew 
more  than  his  brother  Timothy  did ;  and  that  if 
he  would  be  ingenuous  and  confess  all  he  knew,  he 
should  fare  as  well  as  his  brother.  But  if  not,  the 
savages  should  roast  him.  Whereupon  he  solemnly 
promised  that  he  would,  and  that  he  would  pilot  him 
to  every  thing  he  knew,  to  the  value  of  a  knife  and 
sheath  (which  without  doubt  he  did.) 

Then  the  Colonel  immediately  gave  orders  for  the 
whaleboats  to  be  ready,  and  went  directly  over  where 
the  said  goods  and  stores  were,  and  found  them  as 
informed,  took  them  on  board  the  boats,  and  return 
ed  to  their  transports.  And  ordering  provisions  to 
be  put  into  every  man's  knapsack  for  six  or  eight  days  ; 
so  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening  left  their  transports, 
with  orders  how  they  should  act,  and  went  directly 
for  the  main  land  of  Penobscot,  and  mouth  of  that 
i [and] 

*  Guorden  appears  to  be  the  true  orthography  of  this  name. 
He  was  afterward  taken  as  will  presently  be  seen.  Sharkee 
made  a  very  narrow  escape  with  his  wife  into  the  woods. 
Penhallow,  17,  says  he  was  taken,  but  he  must  be  mistaken. 
This  errour  is  not  noted  in  the  N.  H,  Hist,  Soc.  Col.  See 
page  24. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS,  361 

river,  with  their  pilots,  Tom  and  Timothy,  who  car 
ried  them  directly  to  every  place  and  habitation, 
both  of  French  and  Indians  thereabouts,  (with  the  as 
sistance  of  one  DeYoung*  whom  they  carried  out  of 
Boston  jail  for  the  same  purpose,  [and  he]1  was  ser 
viceable  to  them.) 

Being  there  we  killed  and  took  every  one,  both 
French  and  Indians ;  not  knowing  that  any  one  did 
escape  in  all  Penobscot.  Among  those  that  were 
taken  was  St.  Casteen's  daughter,  who  said  that  her 
husband  was  gone  to  France,  to  her  father,  Monsieur 
Casteen.f  She  having  her  children  with  her,  the 
commander  was  very  kind  to  her  and  them.  All  the 
prisoners  that  were  then  taken,  held  to  one  story  in 
general,  which  they  had  from  Lafaure's  sons,  [viz.,] 
that  there  were  no  more  Indians  thereabouts,  but 
enough  of  them  at  Passamequado.  Upon  which  they 
returned  to  their  transports  with  their  prisoners  and 
plunder. 

The  commander  giving  order  immediately  for  the 
soldiers  in  the  whaleboats  to  have  a  recruit  of  pro 
visions  for  a  further  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Giving 
orders  to  the  transports  to  stay  a  few  days  more  there, 
and  then  go  to  Mountdesart,  (and  there  to  stay  for 
her  Majesty's  ships,  who  were  directed  to  come 
thither,)  and  there  to  wait  his  further  order. 

Then  Colonel  Church  with  his  forces  immediately 
embarked  on  board  their  whaleboats,  and  proceeded 
to  scour  the  coast,  and  to  try,  if  they  could  discover 
any  of  the  enemy  coming  from  Passamequado  ;  mak 
ing  their  stops  in  the  day  time  at  all  the  points  and 
places  where  they  were  certain  [that]  the  enemy 
would  land,  or  come  by  with  their  canoes,  and  at 
night  to  their  paddles.  Then  coming  near  where  tho 
i  [who] 

*  In  Penhallow,  17,  his  name  is  written  D'Young  and  not 
D.  Young  as  reprinted  in  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  I,  33. 
t  Baron  De  St.  Castine.     See  note  1,  on  page  1€4. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

vessels  were  ordered  to  come,  having  made  no  dis 
covery  of  the  enemy,  went  directly  to  Mountdesart, 
where  the  transports  were  just  come.  And  taking 
some  provisions  for  his  soldiers,  gave  directions  for 
the  ships  and  transports  in  six  days  to  come  directly 
to  Passamequado,  where  they  should  find  him  and 
his  forces. 

Then  immediately  moved  away  in  the  whaleboats, 
and  made  diligent  search  along  shore,  as  formerly, 
inspecting  all  places  where  the  enemy  was  likely 
to  lurk :  Particularly  at  Machias,  but  found  neither 
fires  nor  tracks.  Coming  afterwards  to  the  west  har 
bour  at  Passamequado,  where  they  entered  upon  ac 
tion.  An  account  whereof  Colonel  Church  did  com 
municate  to  his  excellency,  being  as  followeth. 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

I  received  yours  of  this  instant,  October  ninth, 
with  the  two  inclosed  informations,  that  concern  my 
actions  at  Passamequado,  which  I  will  give  a  just 
and  true  account  of,  as  near  as  possibly  I  can,  viz 
On  the  seventh  of  June  last,  1704,  in  the  evening, 
we  entered  in  at  the  westward  harbour  at  said  Pas 
samequado.  Coming  up  said  harbour  to  an  island, 
where  landing,  we  came  to  a  French  house,  and  took 
a  French  woman  and  children.  The  woman  upon  her 
examination,  said  her  husband  was  abroad  a  fishing. 
I  asked  her,  whether  there  were  any  Indians  there 
abouts  9  she  said  '  Yes,  there  were  a  great  many,  and 
several  on  that  island.'  I  asked  her,  whether  she 
could  pilot  me  to  them?  said  'No,  they  hid  in  the 
woods.'  I  asked  her,  when  she  saw  them  9  answer 
ed,  *  Just  now,  or  a  little  while  since.'  I  asked  her 
whether  she  knew  where  they  had  laid  the  canoes  9 
she  answered  '  No,  they  carried  their  canoes  into  the 
woods  with  them.'  We  then  hastened  away  along 
shore,  seizing  what  prisoners  we  could,  taking  old 
Lotriel  and  his  family. 

This  intelligence  caused  me  to  leave  Colonel  Gor- 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  263 

ham,  and  a  considerable  part  of  my  men,  and  boats 
with  him  at  that  island;  partly  to  guard  and  secure 
those  prisoners.  Being  sensible  it  would  be  a  great 
trouble  to  have  them  to  secure  and  guard  at  our  next 
landing,  where  I  did  really  expect,  and  hoped  to  have 
an  opportunity,  to  fight  our  Indian  enemies.  For  all 
our  French  prisoners  that  we  had  taken  at  Penobscot, 
and  along  shore,  had  informed  us,  that  when  we 
came  to  the  place  where  these  Canada  gentlemen 
lived,  we  should  certainly  meet  with  the  savages  to 
fight  us ;  those  being  the  only  men  that  set  the  In 
dians  against  us,  or  upon  us,  and  were  newly  come 
from  Canada,  to  manage  the  war  against  us.  (Plead 
ing  in  this  account  and  information  their  own  inno- 
cency.)  And  partly  in  hopes  that  he,  the  said  Co 
lonel  Gorham,  would  have  a  good  opportunity  in  the 
morning  to  destroy  some  of  those  our  enemies,  (we 
were  informed  [of,]  by  the  said  French  women  as 
above)  with  the  use  of  his  boats  as  I  had  given  di 
rection. 

Ordering  also  Major  Hilton  to  pass  over  to  the 
next  island,  that  lay^east  of  us  with  a  small  party  of 
men  and  boats,  to  surprise  and  destroy  any  of  the 
enemy,  that  in  their  canoes  might  go  here  and  there, 
from  any  place,  to  make  their  flight  from  us ;  and, 
as  he  had  opportunity,  to  take  any  French  prisoners. 

We  then  immediately  moved  up  the  river,  in  the 
dark  night,  through  great  difficulty,  by  reason  of  the 
eddies  and  whirlpools,  made  with  the  fierceness  of 
the  current.  And  here  it  may  be  hinted,  that  we 
had  information,  that  Lotriel  had  lost  part  of  his 
family  passing  over  to  the  next  island,  falling  into 
one  of  those  eddies  were  drowned,  which  the  two  pi 
lots  told  to  discourage  me.  But  I  said  nothing  of 
that  nature  shall  do  it.  For  I  was  resolved  to  ven 
ture  up,  and  therefore,  forthwith  paddling  our  boats 
as  privately  as  we  could,  and  with  as  much  expedi 
tion  as  we  could  make  with  our  paddles,  and  the 
of  a  strong  tide,  we  came  up  to  Monsieur  Gour- 


264  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

dan's  a  little  before  day.  Where  taking  notice  of 
the  shore,  and  finding  iXsomewhat  open  and  clear,  I 
ordered  Captain  Mirick  and  Captain  Cole,  having 
English  companies,  to  tarry  with  several  of  the  boats 
to  be  ready,  that  if  any  of  the  enemy  should  come 
down  out  of  the  brush  into  the  bay  (it  being  very 
broad  in  that  place)  with  their  canoes,  they  might 
take  and  destroy  them. 

Ordering  the  remainder  of  the  army,  (being  land 
ed,)  with  myself  and  the  other  officers,  to  inarch  up 
into  the  woods  with  a  wide  front,  and  to  keep  at  a 
considerable  distance  ;  for  that  if  they  should  run  in 
heaps,  the  enemy  would  have  the  greater  advantage. 
Arid  further  directing  them,  that  if  possible,  they 
should  destroy  the  enemy  with  their  hatchets,  and 
not  fire  a  gun.  This  order  I  always  gave  at  land 
ing  ;  telling  them  the  inconveniency  of  firing,  in 
that  it  might  be,  first,  dangerous  to  themselves,  they 
Deirig  many  of  them  young  soldiers.  (As  I  had 
sometime  observed,  that  one  or  two  guns  being  fired 
many  others  would  fire,  at.  they  knew  not  what,  as 
happened  presently  after.)  And  it  would  alarm  the 
enemy,  and  give  them  the  opportunity  to  make  their 
escape;  and  it  might  alarm  the  whole  country,  and 
also  prevent  all  further  action  from  taking  effect. 

Orders  being  thus  passed,  we  moved  directly  to 
wards  the  woods.  Le  Paver's*  son  directing  us  to  a 
little  hut  or  wigwam,  which  we  immediately  surround 
ed  with  a  few  men.  The  rest  marching  directly  up 
into  the  woods,  to  see  what  wigwams  or  huts  they 
could  discover.  Myself  made  a  little  stop,  ordering 
the  pilot  to  tell  them  in  the  hut,  that  they  were  sur 
rounded  with  an  army,  and  that  if  they  would  come 
forth  and  surrender  themselves,  they  should  have 
good  quarter  ;  but  if  not,  they  should  be  all  knocked 
on  the  head  and  die. 

One  of  them  showed  himself,  [and]  I  asked  who 

*  The  same,  who  in  the  late  preceding  pages  is  called  L*- 
foure.  Sec  note  1,  on  page  258. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  265 

he  was  *?  He  said  '  Gourdan  ;'  and  begged  for  quar 
ter.  I  told  him  he  should  have  good  quarter ;  add 
ing  further,  that  if  there  were  any  more  in  the  house, 
they  should  come  out.  Then  came  out  two  men. 
Gourdan  said,  they  were  his  sons,  and  asked  quarter 
for  them,  which  was  also  granted.  Then  came  out 
a  woman,  and  a  little  boy.  She  fell  upon  her  knees, 
begged  quarter  for  herself  and  children,  and  that  I 
would  not  suffer  the  Indians  to  kill  them.  I  told 
them  they  should  have  good  quarter,  and^  not  be 
hurt.  After  which  I  ordered  a  small  ^uard  over 
them,  and  so  moved  presently  up  with  the  rest  of  my 
company  after  them  that  were  gone  before.  But 
looking  on  my  right  hand,  over  a  little  run,  I  saw 
something  look  black  just  by  me ;  [I]  stopped  and 
heard  at  alking  ;  [then]  stepped  over,  and  saw  a  little 
hut  or  wigwam,  with  a  crowd  of  people  round  about 
it,  which  was  contrary  to  my  former  directions.  [P 
asked  them  what  they  were  doing1?  They  repli 
ed,  [that]  there  were  some  of  the  enemy  in  a  house 
and  would  not  come  out.  I  asked  what  house  *? 
they  said,  '  A  bark  house.'  I  hastily  bid  them  pull 
it  down,  and  knock  them  on  the  head,  never  asking 
whether  they  were  French  or  Indians ;  they  being 
all  enemies  alike  to  me.* 

*  The  Colonel  was  much  blamed  for  this  hasty  step  ;  and 
Hutchinson  says,  II,  133,  that  he  "excused  himself  but  indif 
ferently."  Of  which,  however,  the  reader  may  judge  as 
well  as  he.  It  does  not  appear  from  a  long  career  of  useful 
services,  that  Church  was  ever  rash  or  cruel.  From  the  ex 
traordinary  situation  of  his  men,  rendered  doubly  critical 
from  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  the  almost  certain  intel 
ligence,  that  a  great  army  of  the  enemy  were  at  hand,  is 
thought  to  be  sufficient  excuse  for  the  measure  ;  the  remark 
of  Hutchinson  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  The  same 
author,  II,  128,  excuses  the  French  and  Indians  for  their 
cruelty  in  putting  to  death  prisoners  at  the  destruction  of 
Deerfield  ;  because  it  was  necessary  to  their  own  preserya- 
tion,  and  the  English  had  done  so  too  ;  and  gives  for  exam 
ple  the  action  of  Henry  V,  who,  after  the  celebrated  battle 
of  Agincourt,  put  to  death  a  multitude  of  his  French  prisor 
23 


266  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

And  passing  then  to  them,  and  seeing  them  in 
great  disorder,  so  many  of  the  army  in  a  crowd  to 
gether,  acting  so  contrary  to  my  command  and  di 
rection,  exposing  themselves  and  the  whole  army  to 
utter  ruin,  by  their  so  disorderly  crowding  thick  to 
gether.  Had  an  enemy  come  upon  them  in  that  in 
terim,  and  fired  a  volley  amongst  them,  they  could 
not  have  missed  a  shot.  And  wholly  neglecting 
their  duty  in  not  attending  my  orders,  in  searching 
diligently  for  our  lurking  enemies  in  their  wigwams, 
or  by  their  fires,  where  I  had  great  hopes,  and  real 
expectations  to  meet  with  them. 

I  most  certainly  know  that  I  was  in  an  exceeding 
great  passion ;  but  not  with  those  poor  miserable 
enemies ;  for  I  took  no  notice  of  a  half  a  dozen  of 
the  enemy,  when  at  the  same  time  I  expected  to  be 
engaged  with  some  hundreds  of  them ;  of  whom  we 
nad  a  continued  account,  who  were  expected  from 
Portroyal  side.  In  this  heat  of  action,  every  word 
that  I  then  spoke,  I  cannot  give  an  account  of;  and 
I  presume  it  is  impossible. 

I  stopped  but  little  here,  but  went  directly  up  in 
to  the  woods,  hoping  to  be  better  employed  with  the 
rest  of  the  army.  I  listened  to  hear,  and  looked 
earnestly  to  see  what  might  be  the  next  action. 
But  meeting  with  many  of  the  soldiers  they  told  me 
[that]  they  had  discovered  nothing ;  we  fetching  a 
small  compass  round,  came  down  again. 

It  being  pretty  dark,  I  took  notice,  [that]  I  saw 
two  men  lay  dead,  as  I  thought,  at  the  end  of  the 
house  where  the  door  was;  and  immediately  the 

ners,  that  greatly  exceeded  the  number  of  bis  own  army. 
This  was  in  a  barbarous  age  :  oeing  200  years  before  the 
settlement  of  Newengland.  H  ence  it  would  have  been  much 
easier  for  him  to  excuse  our  hero  than  the  enemy.  For  ac 
cording  to  the  usages  of  war,  he  would  have  been  justified  in 
putting  to  death  prisoners  at  such  a  critical  time.  But  these 
were  enemies  who  would  not  submit ;  or  what  amounted  to 
the  same  thing,  they  would  not  come  out  of  their  house 
when  ordered  by  the  forces* 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  2G7 

guns  went  off,  and  they  fired  every  man,  as  I  thoug!  f, 
and  most  towards  that  place  where  I  left  the  guard 
with  Monsieur  Gourdan.  I  had  much  ado  to  stop 
the  firing,  and  told  them,  I  thought  they  were  mad ; 
and  [that]  I  believed  they  had  not  killed  and  wound 
ed  less  than  forty  or  fifty  of  our  own  men.  And  I 
asked  them  what  they  shot  at  *?  they  answered,  *  At 
a  Frenchman  that  ran  away.'  But  to  admiration  no 
man  was  killed  but  he,  [the  Frenchman]  and  one  of 
our  men  wounded  in  the  leg.  And  I  turning  about, 
a  Frenchman  spoke  to  me,  and  I  gave  him  quarter. 

Daylight  coming  on,  and  no  discovery  made  of  the 
enemy,  I  went  to  the  place  where  I  had  left  Mon 
sieur  Gourdan,  to  examine  him  and  his  sons,  who 
agreed  in  their  examinations ;  told  me  two  of  their 
men  were  abroad.  It  proved  a  damage.  And 
further  told  me,  that  Monsieur  Sharkee  lived  several 
leagues  up,  at  the  head  of  the  river,  at  the  falls,  and 
all  the  Indians  were  fishing,  and  tending  their  corn 
there ;  and  that  Monsieur  Sharkee  had  sent  down 
to  him,  to  come  up  to  him,  to  advise  about  the  In 
dian  army*  that  was  to  go  westward.  But  he  had 
returned  him  answer,  [that]  his  business  was  urgent, 
and  he  could  not  come  up ;  and  that  Sharkee,  and 
the  Indians  would  certainly  be  down  that  day,  or  the 
next  at  the  furthest,  to  come  to  conclude  of  that 
matter. 

This  was  a  short  night's  action,  and  all  sensible 
men  do  well  know,  that  actions  done  in  the  dark, 
(being  in  the  night  aforesaid)  under  so  many  dif 
ficulties,  as  we  then  laboured  as  before  related, 
was  a  very  hard  task  for  one  man,  matters  being  cir 
cumstanced  as  in  this  action,  which  would  not  admit 
of  calling  a  council ;  and  at  that  time  could  not  be 
confined  thereunto.  At  which  time  I  was  transport 
ed  above  fear,  or  any  sort  of  dread ;  yet,  being  sensi 
ble  of  the  danger  in  my  army's  crowding  so  thick 
together,  and  of  the  great  duty  incumbent  on  me, 

•  See  note  2,  of  page  259. 


£68  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

to  preserve  them  from  all  danger  [that]  I  possibly 
could,  for  further  improvement  in  the  destruction  of 
our  implacable  enemies,  am  ready  to  conclude,  that 
I  was  very  quick  and  absolute  in  giving  such  com 
mands  and  orders,  as  I  then  apprehended  most  pro 
per  and  advantageous.  And  had  it  not  been  for  the 
intelligence  I  had  received  from  the  French,  we  took 
at  Penobscot,  as  before  hinted ;  and  the  false  report 
[that]  the  French  women  (first  took)  gave  me,  I  had 
not  been  in  such  haste. 

I  question  not,  but  those  Frenchmen  that  were  slain, 
had  the  same  good  quarter  of  other  prisoners.  But 
I  ever  looked  on  it,  a  good  providence  of  Almighty 
God,  that  some  few  of  our  cruel  and  bloody  enemies 
were  made  sensible  of  their  bloody  cruelties,  perpe 
trated  on  my  dear  and  loving  friends  and  countrymen ; 
and  that  the  same  measure  (in  part)  meeted  to  them, 
as  they  had  been  guilty  of,  in  a  barbarous  manner  at 
Deerfield ;  and,  I  hope,  justly.  I  hope  God  Almighty 
will  accept  hereof,  although  it  may  not  be  eligible  to 
our  French  implacable  enemies,  and  such  others  as 
are  not  our  friends. 

The  foregoing  journal,  and  this  short  annexment, 
I  thought  it  my  duty  to  exhibit,  for  the  satisfaction  of 
my  friends  and  countrymen,  whom  I  very  faithfully 
and  willingly  served  in  the  late  expedition.  And  I 
hope  will  find  acceptance  with  your  excellency,  the 
honourable  council  and  Representatives  now  assem 
bled,  as  being  done  from  the  zeal  I  had  in  th«  said 
service  of  her  Majesty,  and  her  good  subjects  here. 
I  remain  your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 
BENJAMIN  CHURCH." 

This  night's  service  being  over,  immediately  Col 
onel  Church  leaves  a  sufficient  guard  with  Gourdan 
and  the  other  prisoners,  moved  in  some  whaleboats 
with  the  rest;  and  as  they  were  going,  spied  a 
small  thing  upon  the  water  at  a  great  distance,  which 
proved  to  be  a  birch  canoe  with  two  Indians  in  her 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  2C9 

The  Colonel  presently  ordered  the  lightest  boat  he 
nad,  to  make  the  best  of  her  way,  and  cut  them  off 
from  the  shore.  But  the  Indians  perceiving  their  de 
sign,  ran  their  canoe  ashore  and  fled.  Colonel 
Church  fearing  [that]  they  would  run  directly  to 
Sharkee,  made  all  the  exuedition  imaginable.  But 
it  being  ebb,  and  the  water  low,  was  obliged  to  land, 
and  make  the  best  of  their  way  through  the  woods, 
hoping  to  intercept  the  Indians,  and  get  to  Sharkee's 
house  before  them,  which  was  two  miles  from  where 
our  forces  landed. 

The  Colonel  being  ancient  and  unwieldy,  desired 
Sergeant  Edee  to  run  with  him.  And  coming  to 
several  trees  fallen  which  he  could  not  creep  under, 
or  readily  get  over,  would  lay  his  breast  against  the 
tree,  the  said  Edee  turning  him  over,  generally  had 
catluck,  falling  on  his  feet,  by  which  means  [he] 
iept  HI  the  front.  And  coming  near  to  Sharkee's 
jfeouse,  discovered  some  French  and  Indians  making 
a  wear*  in  the  river,  and  presently  discovered  the  two 
Indians  aforementioned,  who  called  to  them  at  work 
in  the  river,  [and]  told  them,  [that]  "  there  was  an 
army  of  English  an  Indians  just  by."  [They]1  im 
mediately  left  their  work  and  ran,  endeavouring  to 
get  to  Sharkee's  house.  [He]2  hearing  the  noise, 
took  his  lady  and  child  and  ran  into  the  woods.  Our 
men  running  briskly,  fired  and  killed  one  of  the  In 
dians,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 

Then  going  to  Sharkee's  house  found  a  woman  and 
child,  to  whom  they  gave  good  quarter.  And  find 
ing  that  Madam  Sharkee  had  left  her  silk  clothes  and 
fine  linen  behind  her,  our  forces  were  desirous  to  have 
pursued  and  taken  her.  But  Colonel  Church  forbade 
them;  saying  he  would  have  her  run  and  surfer,  that 
she  might  be  made  sensible,  what  hardships  our  poor 
people  had  suffered  by  them,  &c.  [He]  then  pro- 
i  [who]  2  [who] 

*  Or,  wier,  a  rack  to  catch  fish  in. 
23* 


270  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

ceeded  to  examine  the  prisoners  newly  taken,  who 
gave  him  the  same  account  [that]  he  had  before,  of 
the  Indians  being  up  at  the  falls,  &c.  It  being  just 
night,  prevented  our  attacking  them  that  night. 

But  next  morning  early,  they  moved  up  to  the  falls, 
which  was  about  a  mile  higher.  But  doubtless  the 
enemy  had  some  intelligence  by  the  two  aforesaid  In 
dians,  before  our  forces  came,  so  that  they  all  got  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  left  some  of  their 
goods  by  the  water  side  to  decoy  our  men,  that  so 
they  might  fire  upon  them ;  which  indeed  they  effect 
ed.  But  through  the  good  providence  of  God,  never 
a  man  of  ours  was  killed,  and  but  one  slightly  wound 
ed.  After  a  short  dispute,  Colonel  Church  ordered 
that  every  man  might  take  what  they  pleased  of  the 
fish,  which  lay  bundled  up,  and  to  burn  the  rest, 
which  was  a  great  quantity.  The  enemy  seeing  what 
our  forces  were  about,  and  that  their  stock  of  fish 
was  destroyed,  and  the  season  being  over  for  getting 
any  more,  set  up  a  hideous  cry,  and  so  ran  all  away 
into  the  woods.  They  being  all  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river,  ours  could  not  follow  them. 

Having  done,  our  forces  marched  down  to  their  boats, 
at  Sharkee's,  and  took  their  prisoners,  beaver,  and 
other  plunder  which  they  had  got,  and  put  it  into 
their  boats,  and  went  down  to  Gourdan's  house,  where 
they  had  left  Lieutenant  Colonel  Gorham,  and  Major 
Hilton,  with  part  of  the  forces  to  guard  the  prisoners, 
(and  kept  a  good  look  out  for  more  of  the  enemy) 
who  upon  the  Colonel's  return,  gave  him  an  account 
that  they  had  made  no  discovery  of  the  enemy  since 
he  left  them,  &c. 

Just  then  her  Majesty's  ships  and  transports  arriv 
ing,  the  commanders  of  her  Majesty's  ships  told  Col 
onel  Church,  that  they  had  orders  to  go  directly  for 
Portroyal  gut,  and  wait  the  coming  of  some  store 
ships,*  which  were  expected  at  Portroyal  from  France. 

*  No  ships  arrived,  or  at  least,  we  have  no  account  of  any. 
Holmes,  II,  65,  mentions,  sub  anno  1705,  that  a  rich  ship 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

And  Colonel  Church  advising  with  them,  proposed 
that  it  was  very  expedient  and  serviceable  to  the 
crown,  that  Captain  Southack  in  the  Province  galley 
should  accompany  them,  which  they  did  readily  ac 
quiesce  with  him  in. 

Upon  which,  the  Colonel  immediately  embarked 
his  forces  on  board  the  transports,  and  himself  on 
board  Captain  Jarvis,  ordering  the  commissary  of  the 
stores,  the  minister,  surgeons  and  pilots  all  to  embark 
on  board  the  same  vessel  with  him.  Ordering  all 
the  whaleboats  to  be  put  on  board  the  transports,  and 
then  to  come  to  sail.  The  ships  standing  away  for 
Portroyal  gut,  and  Colonel  Church  with  the  trans 
ports  for  Menis.  In  their  way  the  Colonel  inquired 
of  their  pilot,  Fellows,  what  depth  of  water  there  was 
in  the  creek,  near  the  town  of  Menis  *?  he  answered 
him,  that  there  was  water  enough,  near  the  town,  to 
float  that  vessel,  they  were  in,  at  low  water. 
'  So,  when  coming  near,  Colonel  Church  observed  a 
.voody  island  between  them  and  the  town,  that  they 
ran  up  on  the  back  side  of,  (the  said  island)  with 
all  their  transports,  undiscovered  to  the  enemy,  and 
came  to  anchor.  Then  the  Colonel  and  all  his  for 
ces  embarked  in  the  whaleboats.  It  being  late  in  the 
day,  [they]  moved  directly  for  the  town ;  and  in  the 
way  asked  for  the  pilot,  who,  he  expected,  was  in  one 
of  the  boats;  but  he  had  given  him  the  slip,  and  tar 
ried  behind.  The  Colonel  not  knowing  the  difficul 
ties  that  might  attend  their  going  up  to  the  town,  im 
mediately  sent  Lieutenant  Giles,  who  could  speak 
French,  with  a  flag  of  truce  up  to  the  town,  (with  a 

named  the  Siene,  was  taken,  the  preceding  autumn,  by  the 
English ;  and  that  she  was  bound  to  Quebeck,  with  a  cargo 
amounting  to  nearly  a  million  of  livres.  But  this  was  in 
June,  hence  it  does  not  agree  with  the  supposition  that  said 
ship  was  taken  by  Church's  convoy.  He  cites  Charlevoix, 
and  the  Universal  History.  Dr.  Douglass,  I,  557,  in  this, 
as  well  as  many  other  cases,  comes  happily  to  our  relief.  He 
informs  us,  that  this  ship  "  was  taken  bv  an  English  Vir 
ginia  Fleet." 


272  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

summons,  which  was  written  before  they  landed,)  ex 
pecting  their  surrender,  which  is  as  followeth. 

"  Aboard  her  Majesty' "s  Ship  Adventure,  near  the  gut 
ofMenis,  June  20,  1704. 

An  agreement  made  by  the  field  officers  commanding 
her  Majesty's  forces  for  the  present  expedition 
against  the  French  enemies,  and  Indian  rebels. 

Agreed,  that  a  declaration  or  summons  be  sent  on 
shore  at  Menis  and  Portroyal,  under  a  flag  of  truce. 

Particularly,  we  do  declare  to  you,  the  many  cruel 
ties  and  barbarities  that  you  and  the  Indians  have 
been  guilty  of  towards  us,  in  laying  waste  our  coun 
try  here  in  the  east  at  Casco,  and  the  places  adja 
cent.  Particularly,  the  horrid  action  at  Deerfield, 
this  last  winter,  in  killing,  massacreing,  murdering 
and  scalping,  without  giving  any  notice  at  all,  or  op 
portunity  to  ask  quarter  at  your  hands  ;  and,  after  all, 
carrying  the  remainder  into  captivity  in  the  height 
of  winter,  (of  which  they  killed  many  in  the  journey) 
and  exposed  the  rest  to  the  hardships  of  cold  and 
famine,  worse  than  death  itself.  Which  cruelties  we 
are  yet  every  day  exposed  unto  and  exercised  with. 

We  do  also  declare,  that  we  have  already  made 
some  beginnings  of  killing  and  scalping  some  Cana 
da  men,  (which  we  have  not  been  wont  to  do  or  al 
low)  and  are  now  come  with  a  great  army  of  English 
and  Indians,  all  volunteers,  with  resolutions  to  sub 
due  you,  and  make  you  sensible  of  your  cruelties  to 
us,  by  treating  you  after  the  same  manner. 

At  this  time  we  expect  our  men  of  war  and  tran 
sport  ships  to  be  at  Portroyal.  (We  having  but  late 
ly  parted  with  them.) 

In  the  last  place,  we  do  declare  to  you,  that  in 
asmuch  as  some  of  you  have  shown  kindness  to  our 
captives,  and  expressed  a  love  to,  and  desire  of  be 
ing  under  the  English  government,  we  do  therefore, 
notwithstanding  all  this,  give  you  timely  notice,  and 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  373 

tlo  demand  a  surrender  immediately,  by  the  laying 
down  your  arms,  upon  which,  we  promise  very  good 
quarter  ;  if  not,  you  must  expect  the  utmost  severity. 
To  the  chief  commander  of  the  town  of  Menis, 
and  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  we  expect  your  an 
swer,  positively,  within  an  hour. 

BENJAMIN  CHURCH,  Col. 

JOHN  GORHAM,  Ldeut.  Col. 

WINTHROP  HILTON,  Mqj" 

Then  moving  to  the  creek,  expecting  to  have  had 
water  enough  for  the  boats,  as  the  pilot  had  informed 
them,  but  found  not  water  enough  for  a  canoe.  So 
[they]  were  obliged  to  land,  intending  to  have  been 
up  at  the  town  before  the  hour  was  out,  that  the 
summons  expressed.  For  their  return  was,  "  that 
if  our  forces  would  not  hurt  their  estates,  then  they 
would  surrender,  if  otherwise  intended,  they  should 
*ight  for  them,"  &c. 

But  meeting  with  several  creeks,  near  twenty  or 
thirty  feet  deep,  which  were  very  muddy  and  dirty ; 
so  that  the  army  could  not  get  over  them,  [and]  were 
obliged  to  return  to  their  boats  again,  and  wait  till 
within  night,  before  the  tide  served  them  to  go  up 
to  the  town.  And  then  [they]  intended  to  go  up 
pretty  near  the  town,  and  not  to  fall  to,  till  morning ; 
being  in  hopes  that  the  banks  of  the  creeks  would 
shelter  them  from  the  enemy.  But  the  tide's  rising 
so  high,  exposed  them  all  to  the  enemy ;  who  had 
the  trees  and  woods  to  befriend  them ;  and  so  came 
down  in  the  night,  and  fired  smartly  at  our  forces. 
But  Colonel  Church  being  in  a  pinnace,  that  had  a 
small  cannon  placed  in  the  head,  ordered  it  to  be 
charged  several  times  with  bullets,  in  small  bags, 
and  fired  at  the  enemy ;  which  made  such  a  rattling 
amongst  the  trees,  that  [it]  caused  the  enemy  to 
draw  off.  And  by  the  great  providence  of  Almighty 
God,  not  one  of  our  forces  was  hurt  that  night.  But 


274  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

us  I  have  been  informed,  [the  enemy]1  had  one  In 
dian  killed,  and  some  others  wounded,  which  was 
some  discouragement  to  [them.]2 

Next  morning,  by  break  of  day,  Colonel  Church 
ordered  all  his  forces  (and  placed  Major  Hilton  on 
the  right  wing)  to  run  all  up,  driving  the  enemy  be 
fore  them  ;  who  leaving  their  town  to  our  forces,  but 
had  carried  away  the  best  of  their  goods,  which  were 
soon  found  by  our  soldiers.  The  bulk  of  the  enemy 
happening  to  lie  against  our  right  wing,  caused  the 
hottest  dispute  there.  [They]3  lay  behind  logs  and 
trees,  till  our  forces,  and  Major  Hilton,  who  led  them, 
came  [ — ]4  upon  them,  and  forced  them  to  run. 
And  notwithstanding  the  sharp'  firing  of  the  enemy 
at  our  forces,  by  the  repeated  providence  of  God, 
there  was  never  a  man  of  ours  killed  or  wounded. 

Our  soldiers  not  having  been  long  in  town,  before 
they  found  considerable  quantities  of  strong  drink, 
both  brandy  and  claret ;  and  being  very  greedy 
after  it,  especially  the  Indians,  were  very  disorderly; 
firing  at  every  pig,  turkey,  or  fowl  [that]  they  saw ; 
of  which  [there]  were  very  plenty  in  the  town, 
which  endangered  our  own  men.  Colonel  Church 
perceiving  the  disorder,  and  firing  of  his  own  men, 
ran  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  [and]  had  several  shot  come 
very  near  him.  And  finding  what  had  occasioned 
this  disorder,  commanded  his  officers  to  knock  out 
the  heads  of  every  cask  of  strong  liquor  they  could 
find  in  the  town,  to  prevent  any  further  disturbance 
among  his  army ;  knowing,  [that]  it  was  impossible 
to  have  kept  it  from  them,  especially  the  Indians,  if 
it  were  saved,  &c. 

Then  some  of  the  army  who  were  desirous  to 
pursue  the  enemy,  having  heard  them  driving  away 
their  cattle,  requested  the  Colonel  to  let  them  go. 
[He]5  did,  and  gave  them  their  orders.  Captain 
Cooke,  and  Captain  Church  to  lead  the  two  wings, 
l  [they]  2  [the  enemy]  3  [who]  4  [on]  5  [who] 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  275 

and  Lieutenant  Barker,*  who  led  the  Colonel's  com 
pany,  in  the  centre.  And  the  said  Captain  Cooke 
and  Captain  Church  desired  Lieutenant  Barker  not 
to  move  too  fast ;  so  that  he  might  have  the  benefit 
of  their  assistance,  if  he  had  occasion.  But  the  said 
Lieutenant  not  being  so  careful  as  he  should  have 
been,  or  at  least  was  too  eager,  was  shot  down,  and 
another  man,  which  were  all  the  men  that  were  kill 
ed  in  the  whole  expedition. f 

Towards  night,  Colonel  Church  ordered  some  of 
his  forces  to  pull  down  some  of  the  houses,  and 
others  to  get  logs  and  make  a  fortification  for  his 
whole  army  to  lodge  in,  that  night ;  that  so  they 
might  be  together.  And  just  before  night  [he]  or 
dered  some  of  his  men  to  go  [and]  see  if  there  were 
any  men  in  any  of  the  houses  in  the  town  ;  [and]  if 
[there  were]  not,  to  set  them  all  on  fire,  which  was 
done ;  and  the  whole  town  seemed  to  be  on  fire  all 
at  once,  &c. 

The  next  morning  the  Colonel  gave  orders  to  his 
men,  to  dig  down  the  dams,  and  let  the  tide  in,  to 
destroy  all  their  corn,  and  every  thing  that  was  good 
according  to  his  instructions ; J  and  to  burn  the  for 
tification  which  they  had  built  the  day  before.;  and 
when  the  tide  served  to  put  all  the  plunder  which 
they  had  got  into  the  boats.  Then  ordering  his  sol 
diers  to  march  a  good  distance  one  from  another, 
which  caused  the  enemy  to  think  that  there  were  no 
less  than  a  thousand  men,  as  they  said  afterwards ; 
and  that  the  burning  of  the  fortification,  and  doing 
as  they  did,  caused  the  enemy  to  think  that  they  were 

*  Charlevoix,  in  his  account  of  the  taking  of  Menis,  says, 
that  the  Lieutenant  General  of  the  English  forces,  was  kill 
ed,  by  which  the  Lieutenant  of  Church's  company  is  meant. 

t  Penhallow  in  N.  H.  Hist.  Col.  I,  34,  says  "  not  above  six 
died  in  the  whole  expedition." 

J  Thus  do  governments  cause  such  horrid  scenes.  But  is 
the  crime  lessened?  They  are  considered  right  in  the  trade 
and  custom  of  war.  But  is  it  so  on  that  account? 


276  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

gone  clear  off,  and  not  to  return  again.  But  it  prov 
ed  to  the  contrary ;  for  Colonel  Church  and  his  for 
ces,  only  went  aboard  their  transports,  and  there  staid 
till  the  tide  served.  In  the  night  [they]1  embarked 
on  board  their  vvhaleboats,  landed  some  of  their  men, 
expecting  they  might  meet  with  some  of  the  enemy 
mending  their  dams  ;  which  they  did.  And  with 
their  boats  went  up  another  branch  of  the  river  to 
another  town  or  village,  [and]  upon  such  a  surprise, 
[that  they]  took  as  many  prisoners  as  they  could  de 
sire. 

And  it  happened  that  Colonel  Church  was  at  the 
French  Captain's  house  when  two  gentlemen  came 
post  from  the  Governour*  of  Portroyal  to  him,  who 
was  the  chief  commander  at  Menis,  with  an  express 
to  send  away  two  companies  of  men  to  defend  the 
King's  fort  there ;  and  to  give  him  an  account,  that 
there  were  three  English  men  of  war  come  into  Port- 
royal  gut,  or  harbour;  and  that  the  men  sent  for 
must  be  posted  away  with  all  speed.  Colonel  Church 
as  was  said  before,  being  there,  treated  the  two  gen 
tlemen  very  handsomely,  and  told  them,  [that]  he 
would  send  them  back  again  post  to  their  master 
upon  his  business.  And  bid  them  give  him  his  hearty 
thanks  for  sending  him  such  good  news,  that  part  of 
his  fleet  was  in  so  good  a  harbour.  Then  reading 
the  summons  to  them  that  he  had  sent  to  Menis. 
Further  added,  that  their  master,  the  Governour  of 
Portroyal,  must  immediately  send  away  a  post  to  the 
Governour  of  Canada,  at  Cluebeck,  to  prevent  his 
further  sending  any  of  his  cruel  and  bloody  French, 
and  savages,  as  he  had  lately  done  upon  Deerfield, 
where  they  had  committed  such  horrible  and  bloody 
outrages  upon  those  poor  people,  that  never  did 
_ 1  [his] 

•  Monsieur  De  Subercase,  this  year  came  in  to  be  govern- 
onr  of  Acadie.  Portroyal,  I  suspect,  was  his  principal  seat. 
The  next  year  he  drove  the  E\.  h  from  Newfoundland, 
and  destroyed  their  settlement;?.  1  ^^s  II,  65t 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS  277 

them  any  harm,  as  is  intolerable  to  think  of;  and 
that  for  the  future,  if  any  such  hostilities  were  made 
upon  our  frontier  towns,  or  any  of  them,  he  would 
come  out  with  a  thousand  savages,  and  whaleboats 
convenient,  and  turn  his  back  upon  them,  and  let 
his  savages  scalp,  and  roast  the  French ;  or,  at  least, 
treat  them  as  their  savages  had  treated  ours. 

[He]  also  gave  them  an  account  of  part  of  that 
action  at  Passamequado,  and  how  that  his  soldiers 
had  killed  and  scalped  some  Canada  men  there,  and 
would  be  glad  to  serve  them  so  too,  if  he  would  per 
mit  them,  which  terrified  them  very  much,*  &c. 
The  two  French  gentlemen  that  came  post,  made 
solemn  promises,  that  they  would  punctually  do  the 
Colonel's  message  to  their  Governour.  So  with  the 
desire  of  the  French  people  there,  that  the  Govern 
our  might  have  this  intelligence,  Colonel  Church 
dismissed  them,  and  sent  them  away ;  telling  the 
same  story  to  several  of  the  prisoners,  and  what  they 
must  expect,  if  some  speedy  course  were  not  taken 
to  prevent  further  outrages  upon  the  English.  The 
number  of  prisonersf  then  present,  which  were  con 
siderable,  did  unanimously  entreat  of  Colonel  Church, 
that  he  would  take  them  under  the  protection  of  the 
crown  of  England ;  making  great  promises  of  their 
fidelity  to  the  same  ;  begging  with  great  agony  of 
spirit  to  save  their  lives,  and  to  protect  them  from 
his  savages,  whom  they  extremely  dreaded. 

As  to  the  matter  of  the  savages,  he  told  them, 
[that]  it  would  be  just  retaliation  for  him  to  permit 
his  savages  to  treat  the  French  in  the  same  manner, 
as  the  French  with  their  savages  treated  our  friends 
in  our  frontier  towns.  But  as  to  his  taking  them  un 
der  the  protection  of  the  crown  of  England,  he  ut- 

*  This,  the  commander  of  Portroyal,  says  Hutchinson, 
must  know  to  be  a  gasconade. 

t  Penhallow  says,  that  in  this  expedition  one  hundred  pri 
soners  were  taken.  So  says  Dr.  Douglass,  I,  307  j  probably 
on  the  same  authority. 

24 


278  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

terly  refused  it ;  urging  to  them,  their  former  perfi- 
diousness.  They  also  urging  to  him,  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  any  French  to  live  any  where  in  the 
bay  of  Fundy,  if  they  were  not  taken  under  the  Eng 
lish  government.  For  with  the  benefit  of  the  whale- 
boats,  (as  the  English  called  them)  they  could  take 
and  destroy  all  their  people  in  the  town  of  Menis, 
in  one  night.  But  he  replied  to  them,  [that]  it  should 
never  be.  Alleging  to  them,  that  when  they  were 
so  before,  when  Portroyal  was  taken  last  by  the  Eng 
lish,*  that  it  proved  of  very  ill  consequence  to  the 
crown  of  England,  and  the  subjects  thereof  yi  our 
frontiers.  For  that  our  English  traders  supplying 
them,  enabled  them  (which  opportunity  they  improv 
ed)  to  supply  the  Indians,  our  bloody  enemies;  and, 
therefore,  he  could  make  no  other  terms  of  peace 
with  them,  than,  that  if  the  French  at  Menis,  Sig- 
necto,  and  Canada,  would  keep  at  home  with  their 
bloody  savages,  and  not  commit  any  hostilities  upon 
any  of  our  frontiers,  we  would  return  home  and  leave 
them.  For  that  we  lived  at  a  great  distance  off,  and 
had  not  come  near  them  to  hurt  them  now,  had  not 
the  blood  of  our  poor  friends  and  brethren,  in  all 
the  frontiers  of  our  province  cried  for  vengeance. 
Especially,  that  late  unheard  of  barbarity  committed 

*  It  is  situated  on  ihe  west  side  of  Novascotia,  on  a  river 
of  the  same  name,  which  flows  into  the  bay  of  Fundy.  Men 
tion  has  been  made  of  the  expedition  to  Canada  in  1690,  un 
der  Sir  William  Phips  ;  the  reduction  of  Portroyal  was  exe 
cuted  under  the  same  gentleman,  in  the  same  year,  but  pre 
vious.  It  was  commanded  by  Gov,  Menival,  who  built  it  about 
1663.  When  Phips  took  it,  it  was  both  "  ill  fortified  and  ill 
provided."  See  note  1,  on  page  177.  It  was  in  no  condition 
to  stand  a  siege,  and  submitted  without  resistance.  (Hutch- 
inson,  I,  352.)  But  it  was,  in  1705,  retaken  by  the  French. 
Again  in  1710,  a  large  armament  under  Col.  Nicholson  went 
against  it,  of  which  they  made  an  easy  conquest.  There 
were  but  260  men  to  defend  it.  The  English  had  5  frigates, 
5  lower  rates,  and  24  transports.  After  it  was  ta'ren  the 
name  was  changed  from^fort  Royal  to  Annapolis  royal, 
which  it  vet  retains. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  279 

upon  the  town  of  Deerfield  ;  which  wrought  so  gene 
rally  on  the  hearts  of  our  people,  that  our  forces 
came  out  with  that  unanimity  of  spirit,  both  among 
the  English  and  our  savages,  that  we  had  not,  nor 
needed  a  pressed  man  among  them.  The  Colonel 
also  telling  them,  that  if  ever  hereafter  any  of  our 
frontiers,  east  or  west,  were  molested  by  them,  as 
formerly,  that  he  would,  (if  God  spared  his  life)  and 
they  might  depend  upon  it,  return  upon  them  with  a 
thousand  of  his  savages,  (if  he  wanted  them,)  all  vo 
lunteers,  with  our  whaleboats,  and  pursue  them  to 
the  last  extremity. 

The  Colonel's  warm  discourse  with  them,  wrought 
such  a  consternation  in  them,  which  they  discovered 
by  their  panick  fears  and  trembling,  their  hearts  sen 
sibly  beating,  and  rising  up,  as  it  were,  ready  to  choke 
them.  [They]  confessed,  that  they  were  all  his  pri 
soners,  and  begged  of  him,  for  JESUS'  sake,  to  save 
their  lives,  and  the  lives  of  their  poor  families,  with 
such  melting  terms,  as  wrought  relentings  in  the 
Colonel's  breast  towards  them.  But  however,  he  told 
them,  that  his  intent  was  to  carry  as  many  prisoners 
home  as  he  could ;  but  that  he  had  taken  so  many, 
they  were  more  than  he  had  occasion  for,  nor  desired 
any  more;  and,  therefore,  he  would  leave  them. 

The  Colonel  resolving  the  next  day  to  complete  all 
his  action  at  Menis,  and  so  draw  off.  Accordingly, 
[he]  sent  his  orders  to  Colonel  Gorham  and  Major 
Hilton,  with  all  the  English  companies,  both  officers 
and  soldiers,  except  some  few,  which  he  thought  he 
might  have  occasion  for,  to  go  with  the  Indians  in  the 
whaleboats,  up  the  eastward  river,  where  a  third  part 
of  the  inhabitants  lived.  That  so  he  might  prevent 
any  reflection  made  on  them,  in  leaving  any  part  of 
the  service  undone.  And  therefore,  in  the  evening, 
ordered  all  the  whaleboats  to  be  laid  ready  for  the 
night's  service.  And,  accordingly  when  the  tide  serv 
ed,  he  went  with  his  Indians  up  the  river,  where  they 
did  some  spoil  upon  the  enemy  going  up. 


290  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.1 

In  the  morning,  several  of  their  transports  came  to 
meet  them,  to  their  great  rejoicing,  whom  they  went 
on  board  [of]  and  soon  came  up  with  the  whole  fleet, 
with  whom  they  joined,  bending  their  course  directly 
towards  Portroyal,  where  they  were  ordered.  Com 
ing  to  Portroyal  gut,  where  their  ships  were,  and  call 
ing  a  council  according  to  his  instructions,  drew  up 
their  result,  which  is  as  followeth.* 

"  Present  all  the  Field  Officers  and  Captains  of  the 
land  forces,  aboard  the  province  Galley,  4th  July, 
1704,  in  Portroyal  harbour. 

We  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed,  having 
deliberately  considered  the  cause  in  hand,  whether  it 
be  proper  to  land  all  our  forces,  to  offend  and  destroy 
as  much  as  we  can  at  Portroyal,  all  or  any  part  of  the 
nhabitants  thereof,  and  their  estates,  we  are  of  opin 
ion,  that  it  is  not  for  our  interest  and  honour,  and  the 
country's  whom  we  serve,  to  land  and  expose  our 
selves  ;  but  quit  it  wholly,  and  go  on  about  our  other 
Business,  we  have  to  do;  for  this  reason,  that  we 
udge  ourselves  inferiour  to  the  strength  of  the  ene 
my  ;  and,  therefore,  the  danger  and  risk  we  run,  is 
greater  than  the  advantage  we  can,  or  are  likely  to 
obtain ;  seeing,  the  enemy  hath  such  timely  notice, 
and  long  opportunity  to  provide  themselves  against 
us ;  by  our  snips'  lying  here  in  the  road  about  twelve 
days  before  we  could  join  them  from  Menis,  where 
we  were  during  that  time,  and  being  so  meanly  pro 
vided  with  necessaries,  convenient  for  such  an  under 
taking  with  so  small  a  number  of  men,  not  being 
four  hundred,  capable  and  fit  for  service  to  land ; 
and,  understanding,  by  all  the  intelligence  we  can 

*  That  any  steps  should  be  taken,  or  even  any  thing  said 
about  reducing  Portroyal,  may  seem  strange,  after  they  had 
been  so  peremptorily  refused, \y  the  Governour,  as  has  been 
related  in  the  preceding  history.  See  page  253. 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.  281 

get,  from  both  English,  and  French  prisoners,  that 
the  fort  is  exceeding  strong. 

JOHN  GORHAM,  lAeut.  Col. 

WINTIIROP  HILTON,  Major, 

Jos.  BROWN, 

JAMES  COLE, 

JOHN  COOK, 

ISAAC  MYRICK, 

JOHN  HARRADON, 

CONSTANT  CHURCH, 

JOHN  DYER, 
?it       JOSHUA  LAMB, 

CALEB  WILLIAMSON, 

EDWARD  CHURCH." 

"  Having  pursuant  to  my  instructions,  taken  the  ad 
vice  of  the  gentlemen  above  subscribed,  and   con 
sidering   the  weight  of  their  reasons,  I  do  concu 
therewith.  BENJAMIN  CHURCH." 

"Whereas  Colonel  Church  hath  desired  our  opin 
ions,  as  to  the  landing  the  forces  at  Portroyal,  they 
being  but  four  hundred  effective  men  to  land  ;  and 
by  all  the  information,  both  of  French  and  English 
prisoners,  the  enemy  having  a  greater  number  of  men, 
and  much  better  provided  to  receive,  Jfcan  they  are 
to  attack  them,  we  do  believe,  it  is  for  tfee  service  of 
the  crown,  and  the  preservation  of  her  Majesty's  sub 
jects,  to  act  as  above  mentioned. 

THOMAS  SMITH, 
GEORGE  ROGERS, 
CYPRIAN  SOUTHACK." 

After  this  they  concluded  what  should  be  next 
done,  which  was,  that  the  ships  should  stay  some  days 
longer  at  Portroyal  gut,  and  then  go  over  to  Mount- 
desart  harbour,  and  there  stay  till  Colonel  Church, 
v/ith  his  transports,  came  to  them. 

Being  all  ready,  the  Colonel  with  his  transports  and 
i'< i ; roes  >yent  up  the  bay  to  Signecto,  where  they  need- 
>  24* 


282  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

ed  not  a  pilot,  being  several  of  them  well  acquainted 
there.  (And  [they]  had  not  met  with  so  many  diffi 
culties  at  Menis,  had  it  not  been  that  their  pilot  de 
ceived  them,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  [and] 
kept  out  of  the  way,  and  landed  not  with  them,  &c.) 
And  coming  to  Signecto,  the  enemy  were  all  in  arms 
to  receive  them.  Colonel  Church  landing  his  men, 
the  commander  of  the  enemy  waving  his  sword  over 
his  head,  bid  a  challenge  to  them.  The  Colonel  or 
dering  his  two  wings  to  march  up  apace,  and  come 
upon  the  backs  of  the  enemy.  Himself  being  in  the 
centre,  and  the  enemy  knowing  him,  (having  been 
there  before)  shot  chiefly  at  him.  But  through  God's 

foodness,  received  no  harm ;  neither  had  he  one  man 
illed,  nor  but  two  slightly  wounded  ;  and  then  all  ran 
into  the  woods,  and  left  their  town  with  nothing  in  it. 
Having  had  timely  notice  of  our  forces'  [coming,  they] 
nad  carried  all  away  out  of  the  reach  of  our  army; 
for  Colonel  Church  while  there  with  part  of  his  for 
ces,  ranged  the  woods,  but  to  no  purpose.  Then  re 
turning  to  the  town,  did  them  what  spoil  he  could, 
according  to  his  instructions,  and  so  drew  off',  and 
made  the  best  of  their  way  for  Passamequado.  And 
going  in,  in  a  great  fog,  one  of  their  transports  ran 
upon  a  rock,  but  was  soon  got  off  again. 

Then  Colonel  Church  with  some  of  his  forces  em 
barked  in  their  whaleboats,  and  went  amongst  the 
islands,  with  an  intent  to  go  to  Sharkee's  where  they 
had  destroyed  the  fish.  But  observing  a  springy 
place  in  a  cove,  went  on  shore  to  get  some  water  to 
drink.  It  being  a  sandy  beach,  they  espied  tracks; 
the  Colonel  presently  ordered  his  men  to  scatter  and 
make  search.  [They]  soon  found  De  Boisses'*  wife, 
who  had  formerly  been  Colonel  Church's  prisoner, 
and  carried  to  Boston,  but  returned ;  who  seemed 
very  glad  to  see  him.  She  had  with  her,  two  sons, 
that  were  near  men  grown  The  Colonel  ordering 
them  apart,  examined  the  woman  first,  who  gave  him 
this  account  following.  That  she  had  lived  there- 

*  Piiboia.     Pronmincw^  Duboy, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS.          283 

abouts  ever  since  the  fleet  went  by ;  and  that  she 
had  never  seen  but  two  Indians  since,  who  came  in 
a  canoe  from  Norrigwock  ;*  [and  that  they]1  asked 
her,  '  what  made  her  to  be  there  alone c)'  she  told 
them  [that]  she  had  not  seen  a  Frenchman  nor  an 
Indian,  except  those  two,  since  the  English  ships 
went  by.  Then  the  Indians  tqld  her,  'there  was  not 
one  Indian  left,  except  those  two,  who  belonged  to 
the  gut  of  Canso,  on  this  side  of  Canada.  For  those 
friars  coming  down  with  the  Indians  to  Monsieur 
Gourdan's ;  and  finding  the  Frenchmen  slain,  and  their 
hair  spoiled,  being  scalped,  put  them  into  a  great 
consternation.  And  the  friars  told  them  it  was  im 
possible  for  them  to  live  thereabouts ;  for  the  Eng 
lish  with  their  whaleboats  would  serve  them  all  so ; 
upon  which  they  all,  went  to  Norrigwock.'  Alsa 
told  her  that '  when  the  English  came  along  through 
Penobscot,  they  had  swept  it  of  the  inhabitants,  as  if 
it  had  been  swept  with  a  broom ;  neither  French  nor 
Indians  escaping  them.'  [And,]  further  told  her, 
that  when  their  fathers,  the  friars,  and  the  Indians 
met  together  at  Norrigwock,  they  called  a  council, 
and  the  friars  told  the  Indians,  that  they  must  look 
out  for  some  other  country,  for  that  it  was  impossi 
ble  for  them  to  live  there.'  Also  told  them  [that] 
*  there  was  a  river  called  Mossipee,f  where  they  migm 
live  quietly,  and  no  English  come  near  them ;  it  be 
ing  as  far  beyond  Canada  as  it  was  to  it,  &c.,  and  if 
they  would  go  and  live  there ;  they  would  live  and 
die  with  them ;  but  if  not  they  would  leave  them, 
and  never  come  near  them  again.'  Whereupon 
they  all  agreed  to  go  away,  which  they  did ;  and  left 
their  rough  household  stuff,  and  corn  behind  them ; 
and  went  all,  except  those  two,  for  Canada.  Also 
her  sons  giving  the  same  intelligence,  so  we  had  no 
reason  to  think,  but  that  it  was  true. 
«  [who] 

*  Norridgewock.     See  note  1,  on  page  287. 
t  The  river  Mississippi  I  suppost  wa§  meant 


284  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

Colonel  Church  having  done  what  he  (iould  there, 
embarked  on  board  the  transports,  and  went  to 
Mountdesart.  [He]  found  no  ships  there,  but  a 
rundlet,  rid  off  by  a  line  in  the  harbour,  which  he 
ordered  to  be  taken  up.  And  opening  of  it,  found  a 
letter,  which  gave  him  an  account  that  the  ships 
were  gone  home  for  Boston. 

Then  he  proceeded  and  went  to  Penobscot.  Where 
being  come,  [they]  made  diligent  search  in  those 
parts  for  the  enemy ;  but  could  not  find,  or  make  any 
discovery  of  them  ;  or  that  any  had  been  there,  since 
he  left  those  parts ;  which  caused  him  to  believe 
what  De  Boisses'  wife  had  told  him  was  true. 

I  will,  only  by  the  way,  just  give  a  hint  of  what 
we  -heard  since,  of  the  effects  of  this  expedition,  and 
then  proceed.  First,  that  the  English  forces  that 
went  next  to  Norrigwock,  found  that  the  enemy  was 
gone,  and  had  left  their  rough  household  stuff,  and 
corn  behind  them.* 

Also,  not  long  after  this  expedition,  there  were 
several  gentlemenf  sent  down  from  Canada,  to  con- 

*  Reference  is  here  made,  it  is  thought,  to  the  expedition 
under  Col.  Hilton,  in  the  winter  of  1705.  He  with  250  Eng 
lish,  and  20  Indians  (Dr.  Douglass  says  he  had  but  220  men) 
repaired  to  Norridgewock  on  snow  shoes,  but  found  no  ene 
mies  to  contend  with.  They  burned  the  deserted  wigwams, 
and  a  chapel,  and  then  returned.  See  Belknap,  I,  268,  and 
Penhallow,  28. 

About  the  same  time  an  express  was  ordered  with  snow 
shoes  for  the  frontiers,  but  was  intercepted  by  a  scout  from 
Montreal,  who  robbed  him  of  50  pounds  in  money  ;  which,  on 
being  taken  to  Canada,  the  Governour  converted  it  into  a 
bowl,  and  called  it  the  Newengland  gift.  Ib.,  or  N,  H.  Hist. 
Soc,  Col,  I,  43. 

j  Hutchinson,  II,  141,  sub  anno  1706,  mentions  that  4  or  5 
persons  were  sent  to  Canada  "for  the  exchange  of  prisoners, 
who  brought  back  Mr.  Williams,  the  minister,  and  many  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  with  other  captives."  He  men 
tions  no  more  than  one's  being  sent  from  Canada,  and  that, 
after  ours  had  been  sent  there.  Hence  it  appears  that  he 
was  not  very  well  acquainted  with  the  affair ;  for  Penhal" 
low's  history  was  extant  before  he  wrote,  who  gives  the  par- 
about  it,  viz,,  that  on  "the  4  May  1705,  Capt.  Hill, 


FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS. 

cert  with  our  Governour  about  the  settling  of  a  car 
tel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  ;  and  that  the  Gov 
ernour*  of  Canada  has  never  since  sent  down  an 
army  upon  our  frontiers,  (that  I  know  of)  except 
sometimes  a  scout  of  Indians  to  take  some  prisoners, 
that  he  might  be  informed  of  our  state,  and  what  we 
were  acting,  &c.  And  always  took  care  that  the 
prisoners  so  taken,  should  be  civilly  treated,  and 
safely  returned,  as  I  have  been  informed.  [Also,] 
that  some  of  the  prisoners  that  were  taken  gave  an 
account  [to  this  effect;]  so  that  we  have  great  cause 
to  believe,  that  the  message  [which]  Colonel  Church 
sent  by  the  two  French  gentlemen  from  Menis,  to 
the  Governour  of  Portroyal,  took  effect,  and  was  a 
means  to  bring  peace  in  our  borders,  &,c. 

Then  Colonel  Church  with  his  forces  embarked  on 
board  the  transports,  and  went  to  Casco  bay,  where 
they  met  with  Captain  Gallop,  in  a  vessel  from  Bos 
ton,  who  had  brought  Colonel  Church  further  orders; 
which  were,  to  send  some  of  his  forces  up  to  Norrig- 
wock,  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  But  he  being  sensi 
ble  that  the  enemy  were  gone  from  thence,  and  that 
his  soldiers  were  much  worn  out,  and  fatigued  in  the 
hard  service  they  had  already  done,  and  wanted  to 
get  home,  [he]  called  a  council,  and  agreed,  all  to 
go  home  ;  which,  accordingly  they  did. 

To  conclude  this  expedition,  I  will  just  give  a  hint 
of  some  treatment,f  [which]  Colonel  Church  had  be- 

who  was  formerly  taken  at  Wells  and  carried  to  Canada, 
was  from  thence  sent  to  concert  the  exchange  of  prisoners." 
He  gave  information  that  there  were  about  187  English 
prisoners  with  the  French  and  Indians.  "  Upon  the  advice 
nereof,"  the  persons  mentioned  by  Hutchinson,  were  sent  to 
Canada,  and  succeeded  in  rescuing  about  60  captives.  The 
French  Governour  was  kept  in  suspense  by  the  management 
of  Governour  Dudley.  He  wished  for  a  neutrality,  and  dur 
ing  the  time,  the  frontiers  enjoyed  peace  and  tranquillity. 
Hutchinson,  ib. 

*  Vaudreuil. 

t  It  appears  that  Church  was  censured  wrongfully,  and 
for  some  time,  bore  the  faults,  due  only  to  others.  For  it 


2S5  FRENCH  AND  INDIAN  WARS? 

fore  and  after  he  came  home.  For  all  his  great  ex 
penses,  fatigues  and  hardships,  in  and  about  this  ex 
pedition,  viz.,  he  received  of  his  excellency  fifteen 
wounds,  as  an  earnest  penny,  towards  raising  volun 
teers.  And  after  he  came  to  receive  his  deben 
ture  for  his  Colonel's  pay,  there  were  two  shillings  and 
four  pence  due  to  him.  And  as  for  his  Captain's 
pay*  and  man  Jack ;  he  has  never  received  any  thing 
as  yet. 

Also,  after  he  came  home,  some  ill  minded  per 
sons  did  their  endeavour  to  have  taken  away  his  life ; 
for  there  were  some  of  the  French  enemy  killed,f 
[in]  this  expedition.  But  his  excellency  the  Gov- 
ernour,  the  honourable  council,  and  the  house  of 
-epresenttitives,  saw  cause  to  clear  him,  and  gave  him 
hanks  for  his  good  service  done.J 

was  generally  thought  by  the  people,  that  Col.  Church  went 

n  this  expedition,  lor  the  express  purpose  of  reducing  Port- 
royal,  as  it  was,  by  the  government,  styled  the  "Portroyal  ex 
pedition,"  or,  as  entered  on  the  council  books  "  an  expedition 
to  Portroyal,"  not  knowing  that  he  was  strictly  ordered  to 
he  contrary  ;  therefore,  we  are  not  surprised  that  he  should 
be  blamed,  until  the  truth  should  be  known.  The  Govern- 
our  was  accused  of  preserving  that  place  to  benefit  himself 
by  an  illegal  trade  with  the  inhabitants.  However  this  may 
be,  he  excused  himself  by  saying,  that  he  had  no  orders  from 
the  Queen  to  go  against  it  ;  and  that  her  Majesty  was  to 
send  over  in  the  spring,  a  force  expressly  for  that  purpose, 
as  has  been  previously  stated  in  this  history. 

*  It  will  be  recollected  that  he  was  commissioned  Colonel 
and  Captain  at  the  same  time,  and  in  the  same  warrant. 

f  See  page  265.  Some  of  the  enemy  that  would  not  sur 
render. 

+  Thus  ends  the  military  achievements  of  the  justly  cele 
brated  BENJAMIN  CHURCH.  [The  reader  is  requested  to 
correct  an  errour  in  Dr.  Douglass'  History,  I,  557,  8,  where 
he  observes,  that  Col.  Church  made  an  expedition  in  1707-8  ; 
H  was  CoL  March.] 


APPENDIX. 


I. SOME    ACCOUNT    OF    THE    EARLY   VOYAGES     TO,    AND 

SETTLEMENTS  IN  NORTH  AMERICA,  AND  THE 

TREATMENT  OF  THE  INDIANS  BY 

THOSE  VOYAGERS* 


As  early  as  1508,  the  natives  of  North  America 
began  to  be  carried  away  by  voyagers,  sometimes  by 
force,  and  sometimes  by  flattery.  At  this  early  pe 
riod,  one  Aubert,  a  Frenchman,  sailed  up  the  river  St. 
Lawrence,  and  on  his  return  to  France,  conveyed  off 
a  number  of  the  natives.*  In  1585,  a  colony  was 
sent  out  from  England,  under  the  direction  of  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh,  and  was  settled  at  Roanoke.  This 
was  the  first  English  colony  planted  in  America.f 
Through  their  misconduct  to  the  natives,  and  to  one 
another,  they  found  themselves  in  a  miserable  condi 
tion  before  the  end  of  a  year.  Sir  Francis  Drake 
returning  that  way  from  a  cruise  against  the  Spani 
ards,  gave  them  a  passage  to  England  in  his  fleet. 
Just  before  the  arrival  of  Drake,  a  chief,  and  many 
of  his  men  were  killed,  and  afterwards  an  Indian 
town  was  burned,  by  order  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville, 
who  brought  supplies  to  the  colonists. 

In  1602,  Bartholomew  Gosnold  sailed  from  Eng 
land,  and  was  the  first  Englishman  that  came  in  a 
direct  course  to  this  part  of  America.  J  He  fell  in 
with  the  coast  near  Cape  Cod,  which  he  discovered. 
Being  met  near  the  shore,  by  the  natives  in  their  ca- 

*  American  Annals,  I,  87.  t  ft-  If  H9. 

J  Belknap,  Biog.  I,  231. 


288  APPENDIX. 

noes,  was  kindly  treated  by  them,  and  they  helped 
him  load  his  vessels.* 

The  next  year,  Martin  Pring  arrived  on  the  coast, 
and  collected  a  cargo  of  Sassafras. f  The  Indians 
appeared  hostile  to  this  company,  and  caused  them 
to  leave  the  coast,  sooner  than  they  would  otherwise 
have  done.  But  this  was  not  without  a  cause.  A 
canoe  had  been  stolen  from  them,  and  they  were 
sported  with  by  the  sailors,  who,  to  get  rid  of  them, 
when  they  had  amused  themselves  sufficiently,  would 
set  their  dogs  to  chase  them  away. 

In  1605,  Captain  George  Weymouth  carried  off  five 
of  the  natives  from  the  coast  of  Newengland,  against 
their  consent ;  one  of  whom  was  a  chief. 

In  1607,  the  first  permanent  colony  of  Virginia 
arrived  in  the  Chesapeak,  the  twentysixth  of  April, 
and  the  thirteenth  of  May,  they  took  a  position  for 
a  town ;  which,  soon  after,  in  honour  of  King  James, 
was  named  James  Town.  They  were  annoyed  by 
the  Indians  at  first,  and  one  person  was  killed.  A 
peace  was  concluded  in  June  following,  but  it  was 
of  short  duration.  An  attempt,  also,  to  settle  a 
colony  on  Kennebeck  river  was  made  this  year,  but 
was  relinquished  the  next.J 

In  1614,  Captain  John  Smith  made  a  profitable 
voyage  to  Newengland,  and  made  an  accurate  sur 
vey  of  its  coast.  The  Newengland  Indians,  in  this 
voyage,  were  justly  incensed  against  the  English,  to 
a  great  degree.  When  Smith  went  for  England,  he 
left  one  Hunt  to  complete  his  cargo  of  fish.  Thi<* 
perfidious  man  enticed  twentyfour  Indians  on  board 
nis  vessel,  put  them  in  confinement,  and  sold  them 
at  Malaga,  to  the  Spaniards,  for  slaves.  In  the  course 
of  the  year,  another  vessel  came  on  the  coast  to  |rade 
with  two  of  those  taken  off  by  Hunt,  to  assist  in  the 

*  Sassafras  and  furs  were  then  the  articles  of  exportation. 

tSec  Belknap's  life  of  Pring.  Sassafras  was  collected 
about  the  islands.  Pring  found  it  on  what  is  now  Edgar- 
town. 

i  See  page  171  and  note  5. 


APPENDIX. 

business.  It  was  now  designed  to  settle  a  trading 
house,  but  the  Indians  soon  discouraged  thorn  in  the 
attempt.  One  of  the  prisoners  had  died,  and  the 
other  was  not  permitted  to  go  on  shore.  But  some 
approached  the  ship  under  pretence  of  trade,  and  he 
jumped  overboard.  His  friends  in  the  canoes  discharg 
ed  their  arrows  so  thick  at  the  same  time,  that  in 
defiance  of  the  English  guns,  they  got  him  on  board, 
and  paddled  off.  A  number  of  the  English  were 
badly  wounded,  and  some  of  the  Indians  killed.  The 
English  were  discouraged,  and  sailed  for  England.* 
Two  other  natives,  carried  away  by  Hunt,  found 
means,  in  time,  to  get  back  to  Newengland,  and  in 
some  measure,  allayed  the  vengeance  of  their  coun 
trymen  5  by  assuring  them  that  the  English,  in  gene 
ral,  were  highly  displeased  at  the  conduct  of  Captain 
Hunt.f 

These,-  and   many   other  insults  on  the    Indians 
though  small,  in  comparison  with  those  suffered  b 
their  race  in  South  America,  were  more  than  enough 
to  cause  them  to  entertain  fearful  apprehensions  of 
every  stranger. 

Before  1619,  perhaps  it  would  have  been  alto 
gether  impracticable  to  have  attempted  a  settlemen* 
in  Newengland,  previous  to  this  time.  The  natives 
before  which,  were  extremely  numerous  and  warlike ; 
but  this  year,J  a  mortal  sickness  prevailed  among 
them,  that  almost  entirely  desolated  the  country ;  in 
somuch,  that  the  living  could  not  bury  the  dead. 
For  when  the  Pilgrims  arrived  at  Plymouth,  the  ground 
was  strewed  with  human  bones.  The  extent  of  this 
pestilence  was  from  Penobscot  to  Narraganset.§ 

*  American  Annals,  I,  184,  185.  f  Hist.  N.  H.  1, 10,  11, 
J -It  is  not  certain  that  this  plague  happened  in  1619, 
though  from  Johnson  and  others  cited  by  HolmeSj  (1,  207, 
208,)  it  appears  probable.  Morton,  25,  says  that  it  was  two 
or  three  years  before  the  settlement  of  Plymouth,  Prince 
Chron.  119,  thinks  this  plague  raged  as  early  as  1&10  or  1" 

§  Prince,  Chrc-u-  198.  and  Belknap,  Biog.  I, 

26 


290  APPENDIX. 


••  -  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  NEVVENGLAN'I). 

BIGOTRY  and  superstition  began  to  lose  some 
ground  in  England,  as  early  as  1550.  And  the  per 
secutions,  and  sufferings  of  the  early  martyrs  of  re 
ligious  freedom,  have  been  the  subject  of  many  mas 
sy  volumes.  In  1549,  a  liturgy  had  been  prepared 
by  the  bishops,  and  a  law  passed  both  houses  of  Par 
liament,  "that  all  divine  offices  should  be  performed 
according  to  it."*  The  clergy  were  ordered  to 
conform  to  the  liturgy,  under  pain  of  fines  and  im 
prisonment.  And,  as  has  always  since  been  the  case, 
among  all  sects,  the  new  sect,  then  denominated  Pu 
ritans,  grew  more  numerous,  in  proportion,  as  the 
severity  of  persecution  increased. 

In  1G07,  a  congregation  fled  from  England  into 
Holland,  and  in  1608,  were  joined  by  others,  and  a 
church  was  there  established,  according,  as  they  be 
lieved,  to  the  principles  of  the  primitive  church  of 
Christ  ;  having  Mr.  John  Robinson  for  their  pastor. 
Their  removal  from  England  into  Holland,  was  ;,!- 
tended  with  the  greatest  difficulties,  and  though  over 
looked  by  the  chief  historians,  who  have  written  upon 
their  history,  is  certainly  among  the  first  articles  that 
should  be  related.  It  formed  a  part  of  a  Manuscript 
History,  written  by  Mr.  William  Bradford,  one  of 
their  number,  which,  though  since  lostf,  was  in  pos 
session  of  Governour  Hutchinson,  who  copied  this 
valuable  part  into  his  "summary  of  the  affairs  of  the 
colony  of  New  Plymouth,"!  which  is  as  follows. 

"  There  was  a  large  company  of  them  proposed  to 
get  passage  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  and  for  that 

*  Holmes'  Annals,  I,  50. 

t  At  least,  it  has  not  been  seen  since  1775,  when  the  Brit 
ish  Vandals  under  Gen.  Gage,  in  a  sacrilegious  manner,  dis 
turbed  the  contents  of  the  old  south  church,  where  it  was  de 
posited. 

|  In  his  Hist.  Mass,  II,  No.  I  Appendix. 


APPENDIX.  1MW 

end  had  hired  a  ship  wholly  to  themselves,  and  made 
agreement  with  the  master  to  be  ready  at  a  certain 
day,  and  take  them  and  their  goods  in  at  a  conve 
nient  place,  where  accordingly  they  would  all  attend 
in  readiness.  So  after  long  waiting  and  large  ex 
pense,  though  he  kept  not  day  with  them,  yet  he 
came  at  length  and  took  them  in,  in  the  night.  But 
when  he  had  them  arid  their  goods  aboard  he  betrayed 
them,  having  beforehand  complotted  with  the  search 
ers  and  other  officers  so  to  do,  who  took  them  and  put 
them  into  open  boats,  and  then  rifled  and  ransacked 
them,  searching  them  to  their  shirts  for  money,  yea, 
even  the  women,  further  than  became  modesty,  and 
then  carried  them  back  into  the  town,  and  made  them  a 
spectacle  and  wonder  to  the  multitude,  which  came 
flocking  on  all  sides  to  behold  them.  Being  thus, 
first  by  the  catch-poles,  rifled  and  stript  of  their 
money,  books,  and  much  other  goods,  they  were  pre 
sented  to  the  magistrates,  arid  messengers  sent  to  in 
form  the  lords  of  the  council  of  them,  and  so  they 
were  committed  to  ward.  Indeed  the  magistrates 
used  them  courteously,  and  showed  them  what  favour 
they  could,  but  could  not  deliver  them  till  order 
came  from  the  council  table ;  but  the  issue  was,  that 
after  a  month's  imprisonment,  tke  greatest  part  were 
dismissed,  and  sent  to  the  places  from  whence  they 
came,  but  seven  of  the  principal  men  were  still  kept 
in  prison  and  bound  over,  to  the  assizes.  The  next 
spring  after,  there  was  another  attempt  made,  by 
some  of  these  and  others,  to  get  over  at  another 
place.  And  so  it  fell  out,  that  they  light  of  a  Dutch 
man  at  Hull,  having  a  ship  of  his  own  belonging  to 
Zealand.  They  made  agreement  with  him,  and  ac 
quainted  him  with  their  condition,  hoping  to  find 
more  faithfulness  in  him,  than  in  the  former  of  their 
own  nation.  He  bade  them  not  fear,  for  he  would  do 
well  enough.  He  was  by  apppointment  to  take  them 
in,  between  Grindstone*  and  Hull,  where  was  a  large 

*  Grimsby  says  Belknap. 


292  APPENDIX. 

common,  a  good  way  distant  from  any  town.     Now 
against  the  prefixed  time,  the  women  and  children, 
with  the  goods,  were   sent  to  the  place  in  a  small 
bark,  which  they  had  hired  for  that  end,  and  the  men 
were  to  meet  them  by  land ;  but  it  so  fell  out,  thai 
they  were  there  a  day  before  the  ship  came,  and  the  sea 
being  rough  and  the  women  very  sick,  prevailed  with 
the  seamen  to  puv  into  a  creek  hard  by,  where  they 
lay  on  ground  at  low  water.     The  next  morning  the 
ship  came,  but  they  were  fast  and  could  not  stir  till 
about  noon.     In  the  mean  time,  the  shipmaster  per 
ceiving  how  the  matter  was,  sent  his  boat  to  get  the 
men  aboard,  whom  he  saw  ready,  walking  about  the 
shore,  but  after  the  first  boat-full  was  got  aboard,  and 
she  was  ready  to  go  for  more,  the  master  espied  a 
great  company  both  horse  and  foot,  with  bills  and 
guns  and  other  weapons,  for  the  country  was  raised 
to  take  them.     The  Dutchman  seeing  that,  swore  his 
country  oath, '  SacramenteJ  and  having  the  wind  fair, 
weighed  anchor,  hoisted  sails,  and  away.     After  en 
during  a  fearful  storm  at  sea,  for  fourteen  days  or 
more,  seven  whereof  they  never  saw  sun,  moon  nor 
stars,  and  being  driven  near  the  coast  of  Norway, 
they  arrived  at  their  desired  haven,  where  the  people 
came  flocking,  admiring  their  deliverance,  the  storm 
having  been  so  long  and  sore,  in  which  much  hurt 
had  been  done,  as  the  master's  friends  related  to  him 
in  their  congratulations.     The  rest  of  the  men  that 
were  in  greatest  danger,  made  a  shift  to  escape  away 
before  the  troop  could  surprise  them,  those  only  stay 
ing  that  best  might  be  assisting  unto  the  women. 
But  pitiful  it  was  to  see  the  heavy  case  of  these  poor 
women  in  distress  ;  what  weeping  and  crying  on  every 
side,  some  for  their  husbands  that  were  carried  away 
in  the  ship,  others  not  knowing  what  should  become 
of  them  and  their   little  ones,  crying  for  fear  and 
quaking  with  cold.     Being  apprehended,  they  were 
hurried  from  one  place  to  another,  till  in  the  end  they 
knew  not  what  to  do  with  them  ;  for,  to  imprison  so 


APPENDIX.  293 

many  women  with  their  innocent  children  for  no 
other  cause,  many  of  them,  but  that  they  would  go 
with  their  husbands,  seemed  to  be  unreasonable,  and 
all  would  cry  out  of  them ;  and  to  send  them  home 
again  was  as  difficult,  for  they  alleged,  as  the  truth 
was,  they  had  no  homes  to  go  to,  for  they  had  either 
sold  or  otherwise  disposed  of  their  houses  and  liv 
ings  :  To  be  short,  after  they  had  been  thus  turmoiled 
a  good  while,  and  conveyed  from  one  constable  to 
another,  they  were  glad  to  be  rid  of*  them  in  the  end 
upon  any  terms,  though,  in  the  mean  time,  they,  poor 
souls,  endured  misery  enough." 

After  remaining  several  years  in  Holland,  they  be 
gan  to  fear  that  their  company  would  finally  become 
lost,  by  their  connexion  with  the  Dutch ;  and  that 
their  efforts  to  establish  the  true  religion,  also  lost. 
Some  of  their  young  men  had  already  engaged  in 
the  military  service  of  the  Dutch,  and  marriages  with 
their  young  women  had  taken  place.  These  things 
caused  much  grief  to  the  pious  Forefathers  ;  more 
especially,  because  the  Dutch  were  dissolute  in  their 
morals. 

Under  these  considerations,  their  thoughts  were 
turned  towards  America;  but,  never  so  far  north  as 
Newengland.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  was  about  this 
time,*  projecting  a  settlement  in  Guiana,  and  this 
place  was  first  taken  under  consideration.  Here  a 
perpetual  spring  was  promised,  and  all  the  beauties 
of  a  tropical  summer.  But  considering  the  diseases 
which  were  so  fatal  to  Europeans,  and  their  near 
vicinity  to  the  Spaniards, f  the  majority  were  against 
a  removal  thither. 

At  length,  they  resolved  to  make  their  settlement 
in  north  Virginia, {  and  accordingly  they  sent  agents 

*  1617. 

t  The  Spaniards  had  not  actually  taken  possession  of  this 
country,  but  claimed  it.  Belknap,  Biog.  If,  167. 

t  North  America  was  then  known  under  the  general  names 
e/ north  and  south  Virginia,  divided  by  the  parallel  of 


294  APPENDIX. 

to  England,  to  obtain  a  grant  from  the  Virginia  com 
pany,  and  to  know  whether  the  King  would  grant 
them  liberty  of  conscience,  in  that  distant  country. 
The  Virginia  company  were  willing  to  grant  them 
such  privileges  as  were  in  their  power,  but  the  bigot- 
ted  James  would  agree  no  further,  than  "  to  connive 
,at  them,  provided  they  should  conduct  peaceably."* 

The  agents  returned  the  next  year,  1C18,  to  the 
great  discouragement  of  the  congregation.  Resolved, 
however,  to  make  another  trial,  agents  were  sent 
again  the  next  year,  and  after  long  and  tedious  de- 
lays,f  a  grant  was  obtained,  under  the  seal  of  the 
-company,  which,  after  all  this  great  trouble  and 
expense,  was  never  used.J 

Notwithstanding,  their  removal  was  not  given  up, 
and  they  made  ready  for  their  voyage,  with  what  ex 
pedition  they  could.  It  was  agreed  that  a  part 
should  go  before,  to  prepare  the  way ;  and,  accord- 
ngly,  two  ships  were  got  ready,  one  named  the 
Speedwell,  of  sixty  tons,  the  other  the  Mayflower, 
Df  one  hundred  and  eight  tons.  They  first  went  from 
Leydento  England,  and  on  the  fifth  of  August,  1620, 
they  *eft  Southampton  for  America  ;§  but,  they  were 
twice  forced  to  return,  by  reason  of  the  bad  state  of 
the  lesser  ship. 

It  was  now  agreed  to  dismiss  the  Speedwell,  and 
they  embarked  on  board  the  Mayflower,  and,  on  the 
sixth  of  September,  again  sailed  on  their  intended 
voyage.  || 

IS".  Prince,  180.  Its  whole  extent  was  from  Florida  to  the 
bay  of  Fundy. 

*  Belknap,  Biog.  II,  170.     American  Annals,  I,  198. 

f  Occasioned  by  dissensions  among  the  Virginia  company. 
One  treasurer  having  resigned  was  displeased  with  his  suc 
cessor.  See  Bradford  in  Prince,  151,  153. 

|  Because  it  was  taken  out  in  the  name  of  a  gentleman, 
whom  *  providence"  separated  from  them. 

§  They  intended  to  have  settled  somewhere  near  Hudson's 
river. 

Jj  The  last  port  they  left  was  Plymouth, 


APPENDIX.  Mft 

Such  were  the  transactions,  and  such  the  difficul 
ties,  attending  this  persevering  company  of  Pilgrims, 
Sis  they  are  truly  called)  in  the  great  attempt,  to  set- 
e  a  colony  in  America.     As  no  particulars  are  pre7 
served  of  their  voyage,  we  may  now  leave  them  until 
they  appear  on  the  coast.* 

III. LANDING  OF  THE  PILGRIMS  AT  PLYMOUTH. 

AFTER  some  difficulties,  in  a  voyage  of  two  months 
and  three  days,  they  fell  in  with  the  land  of  Cape  Cod, 
on  the  ninth  of  November.  Finding  themselves  fur 
ther  north  than  they  intended  to  settle,  they  stood  to 
the  southward;  but  soon  finding  themselves  nearly 
encompassed  with  dangerous  shoals,  the  Captain  f 
took  advantage  of  their  fears,  and  bore  up  again  for  , 
the  cape ;  and,  on  the  tenth  of  November,  anchored 
in  cape  Cod  harbour. { 

On  observing  their  latitude,  they  found  themselves 
out  of  the  limits  of  the  south  Virginia  company. 
Upon  which  it  was  hinted  by  some,  that  they  should 
now  be  under  no  laws,  and  every  servant  would  have 
as  much  authority  as  his  master.  But  the  wisdom 
that  had  conducted  them  hither,  was  sufficient  to  pro 
vide  against  this  evil ;  therefore,  an  instrument  was 
drawn  and  signed,  by  which  they  unanimously  form 
ed  themselves  into  a  body  politic.  This  instrument 
was  executed  November  the  eleventh,  and  signed  by 
fortyone  persons ;  that  being  the  number  of  men, 
qualified  to  act  for  themselves.  Their  whole  number 

*  It  is  related  that  in  a  storm  a  beam  of  the  ship  was 
thrown  out  of  its  place,  and  that  they  began  to  despair,  but 
Borne  gentleman  having  a  large  iron  screw,  by  means  of  which 
it  was  again  forced  into  its  place. 

t  Jones. 

J  The  Captain  of  the  ship  was  hired  by  the  Dutch  to  land 
them  thus  far  north,  because  they  claimed  the  country  at 
Hudson's  river,  and  were  unwilling  that  the  English  should 
get  any  footing  there.  See  Morton,  IS. 


APPENDIX. 

consisted  of  One  hundred  and  one.*    John  Carver 
was  chosen  Governour  for  one  year. 

*  As  it  must  be  ever  gratifying  to  posterity  to  know  the 
first  form  of  government  ever  drawn  up  in  their  country,  and 
the  names  of  those  who  first  ventured  upon  the  great  under 
taking,  both  are  here  presented  to  their  view,  as  I  find  them 
in  Mr.  Prince's  N.  Eng.  Chronology.     In  my  first  edition  I 
copied  from  Morton,  button  account  of  some  errours  in  the 
names  of  the  signers  as  given  in  his  Newengland's  Memorial 
I  copy  from  Mr.  Prince.     However,  it  is  possible  that  some 
small  errours  may  exist,  even  in  his  list ;  for  we  know,  that 
the  chirography  of  1620,   was  vastly  different  from  that  a 
hundred  years  after  ;  insomuch,  that  what  Mr.  Morton  read 
for  an  r,  might  have  been  taken  afterward  for  a  t  by  Mr. 
Prince,  &,c.,  as  will  appear  by  comparing  those  names,  in 
which  a  difference  is  seen,     Mr.  Morton  writes  No.  25,  John 
Craxton,'No.  27,  Joses  Fletcher,  No.  29,  Digery  Priest,  No. 
34,  Richard  Bitteridge,  and   No.  40,  Edward  Doten.     He 
also  has  No.  32,  Edmund  Morgeson,  but  that  I  suppose  to  be  a 
misprint.     Both  of  those  authors  copied  from  Gov.  Bradford's 
MS.,  as  Hutchinson  perhaps  did,  who  differs  from  both.     He 
writes  Nos.   15  and  16,  Tilley,   No.  20,  Ridgsdale,  No.  25, 
Croxton,  No.  37,  Gardner.     But  the  most  unaccountable  dif 
ferences  exist  between  authors  who  have  copied  from  Mr. 
Prince's  printed  book.  I  need  not  name  any  one,  in  particular, 
as  all  that  I  have  met  with,  differ  in  some  respect,  except  the 
Editors  of  the  N.  H.  Hist.  Collections,  who  seem  to  have 
been  particularly  careful. 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  We,  whose  names  are  under 
written  the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  Lord  King 
James,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France  and 
Ireland,  King,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 

Having  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  advancement 
of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honour  of  our  King  and  country, 
a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia,  do  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually  in  the 
presence  of  God,  and  one  of  another,  covenant  and  combine 
ourselves  together,  into  a  civil  body  politick,  for  our  better 
ordering  and  preservation,  and  fartherance  of  the  ends  afore 
said  ;  and  by  virtue  hereof,  to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame 
such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions,  and 
offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and 
convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony.  Unto  which 
we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience.  In  witness 
whereof  we  have  hereumier  subscribed  our  names  at  cape 
Co*l,  the  llth  of  Novomber;  in  tl^  year  of  tho  mig-.i  of  otu'. 
sovereign  Lord,  Kin;1;  .l\tirir«.  of  Kn^hn.l,  Franr.r  «uul  be- 


APPENDIX. 


297 


The  day  answering  to  the  Eleventh  of  December, 
is  celebrated  as  the  day  of  the  landing  of  the  Pil 
grims  ;*  but  on  that  day,  a  place  was  discovered, 
and  fixed  upon  for  their  settlement.  Parties  before 
had  landed  and  made  some  discoveries. 

The  same  day  that  the  memorable  instrument  was 
signed,  a  party  left  the  ship,  and  landed  to  explore 
the  country,  and  get  wood,  but  returned  without 
making  any  particular  discovery.  But  a  few  days 
after,  (November  fifteenth)  sixteen  men,  under  Cap 
tain  Myles  Standish,  were  permitted  to  go  in  search 


land,  the  XVII I,  and  of  Scotland  the  LIV. 
1620." 

No.  No. 

1  Mr.  John  Carver,*  8  23  Francis  Eaton,4 

2  William  Bradford,* 

3  Mr.  Edward  Winslow,* 

4  Mr.  Wm.  Brewster,* 

5  Mr.  Isaac  Allerton,* 

6  Capt.  Miles  Standish,* 
"  John  Alden, 

8  Mr.  Samuel  Fuller,f 


Anno  Domini, 


2  24  James  Chilton,*§ 

25  John  Crackston,§ 

26  John  Billington,* 

27  Moses  Fletcher,§ 

28  John  Goodman, § 

29  Degory  Priest,§ 


30  Thomas  Williams,§ 

31  Gilbert  Winslow, 

32  Edmund  Margeson,§ 
Peter  Brown, 

34  Richard  Britterige,§ 

35  George  Soule,  (of  Mr. 

Winslow 's  family. 

36  Richard  Clark,§ 

37  Richard  Gardiner, 

38  John  Allerton, 

39  Thomas  En 


rton,§ 
English,* 


9  Mr.  Christopher  Martin*§4 

10  Mr.  Wm.  Mullins  *§          5 

11  Mr.  Wm.  White,*§  5 

12  Mr.  Richard  Warren,f     1 

13  John  Howland,  (in  Car 

ver's  family.) 

14  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins,*     8 

15  Edward  Tilly,*§  4 

16  John  Tilly ,*§  3 

17  Francis  Cook,f  2 

18  Thomas  Rogers, §  2 

19  Thomas  Tinker,*§  3 

20  John  Ridgdale,*§  2 

21  Edward  Fuller,*§  3 

22  John  Turner,§  3 

The  above  names  having  this  mark  *  at  the  end  brought 
their  wives  with  them.  Those  with  this  f  did  not.  Those 
with  this  §  died  before  the  end  of  March.  The  figures  at 
the  end  of  the  names  denote  the  number  in  each  family. 

*  To  reduce  old  style  to  new,  eleven  days  are  added  ;  there 
fore,  the  22  December  is  celebrated  as  the  landing  of  the 
Forefathers, 


40  Edward  Dorey, 

41  Edward  Leister,  $ 

(both  of  Mr.  Hopkins  family.) 

101 


238  APPENDIX. 

of  a  convenient  place  for  settlement.  They  saw  five 
Indians  whom  they  followed  all  day,  but  could  not 
overtake  them.  The  next  day  they  discovered  seve 
ral  Indian  graves ;  one  of  which  they  opened,  and 
found  some  rude  implements  of  war ;  a  mortar,  and 
an  earthen  pot ;  all  which  they  took  care  to  re 
place  ;  being  unwilling  to  disturb  the  sepulchres  of 
the  dead.  They  found  under  a  small  mound  of  earth, 
a  cellar  curiously  lined  with  bark,  in  which  was 
stored  a  quantity  of  Indian  corn.*  Of  this  they 
took  as  much  as  they  could  carry,  and  returned  to 
the  ship. 

Soon  after,  twentyfour  others  made  the  like  ex 
cursion,  and  obtained  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn, 
which,  with  that  obtained  before,  was  about  ten 
bushels. f  Some  beans  were  also  found. {  This 
discovery  gave  them  great  encouragement,  and  per 
haps  prevented  their  further  removal ;  it  also  saved 
them  from  famine. 

After  considerable  discussion,  concerning  a  place 
for  settlement,  in  which  some  were  for  going  to  Aga- 
wam,§  and  some  not  so  far,  it  was  concluded  to  send 
out  a  shallop,  to  make  further  discovery  in  the  bay. 
Accordingly,  Governour  Carver,  with  eighteen  or 
twenty  men,  set  out  on  the  sixth  of  December,  to  ex 
plore  the  deep  bay  of  Cape  Cod.  The  weather  was 
very  cold,  and  the  spray  of  the  sea  lighting  on  them, 
they  were  soon  covered  with  ice,  as  it  were,  like 
coats  of  mail.  At  night  having  got  to  the  bottom 
of  the  bay,  they  discovered  ten  or  twelve  Indians, 
about  a  league  off,  cutting  up  a  grampus  ;  who,  on 

"*Of  divers  colours  which  seemed  to  them  a  very  goodly 
tight,  having  seen  none  before."     Morton,  18. 
f  Holmes'  Annals,  I,  201. 

*t  This  was  not  hardly  right,  perhaps,  but  Morton,  N.  E. 
Hemoral,  19,  says,  that  in  "  About  six  months  after  they 
gave  them  full  satisfaction  to  their  content." 

§  Ipswich  is  supposed  to  have  been  meant,  as  it  was  known 
by  that  name  in  a  former  voyage. 


APPENDIX.  299 

discovering  the  English,  ran  away  with  what  of  the 
fish  they  had  cut  off.  With  some  difficulty  from 
shoals,  they  landed,  and  erected  a  hut,  and  passed 
the  first  night.  In  the  morning  they  divided  their 
company,  some  went  by  land,  and  others  in  the  ves 
sel,  to  make  further  discovery  of  the  bay,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  Grampus,  because  that  fish 
was  found  there.  They  met  again  at  night,  and 
some  lodged  on  board  the  shallop,  and  the  rest  as 
before.* 

The  next  morning,  December  the  eighth,  as  they 
were  about  to  embark,  they  were  furiously  beset  by 
Indians.  Some  of  the  company  having  carried  their 
guns  down  to  the  boat,  the  others  discharged  upon 
them,  as  fast  as  they  could  ;  but  the  Indians  shouted, 
and  rushed  on,  until  those  had  regained  their  arms, 
and  then  they  were  put  to  flight.  One,  however 
more  courageous  than  the  rest,  took  a  position  be 
hind  a  tree,  and  withstood  several  volleys  of  shot 
discharging  arrows  himself  at  the  same  time.  A 
length  a  shot  glancing  upon  the  side  of  the  tree, 
hurled  the  bark  so  about  his  head  that  he  thought  it 
time  to  escape.  Eighteen  arrows  were  picked  up 
by  the  English,  after  the  battle,  which  they  sent  to 
their  friends  in  England,  as  curiosities.  Some  were 
headed  with  brass,  and  others  with  horn  and  bone. 
The  place  where  this  happened,  was  on  this  account, 
called  the  First  Encounter.^- 

The  company,  after  leaving  this  place,  narrowly 
escaped  being  cast  away ;  but  they  got  safe  on  an 
uninhabited  island, J  where  they  passed  the  night. 

*  Morton  and  Belknap. 

t  Morton,  22.  It  was  before  called  Namskeket.  Ib.  21. 
Dr.  Belknap,  Biog.  II,  202,  says,  "  A  creek  which  now 
bears  the  name  of  Skakit,  lies  between  Eastham  and  Har 
wich  ;  distant  about  3  or  4  miles  westward  from  Nauset ;  the 
seat  of  a  tribe  of  Indians,  who  (as  they  afterwards  learned) 
made  this  attack." 

t  This  they  called  "Clark's  Island,  because  Mr.  Clark,  the 
roaster's  mate,  first  stepped  ashore  thereon."  Morton,  24. 


300  APPENDIX. 

The  next  day,  December  tne  ninth,  they  dried  their 
clothes,  and  repaired  their  vessel,  which  had  lost  her 
mast,  and  met  with  other  damage.  The  next  day 
they  rested,  it  being  Sunday.  The  day  following, 
they  found  a  place,  which  they  judged  fit  for  settle 
ment  ;  and,  after  going  on  shore,*  and  discovering 
good  water,  and  where  there  had  been  cornfields,  re 
turned  to  the  ship.  This  was  on  the  Eleventh  of 
December,  1620,  and  is  the  day  celebrated  as  the 
FOREFATHERS'  DAY. 

On  the  fifteenth,  the  ship  came  into  the  new  har 
bour.  The  two  following  days,  the  people  went  on 
shore,  but  returned  at  night  to  the  ship. 

On  the  twentythird,  timber  was  begun  to  be  pre 
pared  for  building  a  common  store  house. f  The 
next  day,  the  cry  of  Indians  was  heard,  but  none  ap 
peared.  On^the  twentyfifth,  the  first  house  was  be 
gun.  A  fort  was  built  on  the  hill,  soon  after,  (where 
the  burying  ground  now  is)  which  commanded  the 
town  and  harbour;  and,  they  were  diligently  em 
ployed,  until  a  town  was  laid  out ;  to  which  they 
gave  the  name  Plymouth,  on  account  of  the  kind  treat 
ment  they  received  from  the  people  of  Plymouth  in 

*  A  large  rock  near  the  water,  said  to  be  the  place  where 
they  first  stepped  ashore,  is  shown  with  a  degree  of  veneration 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Plymouth.  It  is  a  granite  of  a  redish  cast, 
and  has  long  since  been  nearly  levelled  with  the  surface  of 
the  ground.  A  large  fragment  has  been  placed  near  the 
head  of  the  main  street,  where  it  is  made  a  rendezvous  for 
boys  in  pleasant  evenings.  This,  as  well  as  the  part  from 
which  it  was  taken,  suffers  occasionally  under  the  force  of  a 
dull  axe,  to  add  to  the  entertainment  of  the  story  of  the  trav 
eller. 

In  the  engraving  of  "  The  Landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plv- 
mouth,"  accompanying  this  edition,  the  celebrated  ROCK  is 
intended  to  be  represented. 

t  Their  provisions  and  goods  were  held  in  common  by  the 
company,  at  first,  but  it  was  soon  found  by  the  wise  leaders, 
that  this  method  was  not  practicable,  and  it  was  soon  drop 
ped.  Perhaps  the  chief  mover  of  this  wise  measure  was  Gov. 
Bradford,  as  it  was  adopted  in  his  administration.  See  B»l 
knap,  Biog,  II,  282, 3. 


APPENDIX.  301 


England,  and  that  being  the  place  in  their  native 
country  from  which  they  last  sailed.* 

In  January,  1621,  their  store  house  took  fire,  and 
was  nearly  consumed.  Most  of  the  people  now  were 
sick,  and  Governour  Carver  and  Mr.  Bradford  were 
confined  in  the  store  house,  when  it  took  fire.  In 
March,  an  Indian  came  boldly  into  the  town,  and 
saluted  them  with  these  words,  "Welcome  English 
men  !  Welcome  Englishmen  !"  This  was  uttered  in 
broken  English,  but  was  clearly  understood.  His 
name  was  Samoset,  and  he  came  from  the  eastward, 
where  he  had  been  acquainted  with  some  fishermen, 
and  had  learned  some  of  their  language.  They 
treated  him  with  kindness,  and  he  informed  them, 
that  the  great  Sachem,  Massassoit,f  was  coming  to 
visit  them ;  and,  told  them  of  one  Squanto,  that  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  English  language.  He  left 
them,  and  soon  after  returned,  in  company  with  Mas- 
sassoit,  and  Squanto. {  This  Indian  continued  with 
the  English  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  was  of  infinite 
service  to  them.  He  showed  them  how  to  cultivate 
corn,  and  other  American  productions. 

About  this  time,  (beginning  of  April)  Governour 
Carver  died.  Soon  after,  Mr.  William  Bradford  was 
chosen.  The  mortality  that  began  soon  after  their 
arrival,  had  before  the  end  of  March,  carried  off  for- 
tyfour  of  their  number. 

Such  was  the  beginning  of  NEWENGLAND,  which 
is  now,  alone,  a  formidable  nation.  At  the  death  of 
the  first  Governour,  it  contained  Fiftyseven  Europe- 

*  It  is  remarkable  that  Captain  Smith  had  called  this  place 
Plymouth  in  his  map  of  Newengland.  Dr.  Belknap  says, 
that  it  was  partly  on  this  account  that  it  was  now  so  called. 

t  For  the  particulars  of  Massassoit's  visit  to  the  Pilgrims, 
see  page  133,  and  note  1. 

|  He  was  one  of  those  carried  off  by  Hunt,  (see  page  288) 
and  got  from  Malaga  to  England  ;  and  was  entertained  by  a 
gentleman  in  London,  who  employed  him  to  Newfoundland1, 
and  other  parts.  He  was  at  last  brought  into  these  pafts'bv 
Mr.  Thomas  Dermer,  Morton,  37,  38, 
26 


302  APPENDIX. 

an  inhabitants,  and  at  the  end  of  two  hundred  years, 
it  contained  upwards  of  one  million  six  hundred 
thousand. 

As  it  was  my  design,  only  to  accompany  the  Pil 
grims  until  they  were  seated  in  the  wilderness,  I 
shall  now  dismiss  the  engaging  subject,  with  a  short 
reflection. 

Perhaps  the  annals  of  the  world  do  not  furnish  a 
parallel  to  the  first  peopling  of  Newengland ;  as  it 
respects  purity  of  intention,  judgment  and  fortitude 
in  its  execution,  and  in  sustaining  for  a  series  of  years, 
a  government,  that  secured  the  happiness  of  all.  An 
object  of  admiration,  justly  increasing  on  every  suc 
ceeding  generation,  in  proportion  to  the  remoteness 
of  time.  Founded  on  the  genuineness  of  those  au 
thorities,  who,  without  the  least  shade  of  fable,  have 
transmitted  to  us  their  true  history  :  rendered  pecu 
liarly  interesting,  from  its  minuteness  of  detail,  even 
beyond  what  could  have  been  expected.  Insomuch, 
that  no  one  can  read,  without  the  deepest  interest  in 
their  situations  ;  and  seeming,  as  it  were,  to  live  over 
those  days  with  them,  and  to  gain  a  perfect  ac 
quaintance  with  a  Carver,  a  Bradford,  a  Winslow, 
and,  indeed,  the  whole  train  of  worthies. 

IV. HISTORY  OF    THE    PEQ.UOT    WAR. 

WHILE  the  number  of  English  inhabitants  was 
small,  their  troubles  with  the  Indians  were  easily  set 
tled.  But  as  is  natural  to  mankind,  as  they  increas^ 
ed  in  numbers  and  wealth,  they  were  too  proud  to 
court  the  favour  of  the  natives.  And  notwithstand 
ing,  great  tribute  is  due  to  the  memory  of  our  venera 
ble  forefathers,  for  their  almost  unexampled  resolu 
tion,  perseverance,  and  above  all,  fortitude  and  wis 
dom,  yet  they  were  men,  and  accountable  only  as 
men. 

"  There  was  a  nation  of  Indians  in  the  southern 
parts  of  Newengland,  called  Pequods  seated  on  a 


APPENDIX.  3Cg 

fair  navigable  river,*  twelve  miles  to  the  eastward 
of  the  mouth  of  the  great  and  famous  river  of 
Connecticut;  who  (as  was  commonly  reported 
about  the  time  when  Newengland  was  first  planted 
by  the  English)  being  a  more  fierce,  cruel,  and  war 
like  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down 
out  of  the  more  inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by 
force,  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest  places,  near 
the  sea,  and  became  a  terror  to  all  their  neighbours, 
on  whom  they  had  exercised  several  acts  of  inhuman 
cruelty  ;  insomuch,  that  being  flushed  with  victories 
over  their  fellow  Indians,  they  began  to  thirst  after 
the  blood  of  foreigners,  English  and  Dutch, f  that  ac 
cidentally  came  amongst  them,  in  a  way  of  trade  or 
upon  other  accounts. 

"In  the  year  1634,  they  treacherously  and  cruel 
ly  murdered  Captain  Stonef  and  Captain  Norton, § 
who  came  occasionally  with  a  bark  into  the  river  to 
trade  with  them.  Not  long  after  within  the  compass 
of  the  next  year,||  they  in  like  treacherous  manner, 
slew  one  Mr.  Oldham,1T  (formerly  belonging  to  New 
Plymouth,  but  at  that  time  an  inhabitant  of  Massa 
chusetts)  at  Block  island,**  a  place  not  far  from  the 
mouth  of  their  harbour,  as  he  was  fairly  trading  with 
them."tt 

*  Mystic  river. 

f  Some  of  the  Dutch  that  belonged  to  Manhattans,  now 
Newyork,  had  a  trading  house  on  Connecticut  river,  and  in 
some  difficulties  with  the  Indians  some  were  killed. 

J  Captain  Stone  was  from  St.  Christophers,  and  came  to 
trade  in  Connecticut  river  at  the  Dutch  house.  Hist.  Con. 
1,70. 

§  Norton  was  of  Massachusetts  and  killed  the  same  time. 
Ik.  ||  It  was  in  1636. 

1T  Some  difficulty  was  occasioned  with  Mr.  Oldham,  on  ac 
count  of  religious  matters,  and  he  was  banished  out  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  but  was  afterward  permitted  to  return.  For  a 
valuable  memoir  of  him,  see  M.T.  Savage's  edition  of  Win- 
throp's  Hist.  I,  80. 

**  About  20  miles  S.  S.  W.  of  Newport,  R.  I. 

tt  Hubbard's  Narrative.  ""S 


304  APPENDIX. 

How  much  cause  the  Indians  had  for  these  outra 
ges  we  cannot  tell ;  they  say,  that  captain  Stone  sur 
prised  some  of  their  men,  and  forced  them  to  pilot 
him  up  the  river,  and  that  on  his  coming  ashore,  with 
two  others,  was  killed  while  asleep.  The  English 
account  is  as  follows.  Having  entered  the  river, 
Stone  hired  some  Indians  to  pilot  two  of  his  men  up 
the  river,  who  at  night  went  on  shore  to  sleep, 
and  were  murdered  by  their  pilots.  About  a  dozen 
of  those  Indians,  who  had  been  trading  with  Captain 
Stone,  went  on  board  his  vessel,  and  murdered  him, 
as  he  lay  asleep  in  his  cabin,  and  threw  a  covering 
over  him.  The  men  were  murdered  as  they  appear 
ed,  one  after  another,  except  captain  Norton,  who  de 
fended  himself  in  the  cook's  roo^m,  until  some  pow 
der  that  he  had  in  an  open  vessel  for  the  quick  load 
ing  of  his  gun,  took  fire,  and  so  burned  him  that  he 
could  resist  no  longer. 

Mr.  John  Oldham  was  murdered  at  Block  island 
by  some  of  them,  or  at  least  the  murderers  were  shel 
tered  by  them.  One  Gallop,  in  his  passage  from 
Connecticut,  discovered  Mr.  Oldham's  vessel,  and  on 
coming  near,  found  the  deck  to  be  covered  with  In 
dians.  Gallop  now  suspected  that  they  had  killed 
Mr.  Oldham.  He  hailed  them,  and  they  gave  no 
answer,  but  made  off  as  fast  as  they  could  ;  he  made 
for  them,  and  was  soon  up  with  them ;  fired  among 
them,  and  drove  nil  from  the  deck.  His  crew  being 
femall,  would  not  venture  to  board,  and  so  stood  off 
and  took  the  force  of  the  wind,  and  ran  down  upon 
them,  and  nearly  overset  their  vessel.  Six  of  them 
were  so  frightened,  that  they  leaped  overboard  and 
were  drowned.  He  again  stood  off,  and  so  lashed 
his  anchor,  that  when  he  came  down  upon  them 
again,  it  bored  through  the  bows  of  the  Indians'  ves 
sel,  and  four  or  five  more  jumped  overboard  and  were 
lost.  The  vessels  now  stuck  fast  together,  and  they 
fought  side  by  side,  until  they  drove  all  below  again  ; 
and  then  Gallop  boarded  them,  and  as  they  ventur- 


APPENDIX.  805 

ed  up,  were  taken  and  bound.  He  not  having  places 
convenient  to  keep  them  all,  threw  one  into  the  sea. 
They  found  the  body  of  Mr.  Oldham,  covered  over 
with  a  sail,  with  his  head  cleft  to  the  brains.  In 
this  action,  Gallop  had  with  him  but  one  man,  and 
two  boys.  On  board  of  Mr.  Oldhain's  vessel  were 
fourteen  Indians;  two  or  three  of  whom  got  in  a  hole 
below,  and  could  not  be  drove  from  it.  Captain 
Gallop  then  fastened  the  vessel  to  his,  in  order  to 
take  her  in,  but  in  a  gale  she  was  broken  off  and 
lost. 

The  same  year,  1636,  the  government  of  Massa 
chusetts  sent  Captain  Endicott  with  ninety  men  to 
avenge  these  murders,  in  case  the  murderers  were 
not  delivered  up,  and  restitution  made  for  the  losses 
sustained.  The  Narragansets,  who  had  some  hand 
in  the  murder,  now  submitted  to  the  terms  offered 
by  the  English.  Captain  Endicott  proceeded  to 
Block  island,  having  with  him  Captain  John  Under- 
hill,  and  Captain  Nathaniel  Turner.  At  their  arrival 
they  were  met  by  about  forty  Indians,  who  all  lied 
into  thickets,  where  they  could  not  be  found.  They 
burned  sixty  wigwams,  and  destroyed  about  two  hun 
dred  acres  of  corn,  and  all  their  canoes,  then  sailed 
for  the  Pequot  country.  On  their  arrival  in  Pequot 
harbour,*  several  hundreds  collected  on  the  shore, 
but  on  learning  the  business  of  the  English,  fled  into 
the  woods.  The  men  were  landed  on  both  sides  of 
the  river,  and  the  Indians  fired  some  arrows  at  them 
from  behind  the  rocks  and  bushes.  One  or  two  of 
the  enemy  were  killed,  but  no  object  was  effected, 
and  the  troops  returned  to  Boston. 

Captain  Uriderhill  and  twenty  men  were  to  pro 
ceed  from  thence  to  Saybrook  fort,  and  strength 
en  it.  But  being  wind  bound,  they  went  on  shore  to 
take  some  Indian  corn,  and  were  surprised  by  a  large 

*At  the  mouth  of  Pequot  river,  now  called  the  river 
Thames, 

26* 


306  APPENDIX. 

body  of  the  enemy,  who  fought  them  most  of  the 
afternoon.  They,  however,  put  the  Indians  to  flight, 
and  embarked  on  board  their  vessel.  One  man  only 
was  wounded,  but  they  concluded  that  a  number  of 
the  enemy  were  killed. 

As  nothing  now  was  expected  but  war,  the  Eng 
lish  took  measures  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the 
Narragansets,  which  they  effected.  They  had  much 
to  fear,  in  case  they  should  join  with  the  Pequots, 
being  very  numerous,  their  warriours  being  estimat 
ed  at  five  thousand. 

Endicott's  ill  success  rather  emboldened  them  than 
otherwise,  and  in  the  next  April,  1637,  six  men  were 
killed  near  Weathersfield,  and  several  women  were 
captivated.  In  all  thirty  had  been  killed  since  the 
first  disturbances  took  place. 

Vigorous  measures  were  now  resolved  upon  by  the 
people  of  Connecticut,  who  raised  ninety  men ;  and 
shortly  after,  the  other  colonies  united  in  the  com 
mon  cause.*  The  Connecticut  troops,  under  Cap 
tain  John  Mason,  on  the  tenth  of  May,  accompanied 
by  about  seventy  Mohegan  Indians,  under  Uncas 
their  Sachem,  embarked  down  the  river  for  Saybrook 
fort ;  where,  after  making  proper  arrangements,  they 

*  The  Massachusetts  forces  were  on  their  march  to  join 
those  of  Connecticut,  "  when  they  were  retarded  by  the  most 
singular  cause  that  ever  influenced  the  operations  of  a  mili 
tary  force.  When  they  were  mustered  previous  to  their  de 
parture,  it  was  found  that  some  of  the  officers,  as  well  as 
the  private  soldiers,  were  still  under  a  covenant  of  works ; 
and  that  the  blessing  of  God  could  not  be  implored  or  expect 
ed  to  crown  the  arms  of  such  unhallowed  men  with  success. 
The  alarm  was  general  and  many  arrangements  necessary 
in  order  to  cast  out  the  unclean,  and  to  render  this  little  band" 
sufficiently  pure  to  fight  the  battles  of  a  people  who  enter 
tained  high  ideas  of  their  own  sanctity."  Robertson's  Hisi. 
America,  II,  Book  X.  Thus  while  the  Boston  men  were  at 
war  with  the  spirits  of  darkness,  as  they  imagined,  the  Con 
necticut  men  under  Mason  were  left  alone  to  fight  the  ir.c  i> 
dangerous  Pequots,  as  will  presently  be  seen. 

•Consisting  of  200. 


APPENDIX.  807 

marched  to  Narraganset  bay.  Here  they  engaged 
a  large  body  of  the  Narragansets,  as  auxiliaries,  and 
then  proceeded  to  Nihantic,*  where  they  arrived, 
May  twentyfourth. 

The  next  morning  they  were  joined  by  another  body 
of  the  Narragansets,  which  made  their  Indian  force 
amount  to  near  five  hundred  men.  After  marching 
twelve  miles,  to  Pawrcatuck  river,  Captain  Mason 
halted  to  refresh  his  men.  The  weather  was  ex 
tremely  hot,  and  the  men  suffered  very  much.  His 
Narraganset  men  now  learning  that  they  were  going 
to  attack  the  Pequot's  chief  fort,  were  greatly  amaz 
ed,  and  the  most  of  them  returned  home.  One  We- 
quash,  a  deserter  from  the  Pequots,  now  piloted  the 
ftrmy  to  a  fort  at  Mystic.  At  night  they  encamped 
by  two  large  rocks, -j-  and  two  hours  before  day,  made 
ready  to  attack  the  fort.  They  yet  had  two  miles  to 
march,  which  took  them  until  near  the  dawn  of  day 
The  fort  wras  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  no  time  must  bo 
lost  in  making  the  attack.  Their  friend  Indians  now 
chiefly  deserted  them,  and  they  divided  themselves 
into  two  divisions,  for  the  benefit  of  attacking  them 
in  two  particular  points.  The  party  under  Mason 
pressed  on  to  the  east  side,  while  that  under  Cap 
tain  Underbill  gained  the  west.  As  Mason  ap 
proached  the  palisades,  a  dog  gave  the  alarm,  and 
an  Indian  cried  out  "  Owanux !  Owanux  /"  that  is, 
"Englishmen!  Englishmen!"  Being  now  discover 
ed,  they  instantly  discharged  through  the  palisades, 
and  then  rushed  into  the  fort  sword  in  hand.  Here 
the  battle  was  severe,  and  for  some  time  doubtful. 
As  the  moment  grew  more  critical,  Mason  thought 
cf  the  last  expedient,  and  cried  out,  "  We  must  burn 
them  !  We  must  burn  them  !"  and  taking  a  brand  of 
fire,  oommunicated  it  to  the  mats,  with  which  the 
wigwams  were  covered,  they  were  all  in  a  blaze  in  a 

*  In  Lyme. 

t "Between  two  large  rocks  in  Groton,  since  called  Porter's 
?oekfc"     Trumbull,  I,  83. 


308  APPENDIX. 

moment.  The  English  then  formed  a  circ.e  about 
the  fort,  and  all  that  ventured  out  to  escape  the 
flames,  were  immediately  shot  down.  Dreadful  now 
was  the  work  of  death.  Some  perishing  in  the 
flames,  others  climbing  over  the  palisades,  were  no 
sooner  up  than  shot  down.  Uncas,  in  the  mean 
time,  had  come  up  and  formed  a  circle  in  the  rear, 
and  in  a  little  more  than  an  hour,  the  work  was  com 
plete.  Six  or  seven  hundred  Indians  were  slain, 
and  but  two  of  the  English,  and  sixteen  wounded. 

The  army  now  began  the  retreat,  and  a  body  of 
the  enemy  were  soon  seen  in  pursuit ;  but  a  few  shot 
kept  them  at  a  distance.  This  body  of  the  enemy 
had  not  been  in  the  battle,  and  on  arriving  at  the 
fort,  and  beholding  the  dismal  spectacle,  beat  the 
ground  with  rage,  and  tore  their  hair  in  despair. 

The  English  arrived  at  their  homes  in  about  three 
weeks  from  the  time  they  set  out,  and  the  people 
were  greatly  rejoiced  at  their  success. 

Sassacus,  the  chief  of  the  Pequots,  and  most  of 
his  people,  now  fled  and  left  their  country.  But 
after  some  time,  it  was  discovered,  that  a  great  body 
of  them  were  in  a  swamp  to  the  westward.  Troops, 
therefore,  were  sent  from  Massachusetts,  who  joined 
others  from  Connecticut,  and  they  immediately 
marched  under  the  command  of  the  valiant  Mason, 
in  pursuit  of  them.  On  the  thirteenth  of  July  they 
arrived  at  the  fatal  swamp.  Some  of  the  English 
rushed  in,  but  were  badly  wounded,  and  rescued  with 
difficulty.  At  length  they  surrounded  the  swamp, 
and  the  fight  continued  through  the  most  of  the 
night.  By  the  help  of  a  thick  fog,  many  of  the  war- 
riours  escaped.  About  twenty  were  killed,  and  one 
hundred  and  eighty  captivated,  who  were  divided 
among  the  Narragansets  and  Mohegans.  Sassacus, 
with  a  few  of  his  chief  men,  fled  to  the  Mohawks, 
who,  at  the  request  of  the  Narragansets,  cut  off  his 


APPENDIX.  60? 

head;  and  thus  terminated  the  Pequot  war.*  No 
thing  of  great  moment  occurred  until  the  time  of 
Philip. 

V. — REMAINS  OF  PHILIP'S  WAR. 

IT  is  intended  here,  to  narrate  the  most  important 
circumstances  in  the  progress  of  that  war  at  the 
eastward,  in  Maine  and  Newhampshire. 

It  was  generally  thought,  that  Philip  had  excited 
all  of  the  Indians  throughout  Newengland,  to  rise 
with  him  in  the  war.  While  this  has  been  doubted 
by  some,  others  think  it  probable,  that  his  endeavours 
were  used  even  among  the  distant  tribes  of  Virginia,  f 
However  this  might  have  been,  it  is  certain,  that  with 
in  twenty  days  from  the  time  the  war  began  in  Swan- 
zey,  it  began  to  blaze  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred 
miles,  even  at  the  northeasterly  extremity  of  New 
england.  But  the  war  at  the  eastward  is  said  to  have 
grown  out  of  the  foolish  conduct  of  some  of  the  in 
habitants.  An  insult  was  offered  to  the  wife  of 
Squando,  a  chief  Sachem  on  the  river  Saco.  Some 
irregular  sailors,  having  heard  that  young  Indians 
could  swim  naturally,  like  those  of  the  brute  creation, 
met  the  wife  of  Squando  with  an  infant  child  in  a 
canoe,  and  to  ascertain  the  fact,  overset  it.  The 
child  sunk  to  the  bottom,  but  the  mother  diving  down, 
immediately  brought  it  up  without  apparent  injury. 
However,  it  fell  out,  that  the  child  died  shortly  after, 
and  its  death  was  imputed  to  the  treatment  it  had  re 
ceived  from  the  sailors.  This  so  enraged  the  chief, 
that  he  only  waited  a  fit  time  to  commence  hostili 
ties.  Other  causes  of  the  war  were  not  wanting  all 
along  the  eastern  frontier.  A  letter  was  received  at 

*  It  was  the  reflection  upon  the  fate  of  this  once  famous  na 
tion,  that  gave  rise  to  those  beautiful  and  sympathetick  lines 
in  D wight's  Greenfield  hill.  Part  the  fourth,  which  see  in 
note  3  to  page  146  of  Philip's  war. 

t  See  Uubhard,  Nar.  262. 


•310  APPENDIX. 

Kennebeck,  from  York,  the  eleventh  July,  1675,  giv 
ing  account  of  the  war  at  the  westward,  and  that 
means  were  using  to  disarm  the  natives  along  the 
shore.  Had  the  Indians  entertained  no  ideas  of  war 
before,  they  certainly  would  be  justified  in  making 
war  upon  any  that  were  about  to  deprive  them  of  the 
means  of  self  defence.  How  much  have  the  Spar 
tans,  under  Leonidas  been  celebrated  for  their  answer 
to  Xerxes,  when  he  endeavoured  to  persuade  them 
to  give  up  their  arms.  But  the  English  were  not  so 
generous  as  the  Persian  monarch,  for  he  promised 
the  Spartans  a  far  better  country  than  theirs,  if  they 
would  comply.  To  which  they  replied,  that  no 
country  was  worth  having  unless  won  by  valour ;  and, 
as  to  their  arms,  they  should  want  them  in  any  coun 
try.  Perhaps  the  despised  Indians  deserve  as  much 
honour,  in  some  instances,  as  the  defenders  of  Ther 
mopylae. 

In  an  attempt  to  force  the  Indians  to  deliver  up 
their  arms  at  Kennebeck,  one  belonging  to  the  Eng 
lish  came  near  being  killed.  This  caused  consider 
able  tumult,  but  at  length  was  settled,  by  promises 
and  hostages  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  But  through 
the  supineness  of  their  keepers,  the  hostages  found 
means  to  escape  ;  and,  meeting  with  some  of  their 
fellows,  proceeded  to  Pejepscot,  where  they  plunder 
ed  the  house  of  one  Purchase,  an  early  planter,  and 
known  as  a  trader  among  them.  The  men  were  not 
at  home,  but  no  incivility  was  offered  to  the  women. 
This  was  in  September,  1675. 

About  tvventyfive  of  the  English  marched  out  to 
take  revenge  for  what  had  been  done.  They  went 
up  Casco  bay,  and  landed  near  the  mouth  of  the  An- 
droscoggin,  where  they  had  farms.  On  coming  near 
the  houses,  "  they  heard  a  knocking,"  and  presently 
saw  some  Indians ;  who  it  appears,  were  doing  no 
harm;  but  without  waiting  to  know,  the  English 
rushed  on  them,  and  some  were  killed.  The  Indians 
rallied,  and  wounded  many  of  them  before  they  could 


APPENDIX.  31 1 

gain  their  vesesls.  Some  it  appears,  even  in  those 
days,  stood  a  little  for  the  rights  of  the  natives,  and 
ventured  to  question  the  virtue  of  this  action.  "  But," 
says  Mr.  Hubbafd,  "if  this  happened  after  the  mur 
der  of  old  Mr.  Wakely  and  family,  the  English  can 
be  blamed  for  nothing  but  their  negligence."*  But 
whether  it  was  or  not,  does  not  appear.f  The  de 
struction  of  this  family  was  horrid.  Six  persons, 
namely,  the  old  gentleman,  his  son,  and  daughter  in 
law,  who  was  far  advanced  in  pregnancy,  and  three 
grandchildren  were  killed,  and  mangled  in  a  shock 
ing  manner.  Some  of  them,  when  found  the  next 
day,  were  partly  consumed  in  the  flames  of  their 
dwelling,  to  which  the  Indians  set  fire  when  they 
drew  off. 

At  Saco  they  met  with  a  severe  repulse,  in  an  en 
deavour  to  take  Major  Phillips'  garrison.  J  Captain 
Benython  had  got  information  by  a  friendly  Indian, 
that  something  was  intended  against  the  place,  so  he 
retired  into  the  garrison  with  Phillips.  His  house 
had  not  been  deserted  above  an  hour,  when  he  saw 
it  in  flames.  The  savages  soon  crossed  the  river,  and 
were  seen  skulking  by  the  fences  to  get  a  shot  at 
some  about  the  garrison.  Major  Phillips  went  into 
a  chamber  to  look  out  for  the  enemy,  and  was. wound 
ed.  The  Indians  thought  they  had  killed  him,  and 
openly  began  the  attack  ;  but  their  Captain  being 
immediately  shot  down,  they  drew  a  little  further  off. 
They  now  employed  a  stratagem  to  fire  the  garrison. 
They  took  the  large  wheels,  (used  for  lumbering,  at 
a  mill  near  by,  which  they  burned)  and  erected  a 
battery  upon  the  axletree,  then  they  ran  it  back  by 
taking  hold  of  the  tongue  or  spear,  very  near  the 
garrison;  when  one  wheel  stuck  in  the  mud,  and  the 

*  Narrative,  269. 

t  Sullivan,  Hist.  Maine,  '199,  says  it  was  in  July  1675,  and 
that  the  name  of  the  family  was  Wakefield. 
|  On  Saturday,  18  September, 


APPENDIX. 

other  rolling  on,  gave  their  helm  an  oblique  direction, 
and  they  were  all  exposed  to  the  fire  of.the  English. 
They  being  in  readiness,  fired  from  every  part  of  the 
fortification  at  once,  killing  and  wounding  about  thirty. 
The  rest  gladly  gave  up  the  siege  and  fled.  They  next 
killed  seven  persons  at  Blue  point,  (Scarborough,) 
and  burned  twenty  houses.*  About  the  same  time, 
five  persons  were  killed  by  the  same  Indians,  while 
going  up  Saco  river.  In  the  same  month,  they  burned 
two  houses  at  Oyster  river,  belonging  to  two  families 
by  the  name  of  Chesly,  killed  two  men  passing  in  the 
river,  and  carried  two  captive.  One  Robinson  and 
son  were  shot  in  the  way  between  Exeter  and  Hamp 
ton,  about  this  time.  Within  a  few  days,  also,  the 
house  of  one  Tozer,  atNewichwannock,  was  assault 
ed,  wherein  were  fifteen  women  and  children,  all  of 
whom  except  two,  were  saved  by  the  intrepidity  of  a 
girl  of  eighteen.  She  first  seeing  the  Indians,  shu< 
the  door  and  stood  against  it,  till  the  others  escaped 
to  the  next  house,  which  was  better  secured.  The 
Indians  chopped  the  door  to  pieces,  then  entering, 
knocked  her  down,  and  leaving  her  for  dead,  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  others;  of  whom,  two  children,  who 
could  not  get  over  the  fence,  fell  into  their  hands. 
The  valiant  heroine  recovered  of  her  wounds.  The 
two  next  days,  they  showed  themselves  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  burned  two  houses  and  three  barns, 
containing  a  great  quantity  of  grain.  And,  at  Oysr 
ter  river,  they  burned  five  houses,  and  killed  two  men. 
The  people  were  now  determined  to  retaliate.  About 
twenty  young  men,  chiefly  of  Dover,  obtained  leave 
of  Major  Waldron,  then  commander  of  the  militia, 
to  hunt  the  enemy.  Having  divided  themselves  into 
small  parties,  one  of  these  came  upon  five  Indians 
in  the  woods,  near  a  deserted  house.  Two  of  them 
were  preparing  a  fire  to  roast  corn,  while  the  other 
three  were  gathering  it.  They  were  at  a  loss  at  first 

•  Sullivan*  215. 


APPENDIX  313 

how  to  make  their  onset,  as  the  Indians  were  the 
most  numerous.  But  at  length,  concluded  to  creep 
up  and  knock  the  two  on  the  head  at  the  fire,  without 
noise  to  alarm  the  others.  The  first  part  of  their 
plan  exactly  succeeded,  the  two  Indians  being  laid 
dead  with  the  buts  of  their  guns ;  but  the  others  heard 
the  blows  and  fled. 

People  in  general,  now  retired  to  garrison  houses, 
and  the  country  was  filled  with  consternation.  Octo 
ber  the  seventh,  Thursday,  a  man  was  shot  off  hia 
horse,  as  he  was  riding  between  two  garrisons  at 
Newichwannock.  Not  far  from  the  same  place  two 
others  were  shot  dead  the  same  day.  About  the 
same  time,  an  old  gentleman,  by  the  name  of  Beard, 
was  killed,  and  his  head  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole. 
This  was  at  Oyster  river.  On  Saturday,  the  six 
teenth,  about  a  hundred  Indians  appeared  at  Newich 
wannock,  (Berwick  now)  a  short  distance  from  the 
upper  garrison,  where  they  killed  one  Tozer,  and  cap 
tured  his  son.  The  guns  alarmed  Lieutenant  Plais- 
ted  at  the  next  garrison,  who,  with  seven  men,  went 
out  on  a  discovery,  but  fell  into  an  ambush ;  two  or 
three  were  killed,  and  the  others  escaped  to  the  gar 
rison,  where  they  were  closely  besieged.  In  this 
perilous  situation,  Lieutenant  Plaisted  wrote  a  letter 
to  Major  Waldron  for  help,  but  he  was  not  able  to 
afford  any.  The  next  day  Plaisted  ventured  out  with 
twenty  men  to  bury  the  dead,  but  was  again  ambush 
ed,  and  his  men  deserted  him.  He  disdaining  to  fly, 
was  killed  upon  the  spot,  with  his  eldest  son,  and  one 
more.  His  other  son  died  of  his  wounds.  It  appears 
that  the  Indians  now  drew  off,  for  Captain  Frost  went 
up  from  Sturgeon  creek,  the  next  day,  and  buried  the 
dead.  The  enemy  next  appeared  at  Sturgeon  creek, 
about  the  latter  end  of  the  month,  and  attacked  Cap 
tain  Frost's  house,  which  was  preserved  only  by  a 
stratagem.  Frost  had  only  three  boys  with  him,  but 
by  giving  orders  in  an  imperious  tone,  for  some  to 
march  here,  and  others  to  fire  there,  that  the  Indians 


814  APPENDIX. 

thought  he  had  a  great  many  men,  so  went  off  and 
left  him.  The  next  day  they  appeared  against  Ports 
mouth,  on  the  Kittery  side,  where  they  killed  one 
man  and  burned  his  house.  Some  shot  from  a  can 
non  being  thrown  among  them  from  a  battery  on 
Portsmouth  side,  they  thought  best  to  disappear.  A 
party  of  English  pursued  them,  and  recovered  most 
of  their  plunder,  but  killed  none.  Soon  after  a 
house  and  two  or  three  barns  were  burned  atQ,uoche- 
co,  and  three  or  four  persons  killed  about  Exeter  and 
Lampreyeel  river. 

At  Casco  bay,  Lieutenant  Tngersol's  son,  with 
another  man,  were  killed,  while  out  hunting.  Many 
houses  were  also  burned.  At  Black  point,  Lieuten 
ant  Augur  with  his  brother  were  killed.  Captain 
Wincol  of  Newichwannock,  marched  this  way  for 
the  relief  of  his  friends,  with  about  fourteen  men. 
He  soon  had  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy,  and  lost  two 
or  three  of  his  men.  Soon  after,  as  they  were  march 
ing  along  on  the  sea  side,  they  were  beset  by  a  great 
body  of  Indians;  but,  chancing  to  get  behind  some 
timber,  from  whence  they  dealt  with  them  with  such 
effect,  that  they  soon  took  to  the  woods,  and  the 
English  escaped  in  a  canoe.  But  nine  men  from 
Saco,  having  h-eard  the  firing,  came  out  to  assist  their 
fellows,  and  fell  into  an  ambush,  and  were  all  killed. 
Two  persons  were  killed  at  Wells  in  the  beginning 
of  winter.  At  the  same  place,  one  Cross  and  one 
Isaac  Cousins  were  also  killed  about  a  week  after. 

Depredations  were  suspended  on  account  of  the 
severity  of  winter.  But  before  the  suspension,  up 
wards  of  fifty  people  had  been  killed  and  taken.  In 
the  mean  time,  a  peace  was  concluded  through  the 
mediation  of  Major  Waldron,  which,  says  Mr.  Hub- 
bard,  "  might  have  remained  firm  enough  to  this  day, 
had  there  not  been  too  just  an  occasion  given  for  the 
breaking  of  the  same,  by  the  wicked  practice  of  some 
lewd  persons  which  opened  the  door,  and  made  way 
for  the  bringing  in  all  those  sad  calamities  and  mis- 


APPENDIX.  31o 

chiefs,  that  have  since  fallen  upon  those  parts  of  tho 
country." 

But  this  may  be  considered  as  the  end  of  Philip's 
war  in  the  east,  although  from  other  causes  a  war 
continued  till  1678. 

Many  of  Philip's  Indians  mixed  with  those  at  the 
eastward  after  the  fall  of  that  chief,  in  hopes  of 
escaping  detection.  For  they  had  seen  even  those 
who  delivered  themselves  up,  executed,  therefore, 
they  were  apprised  of  their  fate.  Some  that  had 
killed  Thomas  Kimbal  of  Bradford,  and  carried  off 
his  family,  soon  after  restored  them  with  the  hopes  of 
pardon,  but  it  being  doubted  whether  this  was  a 
sufficient  atonement  for  the  whole,  they  (three  of 
them)  were  thrown  into  Dover  jail.  The  prisoners 
considering  this  only  as  a  prelude  to  their  future 
punishment,  broke  jail,  and  fled  to  join  the  Kenne- 
beck  and  Androscoggin  Indians.  Through  their  in 
fluence  another  quarrel  was  begun. 

The  next  remarkable  occurrence  was  the  capture 
of  the  four  hundred  Indians  at  Quocheco.*  For 
other  particulars  the  reader  is  referred  to  Mather's 
Magnalia,  and  Belknap's  Newhampshire. 

VI. THE    BOLD    EXPLOIT    OF    HANNAH    DUSTAN. 

THIS  took  place  in  the  latter  part  of  Castings  War, 
or  as  others  term  it  "  King  William's  War ;"  -but  as 
it  is  evident  that  Castine  was  the  chief  mover  of  it, 
it  may  very  properly  be  called  Castings  War. 

On  the  fifth  of  March,  1698,  the  Indians  made  a 
descent  on  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts,  in  which  they 
took  and  killed  thirtynine  persons,  and  burned  about 
a  half  a  dozen  houses.  ,.  In  the  onset,  the  house  of  a 
Mr.  Dustan  was  fallen  upon,  and  his  wife,  who  had 
lain  in  but  a  week  before,  and  her  nurse,  Mary  NefT, 
were  taken.  Mr.  Dustan  was  absent  when  the  In- 

*  An  account  of  the  affair  is  given  with  the  history  of  Ma 
jor  Waldron  in  the  third  note  to  page  161, 


310  APPENDIX. 

dians  first  appeared  about  the  town,  and  on  hearing 
the  alarm,  ran  to  the  assistance  of  his  family.  Meet 
ing  seven  of  his  children  near  his  house,  ordered 
them  to  run,  and  make  their  escape  to  some  garrison 
in  the  town,  while  he  entered  the  house  with  intent 
to  help  his  wife  escape.  She  left  her  bed  at  the 
warning,  but  the  near  approach  of  the  Indians,  would 
admit  only  of  a  flying  retreat ;  this  Mr.  Dustan  saw 
was  impossible,  from  the  weak  state  of  his  wife.  A 
moment  of  horrour  and  despair  brooded  over  him;  in 
which  he  had  to  choose  whether  he  would  stay  and 
suffer  with  her,  or  make  his  escape.  He  resolved  on 
the  latter,  knowing  that  he  could  be  no  assistance  to 
her,  amidst  an  army  of  savages  ;  and,  that  he  might 
be  to  his  children,  in  facilitating  their  escape.  The 
Indians  Were  now  upon  them,  but  he  having  a  horse, 
fled  before  them,  and  overtook  his  children,  about 
forty  rods  from  the  house  ;  some  one  of  which,  he  in 
tended  to  have  taken  on  the  horse  with  him,  and  so 
escape.  But  now  he  was  at  a  loss,  for  which  one  to 
take,  he  knew  not;  therefore,  he  resolved  to  face 
about,  and  defend  them  to  the  last.  Some  of  the 
enemy  drew  near  and  fired  upon  them,  and  Mr.  Dus 
tan  being  armed,  also  fired  upon  the  Indians,  at 
which  they  gave  over  the  pursuit,  and  returned  to 
share  the  spoils  of  the  house.  Mr.  Dustan  and  his 
seven  children  (from  two  to  seventeen  years  of  age) 
got  safe  to  a  garrison,  one  or  two  miles  off,  where 
we  must  leave  him  to  bewail  the  many  supposed 
deaths  of  his  wife  and  infant  child. 

The  Indians,  being  about  twenty  in  number,  in  the 
mean  time,  seized  the  nurse,  who  was  making  her 
escape  with  the  young  child,  and  taking  Mrs.  Dus 
tan,  with  what  plunder  could  be  found  from  the  house, 
set  it  on  fire,  and  took  up  their  march  for  Canada. 
The  infant  was  immediately  taken  from  the  nurse, 
and  a  monster  taking  it  by  the  feet,  dashed  out  its 
brains  against  a  tree.  Their  whole  number  of  cap 
tives  was  now  about  twelve,  which  gradually  diinin- 


APPENDIX.  31? 

ished  on  the  march.  Some,  growing  weary  and 
faint,  were  killed,  scalped,  and  otherwise  mangled, 
and  left  in  the  wilderness.  Notwithstanding  the 
weakness  of  Mrs.  Dustan,  she  travelled  twelve  miles 
the  first  day,  and  thus  bore  up  under  a  journey  of 
near  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  in  a  few  days. 
On  their  march  the  Indians  divided,  according  to  their 
usual  custom,  and  each  family  shifted  for  itself  with 
their  share  of  prisoners,  for  the  convenience  of  hunt 
ing.  Mrs.  Dustan,  her  nurse  and  an  English  youth, 
taken  from  Worcester  eighteen  months  before,  fell 
to  the  lot  of  an  Indian  family,  consisting  of  twelve 
persons ;  two  stout  men,  three  women,  and  seven 
children.  The  captives  were  informed,  that  when 
they  arrived  at  a  certain  Indian  town,  they  were  to 
run  the  gauntlet,  through  a  great  number  of  Indians. 
But  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  having  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  Contoocook  river,  they  encamped  upon  a 
small  island,  and  pitched  their  tents.  As  all  lay 
asleep  but  Mrs.  Dustan,  she  conceived  the  bold  de 
sign  of  putting  the  Indians  to  death,  and  escaping. 
Accordingly,  she  silently  engaged  Miss  Neff,  and 
the  English  youth,  to  act  a  part  in  the  dreadful  tra 
gedy  ;  infusing  her  heroism  into  them,  each  took  a 
tomahawk,  and  with  such  deadly  effect  were  the 
blows  dealt,  that  all  were  slain  save  two  ;  one  a  wo 
man,  who  fled  desperately  wounded,  the  other  a  boy, 
whom  they  intended  to  have  kept.  They  then  took 
off  their  ten  scalps,  and  returned  home  in  safety. 
The  government  voted  them  fifty  pounds  reward, 
and  Colonel  Nicholson,  the  Governour  of  Maryland, 
made  them  a  valuable  present.  The  island  on  which 
this  memorable  affair  happened,  justly  bears  the 
name  of  Dustan's  island.* 

*  For  the  principal  facts  in  this  narrative  I  am  indebted  to 
the  Magnalia. 

27* 


APPENDIX. 


VII. SCHENECTADA  DESTROYED. 

"!N  the  dead  of  winter,  three  expeditions  were 
planned,  and  parties  of  French  and  Indians  despatch 
ed  from  Canada,  on  different  routes,  to  the  frontiers 
of  the  English  colonies.  One  of  these  parties,  on 
February  the  eighth,  1690,  fell  on  Schenectada,*  a 
village  on  the  Mohawk  river.  Such  was  the  fatal  se 
curity  of  the  people,  that  they  had  not  so  much  as 
shut  their  gates.  The  enemy  made  the  attack  in  the 
dead  time  of  the  night,  when  the  inhabitants  were 
in  a  profound  sleep.  Care  was  taken  by  a  division 
of  the  enemy  into  small  parties,  to  attack  every  house 
at  the  same  instant.  Before  the  people  were  risen 
from  their  beds,  the  enemy  were  in  possession  of 
their  dwellings,  and  commenced  the  most  inhuman 
barbarities.  In  an  instant  the  whole  village  was 
wrapped  in  a  general  flame.  Women  were  ripped 
up,  andtheir  infants  dashed  against  the  posts  of  their 
doors,  or  cast  into  the  flames.  Sixty  persons  perish 
ed  in  the  massacre,  and  about  thirty  were  captivat 
ed.  The  rest  fled  naked  in  a  terrible  storm  and  deep 
snow.  In  the  flight,  twentyfive  of  these  unhappy 
fugitives  lost  their  limbs,  through  the  severity  of  the 
season. 

The  enemy  consisted  of  about  two  hundred  French, 
and  a  number  of  Caghnuagaf  Indians,  under  the 
command  of  D'Aillebout,  Do  Mantel,  and  Le  Moyne. 
Their  first  design  was  against  Albany,  but  having 
been  two  and  twenty  days  on  their  march,  they  were 
reduced  to  such  straits,  that  they  had  thoughts  of 
surrendering  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  The  In- 

*  About  14  miles  above  Albany,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Mohawk.  The  country  around  is  a  sandy  barren,  on  which 
account  it  was  called  Schenectada. 

t  This  Caghnuaga  is  in  Canada.  There  is  another  on  tha 
Mohawk  river,  6  miles  below*  Johnston,  but  the  inhabi 
tants  lilro  spell  it  Caughnewaga. 


APPENDIX. 

dians,  therefore,  advised  them  to  Schenectada  :  and 
it  seems  that  the  accounts,  which  their  scouts  gave 
them  of  its  fatal  security,  was  the  only  circumstance 
which  determined  them  to  make  an  attempt,  even 
upon  this.  The  enemy  pillaged  the  town,  and  went 
off  with  the  plunder,  and  about  forty  of  the  best 
horses.  The  rest,  with  all  the  cattle  they  could  find, 
were  left  slaughtered  in  the  streets.  The  success  of 
the  enemy  seems  to  have  been  principally  owing  to 
the  dispute  between  Leisler*  and  the  people  of  Alba 
ny,  in  consequence  of  which  this  post  was  neglect 
ed. 

The  Mohawks  joining  a  party  of  young  men  from 
Albany,  pursued  the  enemy,  and  falling  on  their  rear, 
killed  and  captivated  nearly  thirty. "f 

VIII. — SCHUYLER'S  EXPEDITION,  AND  OTHER  EVENTS. 

THE  success  of  the  French  and  Indians  against  the 
"rentier  settlements  of  Newengland,  had  been  great, 
and  the  inactivity  of  the  people  to  repel  them,  had  just 
ly  been  an  object  of  blame  with  the  Sixnations ;  for 
their  country  must  at  all  times  afford  a  pass  to  them* 
Steps,  therefore,  must  now  be  taken  to  retain  the 
confidence  of  those  people. 

Major  Peter  Schuyler,  the  Washington  of  his  day, 
lived  at  Albany,  where  with  incredible  industry  and 
perseverance,  he  made  himself  acquainted  with  all 
the  plans  and  undertakings  of  the  Sixnations,  and  as 
studiously  maintained  a  friendship  with  them,  which 
extended  to  all  Americans.  They  had  received  re 
peated  injuries  from  the  French  for  a  long  time,  and 
something  was  now  necessary  to  prove  to  them,  that 
the  English  were  not  afraid  to  meet  them  on  their 
own  ground .  Accordingly,  in  1 69 1 ,  Major  Schuyler, 
"  with  about  three  hundred  men,  nearly  half  Mo- 

*  Afterwards  executed  for  assuming  the  government  of 
N«wyork.  See  Smith's  Hist.  N.  Y.  121  to  129. 

t  Ti-ambull's  Hist.  U.  S.  I,  315  to  217, 


320  APPENDIX. 

hawks  and  Schakook*  Indians,  passed  Lake  Chamr 
plain,  and  made  a  bold  attack  on  the  French  settle 
ments  north  of  the  lake.  Meanwhile,  DeCallieres,  the 
Oovernour  of  Montreal,  spared  no  pains  to  give  him 
a  proper  reception.  He  crossed  the  river  with  twelve 
hundred  men,  and  encamped  at  La  Praire.  Schuy- 
ler  attacked  and  put  to  flight  his  out 'posts  and  In 
dians,  pursued  them  to  the  fort,  and  on  that  com 
menced  a  brisk  attack.  He  had  a  sharp  and  brave 
action  with  the  French  regulars,  and  afterward  forc 
ing  his  way  through  a  body  of  the  enemy,  who  in 
tercepted  him,  on  his  return,  made  good  his  retreat. 
In  these  several  conflicts,  the  Major  slew  of  the  ene 
my,  thirteen  officers,  and  in  the  whole  three  hundred 
men ;  a  greater  number  than  he  carried  with  him 
into  the  neld."f 

Before  this,  in  1688,  twelve  hundred  warriours  of 
the  Sixnations,  made  a  descent  on  the  island  of  Mon 
treal,  slew  a  thousand  of  the  inhabitants,  and  carried 
off  twentysix  prisoners,  whom  they  burnt  alive. 
About  three  months  after,  they  attacked  the  island 
again,  and  went  off  with  nearly  the  same  success. 
"  These  expeditions  had  the  most  dismal  consequen 
ces  on  the  affairs  of  the  French  in  Canada."  They 
had  a  garrison  at*  lake  Ontario,  which  they  now  aban 
doned,  and  fled  in  canoes  down  the  Cadarackui  in 
the  night ;  and,  in  descending  the  falls,  a  great  num 
ber  of  men  were  lost.  Ths  warriours  then  took  pos 
session  of  the  garrison,  and  twentyseven  barrels  of 
powder  fell  into  their  hands.  Nothing  but  the  ignor 
ance  of  the  Sixnations,  in  the  European  art  of  war, 
saved  Canada  from  total  ruin  ;  and,  what  will  ever  be 
lamented,  the  colonies,  through  the  caprice  of  their 
European  lords,  were  unable  to  lend  them  any  assist 
ance.  With  a  little  help  from  the  English,  a  period 
would  have  been  put  to  the  torrents  of  blood  that 

*  Trumbull,  I,  221,  but  at  301,  he  spells  it  as  seen  in  Phil 
ip's  war,  page  68  except  that  he  used  but  one  t. 
f  Ibid,  221-225. 


APPENDIX.  821 

flowed  until,  the  conquest  by  the  immortal  Wolf  and 
Amherst,  in  1760. 

IX. DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 

IN  1703,  the  plan  was  laid  to  cut  off  the  frontier 
inhabitants  of  Newengland,  from  one  extremity  to  the 
other,  but  it  was  not  fully  executed.  Though  the 
eastern  settlements  from  Casco  to  Wells  were  de 
stroyed,  and  one  hundred  and  thirty  people  killed  and 
taken,  the  western  frontiers  remained  unmolested, 
and  were  lulled  into  a  fatal  security.  From  the  In 
dians  that  traded  at  Albany,  Colonel  Schuyler  receiv 
ed  intelligence  of  a  design  in  Canada  to  fall  upon 
Deerfield,  of  which  the  inhabitants  were  informed  in 
May.  "  The  design  not  being  carried  into  execution 
in  the  course  of  the  summer,  the  intelligence  was 
not  enough  regarded.  But  the  next  winter,  1704, 
M.  Vaudrieul,  [Vaudreuil]  Governour  of  Canada,  re 
sumed  the  project  with  much  attention." 

The  history  of  this  affair  from  the  accomplished 
historian  of  Vermont,  Dr.  Samuel  Williams,  is  per 
haps  more  particularly  interesting,  as  he  is  an  imme 
diate  descendant  of  a  principal  sufferer,  the  Rev. 
John  Williams,  I  give  it  in  his  own  words. 

"  Deerfield,  at  that  time,  was  the  most  northerly 
settlement  on  Connecticut  river,  a  few  families  at 
Northfield  excepted.  Against  this  place,  M.  Vau 
drieul  sent  out  a  party  of  about  three  hundred  French 
and  Indians.  They  were  put  under  the  command  of 
Hertel  de  Rouville,  assisted  by  four  of  his  brothers ; 
all  of  which  had  been  trained  up  to  the  business  by 
their  father,  who  had  been  a  famous  partizan  in  their 
former  wars.  The  route  they  took,  was  by  the  way 
of  Lake  Champlain,  till  they  came  to  the  French 
river,  now  called  Onion  river.  Advancing  up  that 
stream,  they  passed  over  to  Connecticut  river,  and 
travelled  on  the  ice  till  they  came  near  to  Deerfield. 
Mr.  Williams,  their  minister,  had  been  much  appre- 


323  APPENDIX. 

hensive  of  danger,  and  attempted  to  make  the  same 
impression  on  the  minds  of  his  people,  but  not  with 
sufficient  success;  but  upon  his  application,  the  go 
vernment  of  the  province  had  sent  a  guard  of  twenty 
soldiers  for  their  assistance.     The  fortifications  were 
some  slight  works  thrown  round  two  or  three  garri 
son  houses,  but  were  nearly  covered  in  some  places 
with  drifts  of  snow.     To  this  place,  Rouville  with 
hiafjparty,  approached  on  February  the  twentyninth. 
Hovering  round  the  place,  he  sent  out  his  spies  for 
intelligence.     The  watch  kept  the  streets  of  the  town 
till  about  two  hours  before  day,  and  then,  unfortu 
nately,  all  of  them  went  to  sleep.     Perceiving  all  to 
be  quiet,  tho  enemy  embraced  the  opportunity  and 
rushed  on  to  the  attack.     The  snow  was  so  high, 
that  they  had  no  difficulty  in  jumping  over  the  walls 
of  the  fortification  ;  and  immediately  separated  into 
>small  parties,  to  appear  before  every  house   at  the 
same    time.     The   place  was  completely    surprised, 
and  the  enemy  were  entering  the  houses  at  the  mo 
ment  the  inhabitants  had  the  first  suspicion  of  their 
approach.     The  whole  village  was  carried  In  a  few 
hours,  and  with  very  little  resistance ;  one  of  the  gar 
rison  houses  only,  being  able  to  hold  out  against  the 
enemy. 

Having  carried  the  place,  slain  fortyseven  of  the 
inhabitants,  captured  the  rest,  and  plundered  the  vil 
lage,  the  enemy  set  it  on  fire;  and  an  b our  after  sun 
rise  on  the  same  day,  retreated  in  great  haste.  A  small 
party  of  the  English  pursued  them,  and  a  skirmish 
ensued  the  same  day,  in  which  a  few  were  lost  on 
both  sides.  The  enemy,  however,  completely  suc 
ceeded  in  their  enterprize,  and  returned  to  Canada 
on  the  same  route,  carrying  with  them  one  hundred 
and  twelve  of  the  inhabitants  of  Deerfield,  as  prisoners 
of  war.  They  were  twentyfive  days  on  their  march 
from  Deerfield  to  Chambly ;  and  like  their  masters, 
the  savages,  depended  on  hunting  for  their  support. 
On  their  arrival  in  Canada,  they  found  much  hu- 


APPENDIX.  323 

manity  and  kindness  from  the  French,  and  from  M- 
Vaudrieul  their  Governour ;  but  complained  much 
of  the  intolerance,  bigotry,  and  duplicity  of  the 
priests."* 

Among  the  captives  was  the  minister  of  the  town, 
Rev.  John  Williams.  As  the  Indians  entered  his 
room,  he  took  down  his  pistol,  and  presented  it  to 
the  breast  of  the  foremost,  but  it  missed  fire.  They 
then  laid  hold  on  him,  and  bound  him  naked  as  he 
was,  and  thus  kept  him  for  the  space  of  an  hour.  In 
the  mean  time  two  of  the  children  were  carried  out 
and  killed ;  also  a  negro  woman.  His  wife,  who  was 
hardly  recovered  from  childbed,  was  with  the  rest 
marched  for  Canada.  The  second  day,  in  wading  a 
river,  Mrs.  Williams  fainted  and  fell,  but  with  assist 
ance  was  kept  along  a  little  farther;  when  at  the 
foot  of  a  hill  she  began  to  falter,  her  savage  master, 
with  one  blow  of  his  tomahawk,  put  an  end  to  her 
miseries. 

The  distance  they  had  to  march  was  at  least  three 
hundred  miles.  At  different  times  the  most  of  the 
prisoners  were  redeemed  and  returned  home.  Mr* 
Williams  and  fiftyseven  others  arrived  at  Boston  from 
Q,uebeck,  in  1706.  One  of  his  daughters,  Eunice, 
married  an  Indian,  and  became  a  convert  to  the  Ro 
man  Catholick  religion,  which  she  never  would  con 
sent  to  forsake.  She  frequently  visited  her  friends 
in  Newengland  ;  "  but  she  uniformly  persisted  in 
wearing  her  blanket  and  counting  her  beads. "f 

Mr.  Williams,  after  his  return,  was  invited  to  preach 
near  Boston ;  but  refused  every  offer,  and  returned 
again  to  Deerfield  and  collected  his  scattered  flock, 
with  whom  he  continued  until  1728;  "dying  in 
peace,  beloved  by  his  people,  and  lamented  by  his 
country."  He  published  a  history  of  his  captivity, 
which,  when  Dr.  Williams,  his  grand  son,  wrote  his 

*  Williams'  Hist.  Vermont,  I,  304-307. 
t  Holmes'  American  Annab.  II,  63 


324  APPENDIX. 

history  of  Vermont,  had  passed  through  seven  edi 
tions.* 

X. RAVAGES  OF  THE  EASTERN  INDIANS. 

IN  1707,  the  frontiers  suffered  extremely.  Oyster 
river,  Exeter,  Kingstown,  and  Dover  in  Newhamp- 
shire  ;  Berwick,  York,  Wells,  Winterharbour,  Casco, 
and  even  Marlborough  in  Massachusetts,  were  con 
siderably  damaged.  In  1710,  Col.  Walton  with  one 
hundred  and  seventy  men  made  an  expedition  to 
Norridgewock,  in  the  beginning  of  winter.  The 
chief  of  that  place  was  taken  and  killed,f  and  many 
more.  The  next  year  is  rendered  memorable  by  the 
great  expedition  against  Canada;  memorable  only 
for  its  bad  success,  and  the  monstrous  debt  it  brought 
upon  the  Colonies.  In  1713,  a  peace  was  concluded 
with  France,  in  consequence  of  which  the  eastern 
Indians  desired  peace  with  the  colonies,  which  was 
accordingly  brought  about. J  It  was  however  of 
short  duration.  In  August  1717,  it  was  renewed  at 
Arrowsike,§  but  was  broken  within  two  years  after, 

*  Hist.  Vermont. 

t  His  name  was  Arruhawikwabemt,  "an  active  bold  fellow, 
and  one  of  an  undaunted  spirit ;  for,  when  he  was  asked 
several  questions,  he  made  no  reply  ;  and  when  they  threat 
ened  him  with  death,  he  laughed  at  it  with  contempt."  Pen- 
hallow,  70. 

|  The  delegates  met  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  11  July,  and  a 
treaty  was  signed  the  13.  The  articles  are  preserved  entire 
in  Penhallow's  History,  82-85. 

§  Penhallow,  page  90,  relates  a  story  concerning  the  abun 
dance  of  Ducks  at  this  place,  which,  though  we  do  not  doubt 
it,  is  certainly  equally  astonishing  to  many  fish  stories. 
About  three  days  after  the  renewal  of  the  treaty,  "  a  number 
of  Indians  went  a  duck  hunting,  which  was  a  season  of  the 
year  that  the  old  ones  generally  shed  their  feathers  in,  and 
the  young  ones  are  not  so  well  flushed  as  to  be  able  to  fly  ; 
they  drove  them  like  a  flock  of  sheep  before  them  into  tbe 
creeks,  where  without  either  powder  or  shot,  they  killed  at 
one  time,  four  thousand  and  six  hundred;"  The  English 
bought  for  a  penny  a  dozen. 


APPENDIX.  825 

and  various  hostilities  committed.  The  government, 
in  1721,  ordered  a  party  of  men  to  Norridgewock, 
their  chief  town,  but  on  their  approach,  the  Indians 
all  fled  into  the  woods.  One  Sebastian  Rallc,  or 
Rolle  dwelt  there,  as  a  missionary  among  them,  and 
was  supposed  to  have  stirred  up  the  Indians  to  hos 
tilities,  as  Castine  formerly  had.  Nothing  was  effect 
ed  by  the  expedition,  except  the  bringing  away  of 
some  of  Halle's  papers,  by  which  it  was  discovered, 
that  he  was  instigator  in  the  war.  This  was  thought 
by  the  Indians  to  be  such  an  insult  on  the  divine 
agency,  that  they  now  made  war  their  business,  i  In 
June,  1722,  a  largo  body  struck  a  deadly  blow  on 
Merrymeeting  bay,  a  village  on  an  arm  of  the  Win- 
nipissaukee,*  where  they  took  nine  families.!  Short 
ly  after,  at  Passammaquaddy,  they  took  a  vessel  with 
passengers,  and  burned  Brunswick. 

War  was  now  declared  on  the  part  of  the  English, 
and  in  February,  Col.  Westbrook  with  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men,  ranged  the  coast  with  small  vessels 
as  far  as  Mountdesert.  "  On  his  return  he  sailed  ur 
the  Penobscot,  and  about  thirtytwo  miles  above  the 
anchoring  place,  for  the  transports,  discovered  the- 
Indian  Castle.  It  was  seventy  feet  long  and  fifty 
broad.  Within  were  twentythree  well  finished  wig 
wams.  Without  was  a  handsome  church,  sixty  feet 
long  and  thirty  broad.  There  was  also  a  commo 
dious  house  for  their  priest.  But  these  were  all  de 
stroyed,  and  nothing  more  was  accomplished  by  the 
expedition,  than  the  barbarous  business  of  burning 
this  Indian  village. 

*  There  are  many  ways  used  in  writing  this  word,  Doug 
lass,  on  the  same  page  has  it  two  ways ;  and  few  early  authors 
write  it  alike,  but  all,  or  nearly  all,  seem  to  aim  at  the  sound 
which  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  it.  And,  as  the  inhabitants, 
who  dwell  around  this  lake,  pronounce  it  so,  I  see  no  reason 
why  we  should  not  write  it  so  ;  especially,  as  it  was  the  most 
early  way,  and,  no  doubt,  so  called  by  the  natives  themselves 

f  Most  of  these  were  afterward  set  at  liberty.  Penhal- 
low,  91. 

28 


APPENDIX. 

Afterwards  Captain  Moulton  wuit  up  with  a  party 
of  men  to  Norridgewock,  but  the  village  was  de 
serted.  He  was  a  brave  and  prudent  man,  and,  pro 
bably,  imagining  that  moderation  and  humanity 
might  excite  the  Indians  to  a  more  favourable  con 
duct  towards  the  English,  he  left  their  houses  and 
Church  standing." 

In  April,  1723,  eight  persons  were  killed  or  taken 
at  Scarborough  and  Falmouth.  "  Among  the  dead 
was  a  Sergeant  Chubb,  whom  the  Indians  imagining 
to  be  Captain  Harman,  against  whom  they  had  con 
ceived  the  utmost  malignity,  fifteen  aiming  at  him 
at  the  same  instant,  lodged  eleven  bullets  in  his 
body. 

Besides  other  mischiefs,  the  enemy,  the  summer 
Allowing,  surprised  Casco,  with  other  harbours  in 
ts  vicinity,  and  captured  sixteen  or  seventeen  sail  of 
fishing  vessels.  The  vessels  belonged  to  Massachu 
setts  ;  but  Governour  Philips  of  Novascotia,  happen 
ing  to  be  at  Casco,  ordered  two  sloops  to  be  imme 
diately  manned  and  dispatched  in  pursuit  of  the  ene 
my.  The  sloops  were  commanded  by  John  Eliot  01 
Boston,  and  John  Robinson  of  cape  Anne.  As  Eliot 
was  ranging  the  coast  he  discovered  seven  vessels  in 
Winepang  harbour.  He  concealed  his  men,  except 
'our  or  five,  and  made  directly  for  the  harbour. 
Ct'ming  nearly  up  to  one  of  the  vessels,  on  board  of 
which  was  about  sixty  Indians,  in  high  expectation 
of  another  prize,  they  hoisted  their  pendants  and 
cried  out  '  Strike  English  dogs  and  come  aboard  for 
you  are  all  prisoners.'  Eliot  answered  that  he  would 
make  all  the  haste  he  could.  As  he  made  no  attempts 
to  escape,  the  enemy  soon  suspected  mischief,  cut 
their  cable  and  attempted  to  gain  the  shore ;  but  im 
mediately  boarding  them  he  prevented  their  escape. 
For  about  half  an  hour  they  made  brave  resistance, 
^ut  Eliot's  hand  grenadoes  made  such  a  havock 
among  them,  that  at  length,  those  who  had  not  been 
Hilled,  took  to  the  water  where  they  were  a.  fair 


APPENDIX. 

mark  for  the  English  musketeers.  Five  only  reached 
the  shore.  Eliot  received  three  bad  wounds,  had  one 
man  killed  and  several  wounded.  He  recovered 
seven  vessels,  several  hundred  quintals  of  fish,  and 
fifteen  captives.  Manf  of  the  captives  had  been 
sent  away,  and  nine  had  been  murdered  in  cold  blood. 
Robinson  retook  two  vessels  and  killed  several  of 
the  enemy. 

The  loss  of  such  a  number  of  men  determined  the 
enemy  to  seek  revenge  on  the  poor  fishermen. 
Twenty  of  these  yet  remained  in  their  hands,  at  the 
harbour  of  Malagash,  [where  the  remainder  of  the 
vessels  lay  which  they  had  taken  from  the  English, 
and  were  inaccessible  to  Captain  Eliot.]  These 
were  all  destined  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  manes  of  the 
slaughtered  Indians.  At  the  very  time,  that  the  pow- 
awing  and  other  ceremonies,  attending  such  horri 
ble  purposes,  were  just  commencing,  Captain  Blin, 
who  sometime  before  had  been  a  prisoner  among 
them,  arrived  off  the  harbour ;  and  made  the  signal, 
or  sent  in  a  token,  which  it  had  been  agreed  between 
them,  should  be  the  sign  of  protection.  Three  In- 
dians  came  aboard,  and  an  agreement  was  made  for 
the  ransom  both  of  the  ships  and  captives.  These 
were  delivered  and  the  ransom  paid.  Captain  Blin 
in  his  way  to  Boston,  captivated  a  number  of  them, 
near  cape  Sable ;  and  Captain  Southack  a  number 
more,  which  they  brought  on  with  them  to  Boston." 

In  September  they  made  a  descent  on  the  island 
of  Arrowsike,  where  they  burned  the  houses,  killed 
the  cattle,  and  then  retired  to  their  head  quarters  at 
Norridgewock.  There  was  a  garrison  on  the  island 
of  about  forty  men,  but  their  number  was  so  small 
compared  with  that  of  the  enemy,  that  no  sally  was 
made. 

The  beginning  of  the  next  year,  1724,  was  alto 
gether  unfavourable  to  the  English.  People  were 
killed  at  Cape  Porpoise,  Black  Point,  and  Berwick ; 
also  at  Lamprey,  and  Oyster  rivers,  and  Kingston, 
in  Newhampshire, 


328  APPENDIX. 

"Captain  Josiah  Winslow,  who  had  been  station 
ed  at  the  fort  on  St.  George's  river,  with  part  of  his 
company,  had  been  surprised  and  cut  off.  He  went 
out  from  the  fort  with  two  whaleboats,  fourteen  white 
men,  and  three  Indians.  It  seems  the  enemy  watch 
ed  their  motions,  and  on  their  return,  suddenly  sur 
rounded  them,  with  thirty  canoes,  whose  compliment 
was  not  less  than  a  hundred  Indians.  The  English 
attempted  to  land,  but  were  intercepted,  and  nothing 
remained  but  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible. 
They  made  a  brave  defence,  but  every  Englishman 
was  killed.  The  three  Indians  escaped  to  report 
their  hapless  fall.  Flushed  with  these  successes,  the 
enemy  attempted  still  greater  feats  on  the  water. 
They  took  two  shallops  at  the  isles  of  shoals.  They 
then  made  seizures  of  other  vessels  in  different  har 
bours.  Among  others  they  took  a  large  schooner 
carrying  two  swivel  guns.  This  they  manned  and 
cruised  along  the  coast.  It  was  imagined  that  a 
small  force  would  be  able  to  conquer  these  raw  sai 
lors.  A  shallop  of  sixteen,  and  a  schooner  of  twenty 
men,  under  Captains  Jackson  and  Lakeman,  were 
armed  and  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  They  soon 
came  up  with  them,  but  raw  as  they  were,  they  obli 
ged  the  English  vessels  to  sheer  off,  and  leave  them 
to  pursue  their  own  course,  who  took  eleven  vessels 
and  fortyfive  men.  Twentytwo  they  killed,  and  the 
others  they  carried  into  captivity." 

While  these  affairs  were  passing  at  sea,  the  inland 
country  suffered  also.  "  Mischief  was  done  at  Gro- 
ton,  Rutland,  Northampton,  and  Dover.  In  all  these 
places  more  or  less  were  killed,  some  wounded,  and 
others  carried  into  captivity." 

The  scene  is  now  to  change.  The  English  are 
resolved  to  visit  the  Indians  at  their  head  quarters, 
at  Norridgewock.  Accordingly,  Captains  Moulton, 
Harman,  and  Bourne,  \vith  two  hundred  and  eighty 
men,  arrived  at  Taconnock,  up  the  Kennebeck  river, 
the  twentieth  of  August.  Here  they  left  their  boats 


APPENDIX.  329 

and  forty  men  to  guard  them,  and  proceeded  the 
next  day  for  Norridgewock.  "  In  the  evening  they 
discovered  two  women,  the  wife  and  daughter  of 
Bomazeen,  the  famous  warriour  and  chieftain  of 
Norridgewock.  They  fired  upon  them  and  killed  his 
daughter,  and  then  captivated  his  wife.  By  her  they 
obtained  a  good  account  of  the  state  of  the  village. 
On  the  twentythird  they  came  near  it,  and  as  they 
imagined  that  part  of  the  Indians  would  be  in  their 
corn  fields,  at  some  distance,  it  was  thought  expedi 
ent  to  make  a  division  of  the  army."  Captain  Har- 
man  marched  with  eighty  men  into  the  fields. — 
"  Moulton  with  the  remainder  marched  directly  for 
the  village.  About  three  o'clock  it  opened  sudden 
ly  upon  them.  The  Indians  were  all  in  their  wig 
wams  entirely  secure.  Moulton  marched  his  men  ir 
the  profoundest  silence,  and  ordered  that  not  one  of 
them  should  fire  at  random,  through  the  wigwams 
nor  till  they  should  receive  the  enemy's  fire  ;  as  he 
expected  they  would  come  out  in  a  panic  and  over 
shoot  them.  At  length  an  Indian  stepping  out,  dis 
covered  the  English  close  upon  them,  tie  instantly 
gave  the  war  hoop,  and  sixty  warriours  rushed  out  to 
meet  them.  The  Indians  fired  hastily  without  in- 
juring  a  man.  The  English  returned  the  fire  with 
great  effect,  and  the  Indians  instantly  fled  to  the  riv 
er.  Some  jumped  into  their  canoes,  others  into  the 
river,  which  the  tallest  of  them  were  able  to  ford. 
Moulton  closely  pursuing  them,  drove  them  from 
their  canoes,  and  killed  them  in  the  river,  so  that  it 
was  judged,  that  not  more  than  fifty  of  the  whole  vil 
lage  reached  the  opposite  shore.  Some  of  these 
were  shot  before  they  reached  the  woods. 

The  English  then  returning  to  the  village,  found 
father  Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  firing  from  one  of  the  wig 
wams  on  a  small  number  of  men  who  had  not  been 
in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  One  of  these  he  wound 
ed  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  one  Lieutenant  Ja- 
28* 


3BO  APPENDIX. 

ques  burst  the  door  and  shot  him  through  the  head. 
Captain  Moulton  had  given  orders  not  to  kill  him. 
Jaques  excused  himself,  affirming  that  Ralla  was 
loading  his  piece,  and  refused  to  give  or  take  quar 
ter.  With  the  English  there  were  three  Mohawks. 
Mogg,*  a  famous  Indian  warriour  firipg  from  a  wig 
wam  killed  one  of  them.  His  brother  in  a  rage  flew 
to  the  wigwam,  burst  the  door,  and  instantly  killed 
Mogg.  The  English  followed  in  a  rage  and  killed 
his  squaw  and  two  helpless  children."  After  the  ac 
tion  Harman  arrived  and  they  all  lodged  in  the  vh« 
lage.  "  In  the  morning  they  found  twentysix  dead 
bodies,  besides  that  of  the  Jesuit.  Among  the  dead 
were  Bomazeen,Mogg,  Wissememet,  and  Bomazeen's 
son  in  law,  all  famous  warriours."f 

The  inhumanity  of  the  English  to  the  women  and 
children  cannot  be  excused.  It  greatly  eclipses  the 
lustre  of  the  victory. { 

The  Norridgewocks  were  now  broken  down,  and 
-they  never  made  any  figure  afterwards.^ 

XI. — LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 

PERHAPS  the  celebrated  story  of  "LOVEWELL'S 
FIGHT,"  cannot  be  given,  to  interest  the  present  age, 
better  than  in  the  language  of  the  old  song,  composed 
just  after  it  happened.  It  is  a  simple  and  true  nar 
rative  of  the  affair. 

1  Of  worthy  Captain  Lovewell,||  I  purpose  now  to  sing, 
How  valiantly  he  served  his  country  and  his  King  ;        •** 

*  In  Philip's  War  there  was  a  chief  by  this  name.  Mr. 
JHubbard  called  him  "  Mug  the  rogue." 

f  "The  number  in  all  that  were  killed  [of  the  enemy]  waa 
supposed  to  be  eighty."  Penhallow,  108. 

|  "  It  may,"  says  Penhallow,  ib.  "  be  as  noble  an  exploit. 
<fall  things  considered)  as  ever  happend  in  the  time  of  King 
Philip" 

'  TUP  above  article  is  taken  from  Dr.  Trumbull's  Hist.  V 
K  Chan.  iX. 

'~  C^iuin  John  Lovewell  Jived  in  Dunstable,,  Newhamp- 


APPENDIX.  331 

He  and  his  valiant  soldiers,  did  range  the  woods  full  wide, 
And  hardships  they  endured  to  quell  the  Indians'  pride. 

2  'Twas  nigh  unto  Pigwacket,*  on  the  eighth  day  of  May,t 
They  spied  a  rebel  Indian  soon  after  break  of  day ; 

He  on  a  bank  was  walking,  upon  a  neck  of  land, 
Which  leads  into  a  pondf  as  we're  made  to  understand. 

3  Our  men  resolv'd  to  have  him  and  travell'd  two  miles  round. 
Until  they  met  the  Indian,  who  boldly  stood  his  ground  ; 
Then  spake  up  Captain  Lovewell,  "Take  you  good  heed,'* 

says  he, 
"  This  rogue  is  to  decoy  us,  I  very  plainly  see.§ 

4  "  The  Indians  lie  in  ambush,  in  some  place  nigh  at  hand, 
"  In  order  to  surround  us  upon  this  neck  of  land  ; 

"  Therefore  we'll  march  in  order,  and  each  man  leave  his 

pack,|| 
"  That  we  may  briskly  fight  them  when  they  make  their 

attack." 

6  They  came  unto  this  Indian,  who  did  them  thus  defy, 
As  soon  as  they  came  nigh  him,  two  guns  he  did  let  fly,1T 

shire,  then  Massachusetts.  "  He  was  a  son  of  Zacheus  Love- 
well,  an  Ensign  in  the  army  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  who  came 
to  this  country  and  settled  at  Dunstable,  where  he  died  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years,  the  oldest  white 
man  who  ever  died  in  the  state  of  Newhampshire."  Far 
mer  and  Moore's  Col.  HI,  64. 

*  Situated  on  the  upper  part  of  the  river  Saco,  then  50 
miles  from  any  white  settlement.  Ib.  I,  27.  It  is  in  the 
present  town  of  Fryeburg,  Maine. 

t  They  set  out  from  Dunstable  about  the  16  April,  1725. 
Symmes'  narrative,  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Col.  I,  27. 

$  Called  Saco  pond.  Some  call  this  Lovewell's  pond,  but 
Lovewell's  pond  is  in  Wakefield,  where  he  some  time  before, 
captured  a  company  of  Indians,  who  were  on  their  way  to 
attack  some  of  the  frontier  towns. 

§  This  Indian  was  out  a  hunting,  and  probably  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  English,  having  two  ducks  in  his  hand,  and 
his  guns  loaded  with  bearer  shot.  Symmes  and  Belknap. 

||  The  Indians  finding  their  packs,  learned  their  number, 
and  placed  themselves  to  surround  them,  when  they  return 
ed. 

11  It  appears  from  Mr.  Symmes,  that  the  English  saw  the 
I;i;lhri  coming,  and  secreted  themselves,  firing  at  him  first 


332  APPENDIX. 

Which  wounded  Captain  Lovcwell,  and  likewise  one  man 

more,*  [gore.f 

But  when  this  rogue  was  running,  they  laid  him  in  his 

6  Then  having  scalp'd  the  Indian,  they  went  back  to  the  snot, 
Where  they  had  laid  their  packs  down,  but  there  they 

found  them  not, 
For  the  Indians  having  spy'd  them,  when  they  them  down 

did  lay, 
Did  seize  them  for  their  plunder,  and  carry  them  away. 

7  These  rebels  lay  in  ambush,  this  very  place  hard  by, 
So  that  an  English  soldier  did  one  of  them  espy, 

And  cried  out  "Here's  an  Indian,"  with  that  they  started 

out, 
As  fiercely  as  old  lions,  and  hideously  did  shout. 

8  With  that  our  valiant  English,  all  gave  a  loud  huzza*, 
To  shew  the  rebel  Indians  they  fear'd  them  not  a  straw: 
So  now  the  fight  began,  and  as  fiercely  as  could  be, 

The  Indians  ran  up  to  them,  but  soon  were  forc'd  to  flee.f 

t» 

9  Then  spake  up  Captain  Lovewell,  when  first  the  fight  be 

gan, 

"  Fight  on  my  valiant  heroes!  you  see  they  fall  like  rain." 
For  as  we  are  inform'd,  the  Indians  were  so  thick, 
A  man  could  scarcely  fire  a  gun  and  not  some  of  them  hit. 

.0  Then  did  the  rebels  try  their  best  our  soldiers  to  surround, 
But  they  could  not  accomplish  it,  because  there  was  a  pond, 
To  which  our  men  retreated  and  covered  all  the  rear,§ 
The  rogues  were  forc'd  to  flee  them,  altho'  they  skulk'd 
for  fear. 

He  then,  having  two  guns,  discharged  both,  and  wounded 
the  Captain  mortally. 

*  Samuel  Whiting. 

f  Ensign  Wyman  shot  him,  and  Mr.  Frye,  the  chaplain, 
and  another,  scalped  him.     Symmes. 

t  Both  parties  advanced  with  their  guns  presented,  and 
when  thejr  came  within  "  a  few  yards,"  they  fired  on  both 
sides.  "  The  Indians  fell  in  considerable  numbers,  but  the 
English,  most,  if  not  all  of  them,  escaped  the  first  shot."  Ib.  ' 
Then  advancing  within  twice  the  length  of  their  guns,  slew 
nine.  Penhallow. 

§  Twelve  were  killed  and  wounded  before  they  retreated 
to  the  pond.     There  was  a  small  bank,  which  served  thorn 


APPENDIX.  833 

1 1  Two  logs  there  were  behind  them,  that  close  together  lay, 
Without  being  discovered,  they  could  not  get  away  5 
Therefore  our  valiant  English,  they  travell'd  in  a  row, 
And  at  a  handsome  distance  as  they  were  wont  to  go. 

12  'Twas  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  first  the  fight  begun, 
And  fiercely  did  continue  until  the  setting  sun  , 
Excepting  that  the  Indians,  some  hours  before  'twas  night, 
Drew  off  into  the  bushes  and  ceased  awhile  to  fight.* 

13  But  soon  again  returned,  in  fierce  and  furious  mood, 
Shouting  as  in  the  morning,  but  yet  not  half  so  loud  ; 
For  as  we  are  informed,  so  thick  and  fast  they  fell, 
Scarce  twenty  of  their  number,  at  night  did  get  home  well.t 

14  And  that  our  valiant  English,  till  midnight  there  did  stay, 
To  see  whether  the  rebels  would  have  another  fray  ; 

But  they  no  more  returning,  they  made  off  towards  their 

home,  [come4 

And  brought  away  their  wounded  as  far  as  they  could 

15  Of  all  our  valiant  English,  there  were  but  thirtyfour, 
And  of  the  rebel  Indians,  there  were  about  four  score. 
And  sixteen  of  our  English  did  safely  home  return, 

The  rest  were  killed  and  wounded,  for  which  we  all  must 
mourn.  § 

as  a  breastwork,  and,  perhaps,  saved  them  from  an  immediate 
defeat.  This  is  the  more  probable,  as  but  few  Were  killed 
afterward.  Ib. 

*  They  probably  drew  off  to  take  care  of  the  wounded. 
Symmes  nor  Penhallow  makes  no  mention  that  they  return 
ed  again  to  the  fight,  after  they  drew  off. 

t  Forty  were  said  to  be  killed  upon  the  spot,  and  eighteen 
more  died  of  their  wounds.  Penhallow. 

|  Solomon  Keyes,  after  receiving  three  wounds,  crawled 
along  the  shore  of  the  pond,  where  he  chanced  to  find  an  old 
canoe,  into  which  he  rolled  himself,  and  the  wind  wafted 
him  on  several  miles  toward  the  fort,  which  he  reached  in 
safety.  He  felt  his  end  approaching,  when  he  was  in  the 
boat,  into  which  he  had  crawled,  only  to  die  in  peace,  and  to 
escape  the  scalping  knife,  but  wonderfully  revived.  Symmes. 

§  Eight  were  left  in  the  woods,  whose  wounds  were  so  bad 
that  they  could  not  travel,  of  whom  two  only  returned.  One 
ran  away  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight. 


334  APPENDIX. 

6  Our  worthy  Captain  Lovewell  among  them  there  did  die, 
They  killed  Lt.  Robins,*  and  wounded  good  young  Frye,f 
Who  was  our  English  chaplain  ;  he  many  Indians  slew, 
And  some  of  them  he  scalp'd  when  bullets  round  him  flew 

17  Young  FullamJ  too  I'll  mention,  because  he  fought  so  well, 
Endeavouring  to  save  a  man,  a  sacrifice  he  fell ; 

But  yet  our  valiant  Englishmen  in  fight  were  ne'er  dis- 

may'd,  [made, 

But  still  they  kept  their  motion,  and  Wyman's§  Captain 

18  Who  shot  the  old  chief  Paugus,  ||  which  did  the  foe  defeat, 
Then  set  his  men  in  order,  and  brought  off  the  retreat ; 
And  braving  many  dangers  and  hardships  in  the  way, 
They  safe  arriv'd  at  D  unstable,  the    thirteenth  day  of 

Mav.1I 

In  the  beginning  of  the  war,  one  hundred  pounds 
were  offered  by  the  government  for  every  Indian 
scalp.  Captain  Lovewell  and  his  company  in  about 

He  belonged  to  Chelmesford.  Being  mortally  wounded, 
desired  to  have  two  guns  charged,  and  left  with  him,  which 
.hey  did.  He  said,  "  As  the  Indians  will  come  in  the  morn 
ing  to  scalp  me,  I  will  kill  one  more  of  them  if  I  can."  Ib. 

f  He  fell  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon.  He  was  the 
only  son  of  Capt.  James  Frye  of  Andover,  graduated  at  Har 
vard  college  in  1723,  and  was  chaplain  of  the  company.  Ib. 

J  Only  son  of  Major  Fullam  of  Weston,  was  sergeant  of 
the  company,  and  fell  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight.  Ib. 

§  Ensign  Seth  Wyman  of  Woburn.  He  was  presented 
with  a  silver  hilted  sword  for  his  good  conduct,  and  commis 
sioned  Captain.  He  died  soon  after. 

y  Many  of  Lovewell's  men  knew  Paugus  personally.  A 
huge  bear's  skin  formed  a  part  of  his  dress.  From  Mr. 
Symmes'  account,  it  appears  that  John  Chamberlain  killed 
him.  They  had  spoken  together  some  time  in  the  fight, 
and  afterward  both  happened  to  go  to  the  pond  to  wash  out 
their  guns,  which  were  rendered  useless  by  so  frequent 
firing.  Here  the  challange  was  given  by  Paugus,  "  It  is  you 
or  I."  As  soon  as  the  guns  were  prepared  they  fired,  and 
Paugus  fell. 

IF  Wyman  and  three  others  did  not  arrive  until  the  15th, 
but  the  main  body,  consisting  of  twelve,  arrived  the  13th. 


APPENDIX. 

three  months  made  twelve  hundred  pounds.  This 
stimulated  them  to  attack  the  village  of  Pigwocket, 
where,  if  successful,  they  considered  their  fortunes 
sure.  It  was  a  heavy  loss  to  the  country,  but  this 
nearly  finished  the  war.  The  Indians  formed  no 
considerable  body  in  these  parts  afterward.  A  long 
and  happy  peace  followed. 

The  above  song  is  taken  from  the  valuable  Histori 
cal  Collections  of  Farmer  and  Moore. 

I  cannot  refuse  the  beautiful  lines  of  Mr.  Thomas 
C.  Upham,  "  a  N.  Hampshire  poet,"  a  place  in  this 
work.  They  were  occasioned  by  a  visit  to  the  place 
of  Lovewell's  Fight.* 

Ah !  where  are  the  soldiers  that  fought  here  of  yore  ? 
The  sod  is  upon  them,  they'll  struggle  no  more. 
The  hatchet  is  fallen,  the  red  man  is  low  ; 
But  near  him  reposes  the  arm  of  his  foe. 

The  bugle  is  silent,  the  warhoop  is  dead  ; 
There's  a  murmur  of  waters  and  woods  in  their  stead 
And  the  raven  and  owl  chant  a  symphony  drear, 
From  the  dark  waving  pines  o'er  the  combatant's  bier 

The  light  of  the  sun  has  just  sunk  in  the  wave, 
And  a  long  time  ago  sat  the  sun  of  the  brave. 
The  waters  complain,  as  they  roll  o'er  the  stones, 
And  the  rank  grass  encircles  a  few  scatter'd  bones. 

The  names  of  the  fallen  the  traveller  leaves 

Cut  out  with  his  knife  in  the  bark  of  the  trees, 

But  little  avail  his  affectionate  arts, 

For  the  names  of  the  fallen  are  graved  in  our  hearts. 

The  voice  of  the  hunter  is  loud  on  the  breeze, 
There's  a  dashing  of  waters,  a  rustling  of  trees  ; 
But  the  jangling  of  armour  hath  all  pass'd  away, 
No  gushing  of  lifeblood  is  here  seen  to  day. 

The  eye  that  was  sparkling,  no  longer  is  bright, 
The  arm  of  the  mighty,  death  conquered  its  might, 


*  Taken  from  Farmer  and  Moore's  Col,  I,  35. 


33fl  APPENDIX. 

The  bosoms  that  once  for  their  country  beat  high, 
To  those  bosoms  the  sods  of  the  valley  are  nigh. 

Sleep,  soldiers  of  merit,  sleep,  gallants  of  yore, 
The  hatchet  is  fallen,  the  struggle  is  o'er. 
While  the  fir  tree  is  green  and  the  wind  rolls  a  wave. 
The  tear  drop  shall  brighten  the  turf  of  the  brave. 

XII. ANECDOTES,     NARRATIVES,     &C.,    OF    THE     IN 
DIANS. 

1.  Among  the  first  settlers  of  Brunswick,  Maine 
was  Daniel  Malcolm,  a  man  of  undaunted  courage, 
and  an  inveterate  enemy  of  the  Indians,  who  gave 
him  the  name  of  Sungurnumby,  that  is,  a  very  strong 
man.  Early  in  the  spring,  he  ventured  alone,  into 
the  forest  for  the  purpose  of  splitting  rails  from  the 
spruce,  not  apprehensive  of  Indians  so  early  in  the 
season.  While  engaged  in  his  work,  and  having 
opened  a  log  with  small  wedges  about  half  its  length 
he  was  surprised  by  Indians,  who  crept  up  and  se 
cured  his  musket,  standing  by  his  side.  "Sungur 
numby,"  said  the  chief,  "  now  me  got  you  ;  long  me 
want  you  ;  you  long  speak  Indian,  long  time  worry 
him ;  me  have  got  you  now ;  look  up  stream  to  Ca 
nada." — "Well,"  said  Malcolm,  with  true  sangfroid, 
"  you  have  me  ;  but  just  help  me  open  this  log  be 
fore  I  go."  They  all  (five  in  number)  agreed.  Mal 
colm  prepared  a  large  wooden  wedge,  carefully 
drove  it,  took  out  his  small  wedges,  and  told  the  In 
dians  to  put  in  their  fingers  to  the  partially  clefted 
wood,  and  help  pull  it  open.  They  did  ;  he  then  sud 
denly  struck  out  his  blunt  wedge,  and  the  elastick 
wood  instantly  closed  fast  on  their  fingers,  and  he 
secured  them.* 

2.  Origin  of  the  name  of  a  bridge  in  Salisbury 
JV.  1L,  known  by  the  name  of  "  INDIAN  BRIDGE." — 
In  the  fall  of  the  year  1753,  two  Indians,  named  Sa- 

*  Farmer  and  Moore,  III,  10S. 


APPENDIX.  337 

batis  and  Plausawa,  came  into  Canterbury  with  furs. 
They  here  met  two  men  from  Newbury,  whom  they 
knew,  but  were  not  pleased  at  seeing  them,  and  be 
gan  to  make  off.  Sabatis  seemed  disposed  to  do 
mischief,  but  was  prevented  by  Plausawa.  The  two 
Englishmen  offered  to  buy  their  furs.  They  refused, 
and  said  they  would  not  sell  furs  to  the  English,  but 
would  go  to  Canada;  but  afterward  they  offered  to 
trade  for  rum.  They  had  rum,  but  would  not  sell 
it  to  them,  thinking  that  they  were  ill  disposed.  As 
they  were  about  to  leave  the  Indians,  one  of  them, 
Plausawa,  appeared  friendly,  and  advised  them  to 
avoid  meeting  with  Indians.  When  they  had  gone 
a  little  distance  from  the  Indians,  Sabatis  called 
them,  and  said,  "  No  more  you  English  come  here ; 
rae  heart  bad ;  me  kill  you."  One  of  the  English 
replied,  "No  kill — English  and  Indians  now  all 
brothers."  As  they  left  the  Indians,  they  met  one 
Peter  Bowen  going  toward  them.  They  told  him  of 
the  temper  the  Indians  had  showed,  and  tried  to  dis 
suade  him.  He  replied,  that  he  was  not  afraid  of 
them ;  that  be  was  acquainted  with  Indians  and  knew 
how  to  deal  with  them.  The  Indians  had  got  into 
their  canoe,  and  were  going  up  the  river,  when  Bow- 
en  called  to  them,  and  invited  thsm  to  go  to  his 
house,  and  stay  all  night ;  and  that  he  would  give 
them  some  rum.  They  went  with  him  to  his  house, 
which  was  in  Contoocook.  The  night  was  spent  in 
a  drunken  frolick,  in  which  Bowen  did  not  fail  to 
act  his  part ;  being  much  accustomed  to  their  modes 
of  life.  In  the  midst  of  the  frolick,  Bowen  took  the 
caution  to  unload  their  guns.  The  next  morning  he 
took  his  horse  to  convey  their  packs  to  their  boats. 
As  they  were  going,  Sabatis  proposed  to  Bowen  to 
run  with  his  horse.  A  race  being  agreed  upon  and 
performed,  in  which  Sabatis  beat  Bowen  on  horse 
back,  at  which  he  was  much  pleased,  and  laughed 
heartily.  After  proceeding  along  a  little  further, 
29 


338  APPENDIX. 

Sabatis  said  to  him,  "  Bowen  walk  woods,"  meaning 
that  Bowcn  was  his  prisoner.  Bowen  said,  "No 
walk  woods,  all  one  brothers."  Another  race  soon 
followed,  in  which  Sabatis  fell  in  the  rear,  and  Bow- 
en  hearing  a  gun  snap,  looked  round  and  saw  a  flash 
from  Sabatis'  gun,  which  was  pointed  at  him.  He 
turned  back  and  laid  him  dead  with  a  blow  of  his 
tomahawk.  Plausawa  was  lurther  behind,  and  as 
Bowen  came  toward  him,  he  leveled  his  gun  and  it 
snapped  also ;  he  then  fell  on  his  knees  and  begged 
for  his  life,  but  Bowen  knew  he  should  be  in  danger 
so  long  as  the  friend  of  Sabatis  lived,  so  he  despatch 
ed  him  in  like  manner.  He  then  hid  the  bodies  un 
der  a  bridge,  which  were  found  the  next  spring,  and 
buried.  From  this  affair  is  the  name  of  Indian 
Bridge  derived.* 

3.  Origin  of  the  peopling  of  Nantucket  by  the  In 
dians.     It  is  told  that  in  a  remote  period  of  antiqui 
ty,  an  eagle  made  a  descent  on  some   part  of  the 
coast  of  what  is  now  Newengland,  and  carried  off  a 
young  Indian  in  his  talons.     The  weeping  parents 
made  bitter  lamentations,  and  with  eager  eyes  saw 
their  child   borne  out  of  sight,  over  the   trackless 
deep.     They  resolved  to  follow  in  the  same  direc 
tion.     Accordingly  they  set  out  in  their  canoes,  and 
after  a  perilous  passage  descried  the  island.     They 
landed  and  after  much  search  found  the  bones  of 
the  child. 

4.  Jin  anecdote  of  the  colony  of  Sagadehock. 
"  The  Norridgswock  Indians  have  this  tradition ; 

that  this  company  engaged  a  number  of  Indians,  who 
had  come  to  trade  with  them,  to  draw  a  cannon,  by 
a  long  rope;  that  the  moment"  they  were  ranged  in 
a  strait  line,  the  white  people  discharged  the  piece, 
which  killed  and  wounded  a  number.  Their  story  is, 
that  the  indignation  of  the  natives  for  this  barba- 

•  ibid,  in,  27. 


APPENDIX.  839 

rrMM  treachery,  compelled  the  company  to  embark 
to  save  their  own  lives."* 

5.  "  il  letter   from  KING   PHILIP   to    Governour 
Prince,  copied  from  the  original,  which  belongs  to 
Mr.  White,  of  Plymouth.  The  words  are  spelt  as  in 
the  original  Utter" 

KING  PHILIP  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he 
could  not  come  to  the  court,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter 
has  a  pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travil  so 
far,  and  Philip  sister  is  very  sick. 

Philip  would  intreat  that  favor,  of  you,  and  aney 
of  the  majestrates,  if  aney  English  or  Engians  speak 
about  aney  land,  he  preay  you  to  give  them  no  an 
swer  at  all.  This  last  sumer  he  made  that  promig 
with  you,  that  he  would  not  sell  no  land  in  7  years 
time,  for  that  he  would  have  no  English  trouble  him 
before  that  time,  he  has  not  forgot  that  you  promis 
him. 

He  will  come  a  sune  as  posible  he  can  to  speak 
with  you,  and  so  I  rest,  your  verey  loveing  friend, 
Philip,  dwelling  at  mount  hope  nek 
To  the  much  honered 

Governer,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince, 
dwelling  at  Plymouth. f 

6.  Singularity  of  the  Indian  language.  Thus  the 
word  Nummatchekodtantamooongammnonash  signi 
fies  no  more  in  English,  than  our  lusts ;  and  Noo- 
womantammooonkanunonnash  no  more  thanowr  loves. 
A  yet  longer  word  (if  so  such  an  assemblage  of  let 
ters  may  be  called)  Kummogkodonattoottummooeti- 
teaongannunnonash  is  to  express  only  our  question.^. 

7.  A  proof  of  King  Philip's  humanity.  The  ances- 
ter  of  Col.  B.  Cole,  of  Warren,  Rhodeisland,  came 
to  this  country  and  settled  at  Tuisset.§     He  in  time 

*  Morse  and  Parish's  Hist.  N.  Eng.  17. 

t  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Col.  II,  40.  The  Editor  writes  at  the 
bottom  of  the  letter,  "  There  is  no  date  to  the  letter,  it  was 
probably  written  about  1660  or  1670." 

|  See  Magnalia,  I,  507. 

§  A  neck  of  land  on  the  east  side  of  Keekamuit  rivtr, 


340  APPENDIX. 

became  acqainted  with  Philip,  and  always  lived  in 
habits  of  friendship  with  him.  In  June  1675,  Philip 
informed  him  that  his  young  men  were  very  eager  to 
go  to  war  against  the  English ;  but  when  he  could 
no  longer  restrain  them  he  would  let  him  know.  Ac 
cordingly  on  an  evening  previous  to  the  fatal  24, 
canoes  arrived  from  Mounthope  with  advise  from 
Philip,  that  Mr.  Cole  and  family  must  go  over  to  R. 
I.,  as  his  people  would  begin  the  war.  They  em 
barked,  and  the  next  morning  their  dwellings  were 
burned.  Col.  B.  Cole,  is  of  the  fourth  generation.* 

8.  Jin  Indian  Snare.     To  take  large  animals  they 
sometimes  built  two  extensive  fences,  perhaps  a  mile 
apart  at  one  extremity,  and  at  the  other  nearly  meet 
ing,  forming  an  angle,  generally,  something  less  than 
a  right  one.     At  this  point  or  opening  they  contrived 
to  bend  down  a  tree  of  sufficient  strength  to  suspend 
the  largest  animals.     "  An  English  mare  having  once 
strayed  away,  was  caught,  and  like  Mahomet's  fabled 
coffin,  raised  between  the  heavens  and  earth,  in  one 
of  these   snares.     The  Indians  arriving,  and  seeing 
ler  struggling  on  the  tree,  ran  immediately,  and  in 
formed  the  English  that  their  squaw  horse  was  hang- 
»ng  on  a  tree."f 

9.  Anecdote  of  Massassoit.  "  Mr.  Winslow, J  com 
ing  in  his  bark  from  Connecticut  to  Narragenset, — 
and  he  left   her  there, — and  intending  to  return  by 
land,  he  went  to  Osamckin  the  sagamore,   [Massas 
soit]  his  old  ally,  who  offered  to  conduct  him  home 
to  Plimouth.     But,  before  they  took  their  journey, 
Osamekin  sent   one   of  his  men  to  Plimouth   to  tell 
them  that  Mr.  Winslow  was  dead  ;  and  directed  him 
to  show  how  and  where  he  was  killed.     Whereupon 
there  was  much  fear  and  sorrow  at  Plimouth.     The 
next  day,  when  Osamekin  brought  him  home,  they 

*  Oral  account  of  Col.  Cole, 
t  Morse  and  Parish's  N.  Eng.  222. 
Mr.  Edward  Winslow. 


APPENDIX,  341 

asked  him  why  he  sent  such  word,  &c.  He  answer 
ed,  that  it  was  their  manner  to  do  so,  that  they  might 
be  more  welcome  when  they  came  home."*  This 
was  in  1634. 

10.  Singular  descriptions.  Dr.  Mather  says  there 
fell  into  his  hands  the  manuscript  of  a  Jesuit,  em 
ployed  by  the  French  to  instruct  the  Iroquois  In 
dians  in  religion  ;  in  which  was  "  one  chapter  about 
Heaven,  and  another  about  Hell,  wherein  are  such 
thick  skulled  passages  as  these."  " '  Q.  How  is  tJie 
soyl  made  in  Heaven*?  A.  'Tis  a  very  fair  soyl,  they 
want  neither  for  meats  nor  clothes  :  'tis  but  wishing 
and  we  have  them.  Q.  Are  they  employed  in  Heav 
en?  A.  No  ;  they  do  nothing  ;  the  fields  yield  corn, 
beans,  pumpkins,  and  the  like  without  any  tillage." 
After  a  few  others  that  amount  to  no  more  or  less,  it 
proceeds  thus  in  the  examination  of  Hell.  "  *  Q. 
What  sort  of  soyl  is  that  of  hell"?  A.  A  very 
wretched  soyl ;  'tis  a  fiery  pit,  in  the  centre  of  the 
earth.  Q.  Have  they  any  light  in  hell'?  A.  No. 
'Tis  always  dark ;  there  is  always  smoke  there  ;  their 
eyes  are  always  in  pain  with  it ;  they  can  see  noth 
ing  but  the  devils.  Q.  What  shaped  things  are  the 
devils  ?  A.  Very  ill  shaped  things ;  they  go  about 
with  vizards  on.  and  they  terrify  men.  Q.  What 
do  they  eat  in  hell?  A.  They  are  always  hungry, 
but  the  damned  feed  on  hot  ashes  and  serpents  there. 
Q.  What  water  have  they  to  drink  ?  A.  Horid  wa 
ter,  nothing  but  melted  lead.  Q.  Don't  they  die  in  hell? 
A.  No :  yet  they  eat  one  another,  every  day  ;  but 
anon,  God  restores  and  renews  the  man  that  was  eat 
en,  as  a  cropt  plant  in  a  little  time  repullulates.'  " 
"  It  seems  they  have  not  thought  this  divinity  too 
gross  for  the  barbarians.  But  I  shall  make  no  re 
flections  on  it."f 

»  Winthrop's  Hist.  N.  Eng.  I,  1383  139. 
t  See  Magnalia,  I,  521,  522. 

29* 


342  APPENDIX. 

XIII. MASSACRE    OF     THE    CONESTOGOE    INDIANS    IK 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

AN  almost  uninterrupted  friendship  seems  to  have 
existed  between  the  Indians  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Pennsylvania,  until  the  year  1754.  At  this  period 
the  French  had  stirred  up  the  Indians  in  the  back 
country-  and  an  Indian  war  commenced. 

About  ten  years  after  that,  when  "  many,"  says 
Mr.  Proud,  "  who  had  been  continually  flocking  into 
the  province,  in  later  years,  having  from  their  inex 
perience  and  ignorance,  too  despicable  an  opinion 
of  that  people,  and  treating  them  accordingly,  w,ere 
by  this  conduct  foolishly  enraged  against  the  whole 
species  indiscriminately ;  insomuch,  that  in  the  lat 
ter  part  of  the  year  1763,  calling  to  their  aid  the 
madness  of  the  wildest  enthusiasm,  with  which,  un 
der  pretence  of  religion,  certain  most  furious  zealots 
among  the  preachers  of  a  numerous  sect,  in  the  pro 
vince,  could  inspire  their  hearers,  to  cover  their  bar 
barity,  a  number  of,  not  improperly  named,  armed 
demi-savages,  inhabitants  of  Lancaster  county,  prin 
cipally  from  the  townships  of  Paxtang  and  Donnegal, 
and  their  neighbourhood,  committed  the  most  horri 
ble  massacre,  that  ever  was  heard  of  in  this,  or  per 
haps,  any  other  province,  with  inpunity  !  arid  under 
the  notion  of  extirpating  the  heathen  from  the  earth, 
as  Joshua  did  of  old,  that  these  saints  might  possess 
the  land  alone,"  &c.  Thus  begins  the  narrative. 

"  'These  Indians  were  the  remains  of  a  tribe  of  the 
Six  Nations,  settled  at  Conestogoe,  and  thence  call 
ed  Conestogoe  Indians.  On  the  first  arrival  of  the 
English  in  Pennsylvania,  messengers  from  this  tribe 
came  to  welcome  them,  with  presents  of  venison, 
corn  and  skins;  and  the  whole 'tribe  entered  into  a 
treaty  of  friendship  with  the  first  Proprietary,  Will 
iam  Penn ;  which  was  to  last  as  kmg  as  the  sun 
should  shine,  or  the  waters  run  in  the  rivers. 


APPENDIX.  843 

This  treaty  has  been  since  frequently  renewed,  and 
the  chcAn  brightened,  as  they  express  it,  from  time  to 
time.  It  has  never  been  violated  on  their  part,  or 
ours,  till  now.  As  their  lands,  by  degrees,  were 
mostly  purchased,  and  the  settlement  of  the  white 
people  began  to  surround  them,  the  Proprietor  as 
signed  them  lands  on  the  manor  of  Conestogoe, 
which  they  might  not  part  with ;  there  they  have 
lived  many  years,  in  friendship  with  their  white 
neighbours,  who  loved  them  for  their  peaceable,  in 
offensive  behaviour. 

It  has  always  been  observed,  that  Indians,  settled 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  white  people,  do  not  increase, 
but  diminish  continually.  This  tribe  accordingly 
went  on  diminishing,  till  there  remained  in  their 
town,  on  the  manor,  but  twenty  persons,  namely, 
seven  men,  five  women,  and  eight  children,  boys  and 
girls. 

Of  these,  Shehaes  was  a  very  old  man,  having  as 
sisted  at  the  second  treaty,  held  with  them  by  Mr. 
Penn,  in  1701  ;  and  ever  since  continued  a  faithful 
friend  to  the  English  ;  he  is  said  to  have  been  an  ex 
ceeding  good  man.  considering  his  education,  being 
naturally  of  a  most  kind,  benevolent  temper. 

This  little  society  continued  the  custom  they  had 
begun,  when  more  numerous,  of  addressing  every 
new  Govemour,  and  every  descendant  of  the  first 
Proprietary,  welcoming  him  to  the  province,  assur 
ing  him  of  their  fidelity,  and  praying  a  continuance 
of  that  favour  and  protection,  which  they  had  hither 
to  experienced.  The}  had  accordingly  sent  up  an 
address  of  this  kind  to  our  present  Governour  (John 
£enn,  Esquire)  on  his  arrival;  but  the  same  was 
scarce  delivered  when  the  unfortunate  catastrophe 
happened  which  we  are  about  to  relate. 

On  Wednesday,  the  14th  of  December,  1703,  fif- 
tyseven  men  from  some  of  our  frontier  townships, 
who  had  projected  the  destruction  of  this  little  com 
monwealth  came  all  well  mounted,  and  armed  with 


344  APPENDIX. 

firelocks,  hangers  and  hatchets,  having  travelled 
through  the  country  in  the  night  to  Conestogoe  ma 
nor.  There  they  surrounded  the  small  village  of  In 
dian  huts,  and  just  at  break  of  day,  broke  in  upon 
them  all  at  once.  Only  three  men,  two  women,  and 
a  young  boy  were  found  at  home  ;  the  rest  being 
out  among  the  neighbouring  white  people ;  some  to 
sell  their  baskets,  brooms  and  bowls,  they  manufac 
tured,  and  others,  on  other  occasions.  These  poor 
defenceless  creatures  were  immediately  fired  upon, 
stabbed  and  hatcheted  to  death  !  The  good  She- 
haes,  among  the  rest,  cut  to  pieces  in  his  bed !  All 
of  them  were  scalped,  and  otherwise  horribly  mang 
led.  Then  their  huts  were  set  on  fire,  and  most,  of 
them  burned  down. 

The  Magistrates  of  Lancaster  sent  out  to  collect 
the  remaining  Indians,  brought  them  into  the  town, 
for  their  better  security  against  any  further  attempt ; 
and,  it  is  said,  condoled  with  them  on  the  misfortune, 
that  had  happened,  took  them  by  the  hand,  and 
promised  them  protection. 

They  were  put  into  the  workhouse,  a  strong  build 
ing,  as  the  place  of  greatest  safety. 

These  cruel  men  again  assembled  themselves ; 
and  hearing  that  the  remaining  fourteen  Indians 
were  in  the  workhouse  at  Lancaster,  they  suddenly 
appeared  before  that  town,  on  the  twentyseventh  of 
December.  Fifty  of  them  armed  as  before ;  dis 
mounting,  went  directly  to  the  workhouse,  and  by 
violence  broke  open  the  door,  and  entered  with  the 
utmost  fury  in  their  countenances.  When  the  poor 
wretches  saw  they  had  no  protection  nigh,  nor  could 
possibly  escape,  and  being  without  the  least  wea 
pon  of  defence,  they  divided  their  little  families,  the 
children  clinging  to  their  parents  ;  they  fell  on  their 
faces,  protested  their  innocence,  declared  their 
!ove  to  the  English,  and  that,  in  their  whole  lives, 
they  had  never  done  them  injury ;  and  in  this  pos 
ture,  they  all  received  the  hatchet!  Men,  women 


APPENDIX.  845 

and  children,  were  every  one  inhumanly  murdered 
in  cold  blood ! 

The  barbarous  men,  who  committed  the  attrocious 
fact,  in  defiance  of  government,  of  all  laws,  human 
and  divine,  and,  to  the  eternal  disgrace  of  their  coun 
try  and  colour,  then  mounted  their  horses,  huzzaed 
in  triumph,  as  if  they  had  gained  a  victory,  and  rode 
off  unmolested ! 

The  bodies  of  the  murdered  were  then  brought 
out,  and  exposed  in  the  street,  till  a  hole  could  be 
made  in  the  earth,  to  receive  and  cover  them.  But 
the  wickedness  cannot  be  covered,  and  the  guilt  will 
lie  on  the  whole  land,  till  justice  is  done  on  the  mur 
derers.  The  blood  of  the  innocent  will  cry  to  heaven 
for  vengeance. 

Notwithstanding  the  proclamations  and  endea 
vours  of  the  Governour  on  the  occasion,  the  murder 
ers  having  given  out  such  threatenings  against  those 
that  disapproved  their  proceedings,  that  the  whole 
country  seems  to  be  in  terror,  and  no  one  durst 
speak  what  he  knows ;  even  the  letters  from  thence 
are  unsigned,  in  which  any  dislike  is  expressed  of 
the  rioters.'" 

Mr.  Proud*  adds  to  the  above  narrative,  that,  "  So 
far  had  the  infection  spread,  which  caused  this  ac 
tion,  and  so  much  had  fear  seized  the  minds  of  the 
people,  or  perhaps  both,  that  neither  the  printer  nor 
the  writer  of  this  publication,  though  supposed  to  be 
as  nearly  connected  as  Franklin  and  Hall  were  at 
that  time,  and  men  of  the  first  character  in  their  way, 
did  not  insert  either  their  names,  or  places  of  abode, 
in  it !  It  was  printed  while  the  insurgents  were  pre 
paring  to  advance  towards  Philadelphia  ;  or  on  their 
way  thither ;  it  appeared  to  have  some  effect,  in  pre- 

*  See  his  Hist.  Pennsylvania,  I,  326  to  328.  [I  would  re 
mind  the  reader,  that  no  comparison  should  have  been  made, 
in  note  2,  to  page  147,  between  the  treatment  of  the  Indians 
in  Newengland,  and  Pennsylvania ;  for  Mr.  Makin  wrote 
before  any  material  difficulties  had  occurred  in  that  pro 
vince.] 


346  APPENDIX. 

venting  the  threatened  consequences,  by  exciting  an 
exertion  of  endeavours,  in  the  citizens,  for  that  pur 
pose  ;  and  being  a  relation  of  real  facts,  though  writ 
in  a  hurry,  it  was  never  answered  or  conti  ^dieted." 

XV. TROUBLES  WITH  THE  INDIANS  IN  THE  LATE  WAR 

WITH  ENGLAND. 

BEFORE  the  declaration  of  w.ar  took  place  between 
America  and  Great  Britain,  the  Indians  along  the 
frontiers,  very  much  alarmed  the  inhabitants  by  their 
hostile  appearance. 

The  famous  Indian  warriour,  Tecumseh,  had  been 
known  for  his  enmity  to  civilization,  and  utter  aver 
sion  to  the  white  people,  from  the  time  of  Harmer's 
:efeat;  and,  like  the  celebrated  Philip,  had  extend 
ed  his  endeavours,  far  and  wide,  among  the  various 
tribes  of  his  countrymen,  to  unite  them  in  making 
war  on  the  Americans.  His  eloquence  was  irresista- 
ble,  and  his  success  was  great.  It  is  sufficient  to 
observe,  that  the  English  had  early  engaged  him  in 
their  cause.  Much  was  also  imposed  on  the  ciedu- 
lity  of  those  people  by  a  brother  of  Tecumseh,  who 
professed  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  and  the  art  of  con 
juration  ;  in  the  exercise  of  which,  much  was  effect 
ed.  He  was  known  by  the  name  of  "  The  Prophet." 

In  1811,  Governour  Harrison  of  Indiana,  met  a 
large  number  of  chiefs  at  Vincennes,  to  confer  about 
the  state  of  affairs.  Tecumseh  appeared  there,  to 
remonstrate  against  the  sale  of  certain  lands,  made 
by  the  Kickapoos  and  others.  In  a  speech  of  great 
eloquence,  he  urged  the  wrongs  of  his  countrymen, 
by  the  encroachments  of  the  whites,  of  which  he 
gave  a  faithful  history.  In  the  Governour's  answer, 
he  advanced  something  which  Tecumseh  thought,  or 
perhaps  knew  to  be  wrong.  At  which  he  raised  his 
tomahawk,  and  twenty  or  thirty  others  followed  his 
example.  But  Harrison  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
have  a  sufficient  force  at  hand,  which  prevented  any 
acts  of  violence.  This  broke  up  the  conference,  and 
war  was  soon  expected  to  follow. 


APPENDIX.  547 

Battle  of  Tippecanoe.  Toward  the  latter  end  of 
the  year  1811,  the  appearance  of  the  Indians  was  so 
alarming,  that  Gov.  Harrison,  with  an  army  of  about 
2000  men,  marched  into  the  Indian  country.  On 
arriving  within  a  mile  of  the  Prophet's  town,  they 
were  met  by  a  number  of  chiefs,  who  sued  for  peace, 
and  begged  for  their  lives.  Harrison  demanded  the 
plunder  taken  from  the  Americans.  It  being  near 
night,  (5  November,  they  requested  the  army  to 
encamp,  and  in  the  morning,  they  would  accede  to 
his  proposals.  The  intrigue  was  mistrusted,  and  the 
Governour  drew  up  his  army  in  order  of  battle,  and 
encamped  for  the  night.  About  four  o'clock  their 
camp  was  attacked  with  great  impetuosity,  and  the 
battle  was  for  some  time  doubtful  and  bloody.  But 
at  length,  the  Indians  were  overpowered,  <and  the 
victory  was  complete.  About  300  of  their  war- 
riours  strewed  the  ground  of  battle.  The  behaviour 
of  the  Americans,  many  of  whom  had  never  seen 
an  engagement  before,  cannot  be  too  much  applaud 
ed.  When  the  battle  began,  each  took  his  post 
without  noise,  and  with  calmness.  Their  loss  in 
valuable  officers  was  severe  :  They  were  these  ;  kill 
ed,  Col.  Abraham  Owens,  the  Governour's  aid  ;  Col. 
Joseph  H.  Davies,  a  very  eminent  lawyer ;  Col. 
White,  Capt.  Warrick,  Capt.  Spencer,  Lieut.  Mc- 
Mahon,  Lieut.  Berry,  and  Capt.  Bean. 

Jin  Expedition  against  the  Western  Indians.— 
For  the  purpose  of  driving  the  hostile  Indians  out 
of  the  limits  of  the  U.  States,  an  expedition  was 
on  foot  early  in  October,  consisting  of  4000  men  un 
der  Gen.  Hopkins.  After  relieving  fort  Harrison, 
above  mentioned,  he  crossed  the  Wabash  and  en 
camped  but  few  miles  distant.  Here  discontents 
were  discovered  among  the  soldiers,  which  very  soon 
broke  out  into  open  disobedience  of  orders.  This 
great  armv  was  composed  of  raw  militia,  of  which  lit 
tle  could  be  expected ;  and,  but  for  the  assistance  af 
forded  fort  Harrison,  the  expedition  would  have  been 


APPENDIX. 

rendered  entirely  abortive.  A  certain  Major  rode 
up  to  the  General,  and  with  great  authority  of  ex 
pression,  commanded  him  to  return.  Seeing  the 
state  of  his  men,  the  General  told  them,  that  if  500 
would  accompany  him,  he  would  proceed  in  quest 
of  the  enemy  ;  but  not  a  man  would  turn  out.  He 
then  requested  them  to  let  him  have  the  direction 
for  a  single  day  ;  to  which  they  assented.  He  then 
put  himself  at  their  head,  and  ordered  them  to 
march;  but  they  filed  off  in  a  contrary  direction, 
and  marched  off  to  fort  Harrison;  and  the  General 
followed  in  the  rear.  At  their  encampment  in  a 
great  prairie  beyond  the  Wabash,  the  grass  was  dis 
covered  to  be  on  fire,  and  driven  by  a  fierce  wind 
directly  toward  their  camp.  This  was  an  Indian 
trap.  But  the  Americans  set  fire  to  the  grass  about 
them,  and  were  thereby  delivered  from  a  formidable 
onset  by  the  flames.  The  same  officer,  afterward 
performed  a  successful  expedition  against  the  In 
dians. 

Affair  of  the  river  Raisin.  Out  of  sympathy  for 
the  inhabitants  of  Frenchtown,  who  were  threatened 
with  an  Indian  massacre,  an  imprudent  step  was 
taken  by  the  Americans.  Gen.  Winchester  had  ta 
ken  post  at  the  rapids,  when  he  received  a  pressing 
request  from  those  inhabitants,  for  his  protection. 
Accordingly,  he  despatched  Col.  Lewis  with  300 
men  for  their  relief.  On  his  arrival,  he  found  the 
Indians  already  in  possession  of  the  place,  but  he  at 
tacked  them  in  their  works,  and  drove  them  from  the 
place,  and  encamped  on  the  same  ground.  Two 
days  after,  20  December,  Gen.  Winchester  arrived 
with  the  main  army.  Their  force  now  consisted  of 
750  men.  These  operations  went  on  without  the 
knowledge  of  Gen.  Harrison,  the  commander  in  chief, 
whose  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  country, 
convinced  him  of  their  extreme  danger.  French- 
town  is  situated  only  20  miles  from  Maiden,  a  strong 
British  post,  of  a  guperiour  force  to  the  Americans, 


APPENDIX.  343 

and  the  intervening  waters  were  covered  with  solid 
ice.  It  was  also  70  miles  from  any  American 
place,  from  whence  they  could  expect  supplies. 
Their  situation  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  Brit 
ish.  Col.  Proctor,  with  600  English  and  above 
1000  Indians  under  the  two  Indian  chiefs,  Splitlog 
and  Roundhead,  appeared  before  their  camp  at  day 
break,  on  the  22  January,  1813,  and  immediately 
began  the  attack.  The  Americans'  works  not  being 
large  er^ugh  to  contain  their  small  force,  150  were 
posted  wit'hout.  The  numbers  of  the  enemy  enabled 
him  to  dispose  of  his  force,  as  to  cut  off  all  means  of 
retreat.  The  attack  was  first  made  on  those  without 
the  fort,  who  were  soon  forced  to  give  way.  They 
fled  across  the  river,  and  were  pursued  by  the  ene 
my,  and  cut  to  pieces.  One  hundred  men,  in  two 
companies,  left  the  works,  and  went  over  to  their  as 
sistance,  and  shared  the  same  horrid  fate.  General 
Winchester  and  Col.  Lewis,  in  some  manoeuvre,  were 
taken  prisoners.  The  little  army  now  in  possession 
of  the  pickets,  maintained  the  unequal  fight  until  1 1 
of  the  clock,  when  Gen.  Winchester  capitulated  for 
them.  It  was  particularly  stipulated  that  the  wound 
ed  should  be  protected  from  the  savages.  The 
army  still  consisted  of  upwards  of  500  men,  and  not 
until  a  flag  had  passed  three  times  would  they  con 
sent  to  surrender.  But  knowing  their  situation 
to  be  desperate,  they  consented  under  assurance 
from  the  British  officer,  that  their  lives  and  proper 
ties  should  be  protected.  We  shall  now  see,  with 
what  faith  the  semi  barbarian,  Proctor,  acted.  No 
sooner  had  this  brave  band  submitted,  than  they  saw 
what  was  to  follow.  The  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife  were  indiscriminately  employed  among  the 
dead  and  wounded ;  officer's  side  arms  were  wrest 
ed  from  them,  and  many  stript  and  robbed.  About 
60  wounded  Americans  strewed  the  battle  ground, 
who,  by  the  kindness  of  the  inhabitants  were  remov 
ed  into  houses.  But  horrid  to  tell,  the  next  day  a 
30 


350  APPENDIX. 

body  of  those  savages  were  permitted  to  return,  and 
after  scalping  and  murdering  to  their  content,  se* 
fire  to  the  town,  and  all  were  buried  beneath  the 
conflagration,  except  a  few  that  could  travel,  who 
were  marched  into  the  wilderness. 

Defence  of  fort  Meigs.  General  Harrison  had 
established  his  head  quarters  at  Frariklintown,  previ 
ous  to  the  battle  of  the  river  Raisin,  for  the  greater 
facility  of  transmitting  orders,  &c.,  to  the  different 
posts.  After  that  affair  took  place,  he  concentrated 
his  forces,  consisting  of  1200  men,  at  the  Rapids, 
and  there  threw  up  a  fort,  which,  in  honour  of  the 
Governour  of  Ohio,  was  called  fort  Meigs.  The  ene 
my  made  their  appearance  about  the  28  April,  and 
soon  after,  began  to  construct  batteries  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  river.  But  in  this  business  they 
proceeded  slowly,  from  the  annoyance  of  fort  Meigs, 
and  were  obliged  to  perform  their  labours  in  the 
night.  They  at  length  succeeded  in  erecting  two 
batteries  of  heavy  cannon,  and  a  mortar.  These  be 
gan  furiously  to  play  upon  the  American  works,  but 
were  several  times  silenced.  Proctor  sent  an  inso 
lent  summons  to  Harrison,  to  surrender  ;  he  returned 
an  answer  according  as  it  merited.  The  siege  was 
continued,  and  the  Indians  from  the  tops  of  the  trees 
fired  into  the  fort  and  killed  several  men.  General 
Harrison  now  received  information,  that  two  regi 
ments  from  Ohio,  which  were  expected,  were  near 
at  hand.  He  despatched  orders  to  their  General 
for  a  party  to  attack  the  enemy's  works  at  one  point, 
while  a  party  from  the  fort,  should  act  simultaneous 
ly  on  another  part.  Eight  hundred  men  under  Col. 
Dudley  of  the  Ohio  men,  and  another  body  under 
Col.  Miller,  were  immediately  in  motion*  Col.  Dud 
ley  led  his  men  up  in  the  face  of  the  enemy's  cannon, 
and  every  battery  was  carried,  almost  in  an  instant, 
and  the  British  and  Indians  fled  with  great  precipi 
tation.  These  fugitives  were  met  by  a  large  body  of 
Indians  under  Gen.  Teeumseh*  This  famous  war- 


APPENDIX.  351 

riour,  expecting  the  Americans  to  pursue,  formed  an 
ambush,  and  waited  their  approach.  Col.  Dudley's 
men  were  so  elated  at  their  success,  that  they  could 
not  be  restrained  from  pursuing  the  fugitives,  although 
their  Colonel  used  his  utmost  endeavours.  They 
accordingly  pressed  on,  and  immediately  found  them 
selves  surrounded  by  the  savages.  Here  another 
horrid  slaughter  followed  ;  but,  different  from  that 
at  Pv,aisin,  for  Tecumseh  interposed  for  the  lives  of 
those  that  surrendered,  and  not  like  Proctor,  did  he 
turn  his  back  on  those  barbarities.  He  even  laid  a 
chief  de.ad  at  his  feet,  for  persisting  in  the  massacre. 
About  650  men  were  killed  and  missing  in  this  af 
fair.  The  lamented  Dudley  was  among  the  former 
The  party  under  Col.  Miller,  performed  their  part 
admirably,  and  after  spiking  the  cannon,  returned  to 
camp  with  upwards  of  40  prisoners.  These  opera 
tions  made  the  enemy  relinquish  his  design,  and  he 
immediately  drew  off.  The  distinguished  names  of 
Croghan,  Todd,  Johnson,  Sedgwick,  Ritzen,  Stod- 
dard,  and  Butler  will  live  in  the  annals  of  their  coun 
try.  The  last  mentioned  was  a  son  of  Gen.  Butler, 
who  fell  in  St.  Clair's  defeat. 

Battle  of  the  Moravian  towns,  and  death  of  Te 
cumseh.  After  the  great  naval  victory  on  the  lake, 
achieved  by  the  American  fleet,  under  the  gallant 
Perry,  Proctor  abandoned  Maiden,  and  took  a  posi 
tion  on  the  river  Thames.  His  precipitate  move 
ments  were  displeasing  to  Tecumseh,  who  thought 
the  situation  of  his  brethren  entirely  disregarded,  by 
their  being  left  open  to  the  Americans.  In  a  speech 
to  Proctor,  he  reprobates  his  conduct  in  very  pointed 
terms.  He  says,  "The  war  before  this,  [meaning  the  re 
volution]  our  British  father  gave  the  hatchet  to  his  red 
children,  when  our  old  chiefs  were  alive.  They  are  now 
dead.  In  that  war  our  father  [the  king]  was  thrown  on 
his  back  by  the  Americans,  and  ,he  afterward  took 
them  by  the  hand  without  our  knowledge,  and  we  are 
afraid  he  will  do  so  again  at  this  time.  Listen,  you 
told  us  to  bring  our  families  to  this  place,  and  we 


352  APPENDIX. 

did  so.  You  promised  to  take  care  of  them,  and 
that  they  should  want  for  nothing.  Our  ships  have 
gone  one  way,  and  we  are  very  much  astonished  to 
see  our  father  [Proctor]  tying  up  every  thing,  and 
preparing  to  run  away  the  other.  You  always  told 
us  you  never  could  draw  your  foot  off  British  ground ; 
but  now,  father,  we  see  you  are  drawing  back  with 
out  seeing  the  enemy.  We  must  compare  our  fa 
ther's  conduct  to  a  fat  animal,  that  carries  his  tail  on 
his  back,  but  when  affrighted,  drops  it  between  its 
legs  and  runs  off."  This  though  a  few  detached  para 
graphs,  will  serve  to  give  some  acquaintance  with 
the  great  chief.  Proctor,  after  considerable  manoeu 
vring,  was  unable  to  escape  with  all  his  baggage, 
being  hard  pressed  by  Harrison  in  every  move  up 
the  Thames.  At  length  the  two  armies  met  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Moravian  towns,  5  October  1813,  and 
a  fierce  battle  was  fought.  Tecumseh's  Indians 
were  in  possession  of  a  thick  wood,  who,  with  the 
British  regulars,  had  formed  their  line  of  battle,  on 
advantageous  ground.  Gen.  Harrison,  with  his  aids, 
Com.  Perry,  Capt.  Butler,  and  Gen.  Cass,  led  the 
front  line,  while  Col.  Johnson,  with  the  mounted  men, 
was  ordered  to  charge  at  full  speed,  and  break  their 
line.  They  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  though 
the  horses  recoiled  on  receiving  the  fire  of  the  Brit 
ish  and  Indians,  yet,  it  was  momentary,  and  their  im 
petuosity  bore  down  all  before  them.  The  enemy's 
line  was  broken  in  an  instant  and  Johnson's  mount 
ed  men  were  formed  on  their  rear,  and  poured  in  a 
tremendous  fire  upon  them.  The  British  officers 
finding  it  in  vain  to  rally  again  at  this  point,  surren 
dered.  A  body  of  savages  under  Tecumseh,  still 
disputed  the  ground,  and  Col.  Johnson  fell,  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fight,  almost  covered  with  wounds. 
Tecumseh  in  person  flew  towards  him,  with  his  toma 
hawk  raised,  to  give  him  the  fatal  blow.  Johnson, 
though  faint  from  loss  of  blood,  had  strength  to  draw 
his  pistol,  and  laid  Tecumseh  dead  at  his  feet 


APPENDIX, 

When  the  mighty  chief  fell,  the  Indians  all  left  the 
ground.  At  another  point,  a  division  attempted  to 
make  an  impression  upon  the  American  infantry,  but 
the  venerable  Gov.  Shelby  (one  of  the  heroes  of 
King's  mountain)  supported  them  with  another  regi 
ment,  and  the  enemy  were  immediately  routed. 
The  hottest  of  the  fight  was  where  Tecumseh  and 
Johnson  fell.  Thirty  Indians  and  six  Americans  lay 
within  a  few  yards  of  the  spot.  Proctor  fled  with 
great  precipitation,  but  his  carriage  was  taken  with 
all  his  papers,  and  even  his  sword.  Eight  pieces  of 
artillery  were  taken,  six  of  which  were  brass.  Three 
of  these  were  trophies  of  the  revolution,  which  were 
surrendered  by  Hull.  The  Americans  had  not  above 
50  killed  and  wounded.  Of  the  British  600  were  ta 
ken  prisoners,  and  70  killed  and  wounded,  and  up 
wards  of  a  hundred  Indians  were  left  on  the  field. 
Thus  ended  the  Indian  wars  in  the  west.  Their 
combination  was  now  entirely  broken  up,  and  the 
frontier  settlements,  which  for  a  long  time  had  en 
dured  all  the  horrours  of  Indian  barbarities,  were,  in 
some  degree,  liberated. 

30* 

FINIS. 


ADDITIONAL  NOTES  AND  CORRECTIONS. 

On  page  xv,  a  note  should  have  followed  the  word  Hirci- 
nian,  and  mention  made,  that  Hyrcania  is  now  the  method 
of  writing  the  name  of  that  ancient  country  ;  and,  that  of 
course,  the  adjective  would  differ  from  that  used  in  the  text. 

On  page  22,  the  citation  "  Magnalia,  II,  486,"  in  line  6 
and  7  from  top  of  notes,  should  have  followed  the  preceding 
sentence. 

On  page  5,  line  5,  from  bottom  of  text,  read  Dellano  for 
Delano. 

On  page  114,  note  1,  in  the  word  Matapoiset,  the  first* 
should  be  doubled. 

On  page  200,  line  6,  from  bottom  of  text,  read  Amerasco- 
gen  for  Ameresscogen. 

On  page  281,  line  4,  from  top  of  text,  read  John  Brown 
tor  Jos.  firown. 

Though  in  the  old  copy  it  was  printed  as  I  give  it,  yet,  the 
same  person  is  meant,  I  think,  as  on  page  252,  line  5,  from 
top  of  text. 

On  page  289,  strike  out  the  words  previous  to  this  time, 
from  line  8,  from  bottom  of  text. 

The  late  appearance  of  Judge  Davis'  edition  of  "  Mor 
ton's  Memorial,"  prevented  my  profiting  in  time  from  his  in 
valuable  information  on  Philip's  war  ;  and,  I  can  only  refer 
the  reader  to  his  book,  where,  though,  as  he  says  of  another, 
f  he  may  have  announced  more  than  will  be  discerned,"  yet, 
it  will  not  be  less  interesting  to  all. — Though  my  limits  are. 
very  narrow,  I  cannot  close  this  note,  without  reminding  the 
reader,  that  the  manner  of  the  death  of  Alexander,  as  relat 
ed  in  my  notes,  is  incorrect.  It  appears  from  the  honourable 
author  just  mentioned,  that  no  compulsive  means  were  used 
or  necessary,  to  make  him  visit  Plymouth,  but  that  he  went 
there  cheerfully,  and  left  on  friendly  terms  to  return  home  j 
but  in  2  or  3  days,  something  called  him  that  way  again, 
and  he  was  taken  sick  at  Maj.  Window's  house,  from  whence 
he  was  conveyed  home,  and  died  soon  after. — The  cite  of  the 
great  swamp  fight  at  Narraganset,  the  Judge  thinks  13 
wrongly  stated  in  this  history,  with  respect  to  its  distance 
from  the  south  ferry  ;  and,  that  17  miles  would  compare  bet 
ter  than  7.  Mr.  Hoyt  agrees  with  Church,  and  I  have  not 
had  opportunity  to  satisfy  myself. 

Little  time  has  been  found  to  compare  and  examine  for  er- 
rours,  which  will  unavoidably  appear  too  numerous  in  a 
work  of  this  kind  ;  in  punctuation,  in  particular,  it  is  re- 
grctedj  that  they  are  so  prevalent. 


[8551 


INDEX. 


IN  the  following  Index,  some  explanations  may  be  wanting,  as  it  differs 
from  works  of  this  kind  in  general.  All  Indian  names  of  places  are  given  ; 
but  places  having  only  an  English  name,  are  not  given,  unless  they  have 
been  noted  for  some  depredation,  or  having  their  situations  described. 
And  as  every  circumstance  in  a  history  may  be  found  by  an  Index  of  pro 
per  names,  it  was  thought  needless  to  name  them,  as  it  only  increases  pro 
lixity. 

Issawomset  27,  97. 
.suhmequin   133,  134, 135,  142. 
tubert  carries  off  natives  287. 

Lieut.,  killed  314. 
Iwashonks  21  to  27,  57,  76  to  8£ 
85  to  92,  111. 

B. 

Baker  Thomas  190. 
Baker  Lieut.,  killed  275. 
Barlow's  Columbiad  iv,  46, 128. 

Barns 102. 

Barrow  Sam  115,  119 

Baxter 49 

Bean  Cap.,  killed  347. 

Beard ,  killed  313. 

Beers  Cap.,  killed  54. 
Belcher  Cap.  Andrew  62,  253. 

Belcher  Mr.,  wounded  33. 

Bellomont  Gov.  250. 

Belknap's  Amer.  Biog.  xv,  24,  32, 
134,  287,  '8,  '9,  293,  '4,  299,  300. 
Belknap's  Hist.  N.  H.  xiii,  21,  152. 
161,  164,  186, 187,  203, 259,  284,, 
289,  315,  331. 

Bennet  Sergeant  57. 

Benython  Cap.  311. 

Berry  Lieut.,  killed  347. 

Billington  John  297. 

Blin  Cap.  327. 

Bliss  Mr.  A.  136. 

Boad 226. 

Bomazeen  329,  killed  §30. 

Bourne  Cap.  328. 

Bowen  Peter  337,  338. 

Bozman's  Hist,  177. 

iBracket  Cap.  166,  191,  224, 28«,  '7. 

.Bradford  Maj.  30,  55,  64,  85,  96. 


Acushnet  98. 

Adams'  Hist.  Neweng.  30, 32, 49,  68. 
Adams  President  John  151. 
Adams  Samuel  xii. 
Addington  Isaac  157,  217,  251. 
Agamenticus  24. 
Agawom  89,  119,  144,  298. 
Agincourt  battle  265. 
Akkompoin,  Philip's  uncle,killed  110 
Albemarl  Duke  of  207.  [238 

Alden  Cap.  John  196,  197,  201,228 
Alden  John  297. 
Alden  William  226. 
Alderman  47,  kills  Philip  126. 
Alexander  dies  18,  134,  148. 
Allen's  Biog.  Diet,  xii,  xiv,  24,  28 
31,  38,  133, 145,  150,  '2,  '6,  207 
Allen  Samuel  181. 
Allen  Thomas  181. 
Allerton  John  297. 

Allerton  Mr.  Isaac  297. 

Almy  Cap.  John  18,  40. 

Andover  220. 

Andros  Cq>.  Elisha  194,  201,  204. 

Androscoggin  184,  186. 

Andros  Sir  Edmund  120,  150,  151 
152,  154, 164,  173,  250. 

Annawon  xiv,  106,  124,  127,  129 
131,  132,  133,  134,  136,  137,  ta 
ken  138,  put  to  death  146. 

Annnawon's  rock  136. 

Aponaganset  50,  51,  98,  100. 

Appleton  Maj.  Samuel  55,  57. 

Aquetneck  19. 

Arrowsike  163,  169,  327 

Arruhawikwabcmt  324. 


INDEX. 


Bradford  Mr.  Wm.   290,  294,  296 

29.7,  300,  301,  302. 
Bradstreet  Gov.  152,  157. 
JBraton  Stephen  197. 
Brewster  Mr.  William  297. 
Bridgewater  25. 

Bridgway  Jarman  228,  229,  230. 
Britterige  Richard  296,  297. 
Broclebank  Cap.,  killed  70. 
.Brookfield  53. 
Brown  Cap.  John  252,  281. 
Brown  Mr.  James  27,  29,  31. 
Brown  Peter  297. 
JBulkley  Gershom  62. 
Bull's  garrison  57. 
Bump  John  144. 
Butler  Cap.  351,  352. 

c. 

-CalePs  Hist,  witchcraft  196,  220. 
Canonchet  73,  taken  107,  killed  108. 
Canonicus,  killed  104. 
•Canton  Corporal,  taken  234. 
Carver    Gov.    John  133,    296,  297, 

298,  dies  301,  302. 
Carver's  Travels  21. 
Castine  Baron  De  St.  152, 164,  165, 

176,  219,  226,  233,  261. 
Caughnewaga,  318. 
Cawley  Robert  226,  228. 
Chamberlain  John  334. 
.Champlain  Cap.  220. 
Chelmsford  64. 

Chesty 312. 

Chignecto  228,  282. 

Chilton  James  297. 

Chubb  Cap.  219,  killed  220. 

Chubb  Sergeant,  killed  326. 

Church  Benjamin  xii. 

Church  Deac.  Benj.  xii. 

Church  Charles  xii. 

Church  Caleb  xi,  197.        [274,  281. 

Church  Cap.  Constant  xi,  251,  257, 

Church  Edward  xii,  252,  281, 

Church  Joseph  xi. 

Church  Thomas  xi. 

Clark  Cap.  Wm.  253, 

Clark  Gov.  153. 

Clark  Lieut.  169. 

Clark  Richard  297. 

Clark's  garrison  72,  96. 

Clark's  island  299. 

Clinton  Hon.  De  Witt  68. 

Cocheco  161,  314. 

Coddington  Gov.  Wm.  38. 

Cole  Col.  B.  339,  340. 

Cole  Cap.  James  252,  264,  281. 


Colman  Dr.  Benjamin  iv. 
Conestogoe  massacre  342  to  345. 
Conscience,  taken  149. 
Contoocook  317,  337.  f"7  '8. 

Converse  Cap.  James  189,  192, 194, 
Cook  Cap.  John  252,  '7,  274,  281. 
Cook  Elisha  160. 
Cook  Francis  297. 
Cook  John  101. 
Cousins  Isaac,  killed  314. 
Crackston  John  296,  297. 
Cranfield  Gov.  186. 

ranston  Gov.  John  38,  39,  62. 
Croghan  Geo.  351. 

Cross ,  lulled  314. 

Cudworth  Maj.  30,  35,  36,  37. 
Curwin  Jonathan  221. 

ush.net  98. 

D. 

D'Aillebout  318. 
Dariforth  Gov,.  15P,  160,  166. 
Dartmouth  50,  51. 
D'Aubri  Nicholas  187. 
davenport  Cap.,  killed  58. 

.      Col.,  killed  347. 
Davis  C.ip.  Silvanus  160,  163. 
D'Caliers  320. 
Deborahuel  225. 
Decrfield  54,  243,  321. 
Demot,  187. 

3ennison  Cap.  56,  64,  73,  107 
)ermer  Cap.  Thomas  301. 
D'Frontenac  Count  224,  230. 

Dillano 101  to  105. 

D'Mantel  318. 
D'Monts  220. 
Doriey  184, 185,  190. 
Dorey  Edward  296,  297. 
Douglass'  Hist.  42,  51,   52,  74,  98, 

142,  145,  245,  256,  259,  271,  277, 

284,  286. 

Drake  Sir  Francis  287. 
Dubois  282,  284. 

Dudley  Col.,  lulled  351.    [256,  285. 
Dudley  Gov.  Joseph  250,  251,  253, 
Dudley  Thomas  152,  249. 
Dustan  Mrs.  Hannah  315  to  317. 
Dwight  Dr.  146,  308. 
Dyer  Cap.  John  252,  281. 
D'Young  261. 

E. 

Earl  Ralph  51,  52.  \ 

Eaton  Francis  297. 
Edee  Sergeant  269. 
Edmonds  Cap:  52,  176. 


INDEX. 


Eels  Cap.  51,  52. 

Eliot  Rev.  John  21. 

Eliot  Cap.  John  326,  327. 

Eliot's  Biog.  Dictionary  28,  62, 145, 

150,  152,  179,  181,  207,  216. 
Eliot  Robert  206. 


Endecott  Cap.  305,  306. 


[21. 


English,  probable  numbers  of  in  1675, 
English  Thomas  297. 

Farmer  and  Morc's   Collections  xii, 
103,  257,  296,  331,335,  336,  338. 
Fallriver  xv,  48. 
Fernald  William  206. 
Fivenations  68. 
Fletcher  Moses  296,  297. 
Fogland  ferry  42. 
Forbes  William  101,  209,  215. 
Forefathers'  day  300. 
Forefathers'  rock  300. 
Frontenac  Gov.  224,  230. 
Frost  Cap.  313. 
Frost  Major  203,  206 
Frye  Cap.  James  334. 
Fryer  Cap.  Nathaniel  203,  206. 
Fryc  Rev.  Mr.  330,  wounded  334. 


Hall  Cap.  Nathaniel  156,  158,  170» 
Hammond  William,  killed  33.    [171. 
Hancamagus  186. 
Hanno  xv. 

Harman  Cap.  326,  328,  329,  330 
Harradon  Cap.  John  256,  281. 
Harrison  Gen.  346,  347,  350. 
karris'  Hist.  Dorchester  178. 
Hatch  Cap.  206. 
Hatfield  55. 
Havens  Jack  86,  90. 
Hawkins  186,  187,  188,  194. 
Hawthorne  John  161,  196,  221,  238, 

239,  241,  242. 
Hazelton  Charles  22. 
Henchman,  Cap.  47,  52,  53. 
Hill  Cap.  284. 
Hilton  Maj.   Winthrop,   killed  257, 

263,  270,  273,  274,  279,  281,  284. 
Hinkley  Gov.  Thomas  20,  153,  155, 

160,  180,  182. 
Holmes'  Amer.   Annals   xii,  21,  34, 

49,  54,  55,  69,   70,  96,  108,  135, 

150, 152,  153,  177,  207,  270,  276, 

287,  289,  290,  294,  298. 
Honeywel  Lieut.  203,236. 


Fuller  Cap.  36  to  39 
Fullam  Sergeant,  killed  334 
Fuller  Edward  297. 
Fuller  Mr.  Samuel  297. 

G. 

Gage  Gen.  290. 

Gallop  Cap.  killed  58. 

Gallop  Cap.  John  304,  305. 

Gardiner  Cap.  killed  58. 

Gardiner  Richard  296. 

George  21,  79.  [221. 

Gidney  Col.  Bartholomew  196,  220, 

Giles  Lieut.  271. 

Gill  Mr.  32,  33. 

Goff  General  54,  55. 

Golding  Cap.  45,  46,  120,  to  123. 

Gold  island  43. 

Goodman  John  297. 

Gorham   Cap.   John  221,  247.  252, 

255,  262,  270,  273,  279,  281. 
Gorton  Rev.  Samuel  28,  104. 
Gosnold  Bartholomew  287. 
Gourdan  Mons.  260,  263,  taken  265 

267,  268,  270,  283. 
Green  island  257. 
Grenville  Sir  Richard  287. 
Grimstone  291. 

H. 

Hadley  108. 
Halifax  fort  214. 


Hook  Francis  206. 

Hopkins  Gen.  347. 

Hopkins  Mr.  Stephen  94,  297. 

Rowland  Isaac  89,  90,  91,  114. 

Rowland  Jabez  88,  89, 114, 118, 127 

131,  143. 

Rowland  John  89,  114,  297. 
Hoyt's  Researches  55,  68,  354. 
Hubbard's  Narrative  xiv,  20,  21,  22, 

27,  28,  30,  32,  34,  35,  36,  37,  39, 
43,   47,  49,    52,  54,  55,    56,    57, 
63,    69,     73,  91,   106,  109,  110, 
112,   114,   117,   118,  124,     126, 
134,  139,  142,  144, 146,  148,  149, 
166,  196,  201,  209,  228,  303,  309, 
311,  314,  330. 

Hubbard  Rev.  Wm.  xiv. 
Huckings  Mrs.  187,  188. 
Hudibras  24. 
Hunt  Cap.  288,  289,  301. 
Hunter  Cap.  49. 
Hutchinson  Maj.  201. 
Hiltchinson  Cap.  36,  53. 
Hutchinson's  History  iii,  xiii,  xiv,  20, 

28,  29,  30,  31,  32,  34,  36,  37,  49, 
50,  63,  68,  74,  96,  103,  120,  133 
134,  135,  145,  146, 154,  163,  177 
178,  220,  221,  228,  230,  238,  241, 
256,  265,  277, 278,  284,  285, 290, 
296,  323. 

Hyrcania  xv,  354. 


358 


INDEX. 


I. 

Jbe'ville  219,  220. 
Ingersol  Lieut.  814. 
Indian  bridge  336,  337. 
Indians,  number  of  in  1675,  20. 
Irish  Mrs.  xv. 
Jroquois  224. 

JJaques  Lieut.  329. 
Jarvis  Cap.  271. 
Jetfories  150. 
Johnson  Cap     killed  58. 
Joans  Cap.  295. 

•Keekaznuit  34. 
Kennebeck  171. 

Keyes  Solomon,  wounded  333. 
Kickapoos  346. 
Kimball  Thomas,  killed  315. 
King  Cap.  206. 


[xiii. 


King,  no  such  dignity  among  Indians 
Kirk  Sir  David  150/ 

L. 

Lafaure  161 ,  258,  264. 

Lake 41. 

Lake  Cap.,  killed  163. 
,Lamh  Cap.  Joshua  252,  281. 
Lancaster  64,  259. 
Larking  Cap.  2:36. 
Laforil  Mr.  236. 
Laihrup  Cap.  Joseph  200. 
.Lathrop  Cap.,  killed  54. 
Lal.hrop  John  181. 
i.ce  Abraham,  killed  163. 
Lee  Mrs.  163,  164. 
Lee  Rev.  Samuel  xii,  199. 
Leister  Edward  297. 


Marty n  Richard  206. 

Mason  Cap.  John  306,  307,  308. 

Mason  Samuel  160.  [301,  340. 

Massassoit  xiii,  18, 94, 110,  133, 134, 

Mather's  Magnalia  xii,  xiv,  20,  22, 
26,  47,  50, 65, 126,  145,  169,  170, 
171,  176, 177,  179,  184,  187,  189, 
191,  192,  202,  206,  207,  210,  213, 
220,  240,  241,  315,  317,  339,  341. 

Mattapoiset  32,  105. 

Mattatoag  104. 

Maxfield  Mr. 179. 

Mayflower,  a  ship  294. 

Mayr  point  191. 

Medfield  64. 

Menis  231,  taken  274. 

Mcnival  Gov.  278. 

Merrymeeting  bay  325. 

Metacomet  xiii. 

Middleborough  51,  65,  93. 

Miles  Rev.  John  31,  32. 

Miuot's  Hist.  214. 

Mogg,  killed  330. 

Mohawks  54,  68,  142,  224. 

Mohegans  17. 

Mouhcgan  222. 

Monogenest  233. 

Mooanam  134. 

Monopoide  107. 

Montinicus  161,  255. 

Montreal  224,  320. 

Morse  and  Parish's  Hist.  Neweng- 
land  124,  339, 340. 

Morse's  Annals  31,  124,  126,  138. 

Morton's  Memorial  xiii,  23,  27,  28, 
30,  89,  133,  134,  154,  249,  251, 
289,  295,  296,  298,  299,  301. 


Morton  Thomas  23,  24. 
[152.|Mosely  Cap.  Samuel  56,  57. 
'Leverett   Gov.    John    52,   dies  145,!;y[ossipee  184,  283. 
.Lightibot  Cap.  100, 104,  '5,  111,  167.  Moulton  Cap.  326,  328,  329,  330. 


JLittleeyes  25,  taken  99,  104. 
Littlefield  Cap.  John  200,  203. 
•Lovuwell  Cap.  John  330  to  336. 

M. 

jVIagnus  Queen  103,  108. 
Makin  Thomas  xvi,   148,  346. 
Manhattans  303. 
JMansell  Sir  Robert  220. 
Mala«/:ish  327. 
Maquas  224. 
Alaqm.it.  189,  206. 
March  Cap.  206,  286. 
..Margesou  Edmund  296,  297. 
Marlborough  64,  65 
.Marshall  Cap.,  killed  58. 
>Iartm  Mr.  Christopher  297. 


Mounthope  22. 

Mullins  Mr.  William  297. 

Munponset  94,  95. 

Myrick  Cap.  Isaac  252,  264,  281. 

N. 

Namskeket  299.  [108. 

Nanunttenoo,  taken  107,  put  to  death 
Narragansets  xiii,  17,  18,  number  of 

in  1675,  20,  36,  54. 
Naskeag  236,  252. 
Nathaniel  129,  130, 131. 
Nauset  299. 

Neff  Miss  Mary  315,  316,  317. 
Nemasket  96. 
Netops  67,  91. 
Newengland  gift  284. 


Newichwannock  31". 
Nicholson  Col.  185,  278,   M7. 
Nihantick  307. 
Ninigret  104,  108. 
Nipmueks  53,  65,  69. 
Nipnet  91. 
Nomquid  85. 
Norridgwock  237,  329. 
Northfield  54. 

Norton  Cap.,  killed  303,  3C4. 
Nunnaquahquat  39. 
Nunnuit  Peter  27,  57. 

o. 


OldharnMr.  John,  killed  303,  304,'5jQmibaog  53,  118. 


Poppasqiidsh  127,  129. 

Potock  63. 

Prentice  (Jap.  Thomas  32,  56,  60. 

Prince  Gov.  18,  339. 

Prince's  Chronology  vii,  xiii,  24,  94.. 

135,  289,  294,  296. 
Pring  Martin  288. 
Proud'sHist.  xvi,  1483  342,  345. 
Providence  64. 
Pumharn,  killed  56,  63,  104. 
Punkatees  battle  37  to  46. 
Purchase  Mr. 300. 

a. 


Omens  20,  126. 
Osaiuekin  340. 
Otis  James  xii. 
Owens  Col.,  killed  347, 

P. 

Paine  Lieut.  John  228. 
Passammaquoddy  236. 
Patuxet  52. 
Paugus,  killed  334. 
Pawcatuck  river  307. 
Peasfield  battle  37  to  46. 
Pejepscot  179,  184, 190,  206. 
Penamaquid  209,  210,  219. 
Penn  Gov.  John  343. 
Penn  Gov.  William  342. 


- 

,  261, 


m 

256,  257,  258, 


.        , 
277,  284,  324,  325,  330,  332,  333.  Rouv.lle  321,  322. 


Quadequinah  110. 
Quaucut  39. 
Quebeck  177,  234. 
Qunnapin  103,  104,  111. 

R. 

Ralegh  Sir  Walter  287,  293. 
Ralle  Sebastian  325,  329,  killed  330 
Ramsdel  Joseph  194. 
Rehoboth  36,  64. 
Ridgdale  John  296,  297. 
Robertson's  Hist.  Amer.  xv.  301 
Robins  Lieut.,  killed  334. 

Robinson  Mr. ,  killed  312 

Robinson  John  326,  327. 
Robinson  Rev.  John  290. 

.  Geo.  256,  257,  281 
ger*  Thos.  297, 


Pennacook  161,  186. 

Peperel  Mr.  254. 

Pequots  17,  war  with  302. 

Perpodack  192. 

Peter  57, 77,  84,  88,  124. 

Philip  King  xiii,  origin  of  his  name 

18,  killed  123. 
Philips  Gov.  326. 
Phillips'  garrison  311. 
Phips   Sir  Wm.  152,  154,  163,   175, 

177,  207,  208,  212,  214,  216,  234, 

278,  339. 

Pierce  Cap.  64,  killed  72. 
Pigwocket  161,  331. 
Pike  Maj.  Robert  182,  183, 184,  203 
Pitkm  Win.  160. 
Plaisted  Lieut.  203. 
Planted  Roger  196,  killed  313. 
PUimcr  Col.  Daniel  257. 
Pluraer  Gov.  Wm.  203. 
Plymouth  17,  65. 
Pocasset  19,  27. 
Pokanoket  xiii,  18,  22,  29. 
Pophaiu  Sir  Johu  171. 


Rowlandson  Mrs.  103, 
Russel's  garrison  51. 

s. 

Sabatis  337,  killed  333. 
Sabin  87. 
Sachueeset  85. 
Sagadahock  171, 201. 
Samoset  301. 

Sandford  Maj.  102,  120, 121. 
Sassacus,  killed  308. 
Sassamon  19,  21,  27. 
Savage  Ensign  34. 
Savage  Maj.  35,  36. 
Scattacook  68,  320. 
Schenactada  318. 
Schuyler  Maj.  319,  321. 
Scituate  65. 
Sconticut  104. 

Scottaway  Cap.  172,  173, 176. 
Shanelere,  killed  235. 
Sharke«  Mons.  260,  *7,  *9, 282. 
Sharp  Lieut.,  killed  70. 
Shawomet  90. 


360 


INDEX 


Sherburn  Cap.  206. 

Siely  Cap.,  killed  58. 

Siene,  a  ship  271. 

Signecto  228,  282. 

Sippican  89,  106,  143. 

Sixnations  68,  320. 

Skakit  299. 

Smallpox  178, 195. 

Smith  Cap.  John  222,  288,  801. 

Smith  Cap.  Thos.  256,  '7,281. 

Smith  Maj.  56,  62.  [224,  319 

Smith's  Hist.  Newyork  xiii,  68,  180. 

Smkhson  Cap.  228. 

Snow's  Hist.  Boston  145, 178. 

Sogkonateix,  19. 

Sogkonesset  74. 

Soule   George  297.  [281,  327. 

Southack   Cap.    Cyprian   238,   255. 

Sonthworth  Nath.  89,  170,  192, 193. 

Speedwell,  a  ship  294. 

Squakeag  54. 

Squando  309. 

Squannaconk  124,  132,  136. 

Squanto  301. 

Standish  Cap.  134,  297.  » 

Stone  Cap.  303,  304. 

Stoughton  Gov.  Wm.  216. 

Subercase  Gov.  276. 

Sudbury  65,  69,  70. 

Sullivan's  Hist.  Maine  160, 163, 164, 
'6,  '9,  171,  '6,  '9,  180,  '7,  '9,  190, 
'1,  '2,  214,  222,  '3,  '6,  236,'7, 311. 

T. 

Taconn«t214,  328. 
Talcot  Maj.  108,  117,  '8. 
Tecumseh  346,  350,  '1,  killed  352. 
Tilley  Edward  296,  297. 
Tilley  John  296,  297. 
Tinker  Thomas  297. 
Tippecanoe  battle  347.     [death  146. 
Tispaquin  96,  115,   142,   '4,  put  to 
Tockamona  111. 
Totoson  115,  '16,  '18,  '19. 
Treat  Maj.  Robert  54,  64. 
TrumbulPa  Hist.  U.   S.  xiii,  20,  29, 

50,68,  141,  819,320,330. 
TrumbulPs  Hist.  Con.  29,  37,  38,  50, 
'6,  62,  63,  73,  103,  '8,  126,  200, 
Tuisset  339.  [303/7 

Turner  Cap.  68,  '9,  305. 
Turner  John  297. 
Tyasks  106,  124. 

Umpame  23. 
Uneas,  killed  306. 
Ujid«rbill  Cap.  305,  807. 


V. 

Vaughan  Maj.  203,  206. 
Vaudreuil  Gov.  259,  285,  321,323, 
Villeau  Cap.  239. 
Villebon  192,231,  '4,  '5,241. 
Virginia,  ancient  limits  of  293,  294 

w. 

Wachuset  69,  80. 

Wadsworth  Cap.,  killed  70. 

Waldron  Maj.  161,  killed  162. 

Wallaston  Cap.  24. 

Walley  John  160,  177,  207,  215. 

Walton  Cap.  184,  '5,  203,  '6,  ;24. 

Wamesit  64. 

Wampanoags  xiii,  48. 

Wampom,  value  of  141,  '2. 
Vamsutta  134. 

Warren  Mr.  Richard  297. 

Warwick  56,  63,  64. 

Weetamore  27,  32,47,'8,  50,  '7, 103. 

Vepoiset  87.1 

Vequash  307. 

Vessagusset  24. 

Veymouth  64. 

Wheelwright  Esq.  John  200,  '& 
White  Mr.  Wm.  297. 

rVilcox  Daniel  17.     ' 

Villard  Cap.  Simon  156,  158. 

Villard  Maj.  54. 
Williams  Cap.  122. 
Williams'  Hist.  Vermont  321,  '3. 

Williamson  Cap.  Caleb  252,  2P1. 

Williamson's  Hist.  N.  Car.  68. 

Williams  Rev.  John  28-1,  321,  '3. 

Williams  Rev.  Roger  28,  68. 

W  illiams  Thomas  297. 

Wmcol  John  206,  314. 

Winepang  326. 

Winnipissaukee  325. 

Winslow  Gilbert  297. 

Winslow   Hon.    Josiah    26,  30,  52, 

55,  56,  64,  93,  147. 
Winslow  Josiah  328. 
Winslow  Mr.    Edward  26,  94,  133, 

134,  147,  297,  302,  340. 
Winthrop  Gov.  John  52. 
Winthrop's   Hist.    Neweng.  24,  91, 

96,  104,  145,  203,  303,  341. 
Wisememet,  killed  330. 
Witchcraft  156,  196,  216,  238,  241, 
Woosamequin  133,  134. 
Worumbos  186,  187,  '9  '94. 
Wyman  Seth  332,  '4. 

Y. 

York  Joseph  223,  226. 


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